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It seems to be antithetical to his life to compare journalist Michael Hastings to General George Patton, but they both worked extensively in war zones, and both met their ends in automobile accidents. Hastings is most famous for publishing a report in Rolling Stone magazine that brought down General Stanley McChrystal, then commander of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan. Hastings was also a journalist who critically examined U.S. foreign policy, the U.S. military, and the media’s relation to power. His take down of COIN (counterinsurgency) in his book The Operators is among the most important pieces of writing about military policy I’ve ever read, and gets to the heart of the hubris in thinking one can defeat an insurgency with military operations.
It was a privilege for me to be able to sit and watch a 2012 Netroots Nation panel on “progressive security policy” which featured Hastings, Ali Gharib, Kristin Lord, and Tom Perriello (Mother Jones’ Adam Weinstein moderated). Alone among the panelists, Hastings pushed backed on the idea of the existence of a progressive security policy. In the wake of confirmation of the NSA wiretapping program, the way drones have come to the front and center in recent months, and as we debate the policy of intervention into Syria, the loss of Michael Hastings will seriously handicap our ability to have an expansive conversation about U.S. national security. Progressives critical of overreaching foreign policy and the national security state will no longer have Hastings’ brilliant journalism to help broaden their ideas.
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In 2011, the General Assembly passed a controversial voter ID law over the objections of many civil rights, community, labor and open government groups concerned about its impact on voting rights for the poor, the elderly, racial minorities and other vulnerable groups. In seeking to mitigate the potential harm of this law, a House committee yesterday passed a “reform” bill, H-5776A, that could potentially leave even more Rhode Islanders unable to vote in the next election.
The 2011 law established a two-step process: a variety of photo and non-photo IDs would be considered acceptable identification in 2012, but more stringent photo-ID-only requirements would take effect for elections in 2014. This year, Rep. Larry Valencia introduced a bill to repeal the statute in its entirety. Instead, House Judiciary Committee approved a “compromise” purportedly designed to “freeze” the law in its 2012 form so that qualified voters would not be disenfranchised by implementation of the stricter photo ID requirement next year.
While less than ideal, passage of such a bill would have been an important and positive step. Unfortunately, that is not what the approved bill does.
The law approved two years ago specified certain forms of acceptable ID, but also granted the Board of Elections the ability to adopt regulations adding other forms of ID to the list. This legislation eliminates that authorization, and instead allows only three forms of non-photo ID – a birth certificate, social security card or government medical card – and seven specified forms of photo ID. This actually reduces the number of IDs that would be acceptable in 2014 under the current law and regulations. For example, the Board’s list includes employee photo IDs, public housing IDs, and current utility bills as acceptable documents. Though commonly accepted in the voter ID laws of other states, they would no longer be allowed under this bill.
More concretely, here are the numbers: In 2012, voters could present 23 forms of identification at the polling place. In 2014, if “photo ID” took effect, 13 forms of identification would be acceptable. Under this bill, however, only 10 forms of identification will be acceptable in 2014. In terms of the documents accepted, this would make Rhode Island one of the most restrictive states among those with non-photo voter ID laws.
In short, the bill is not a “freeze” of the current law; it instead eliminates numerous forms of ID that were accepted in 2012. The bill is thus likely to have little positive impact on the people and groups facing the greatest possibility of disenfranchisement next year, and may negatively impact others whose currently legitimate forms of ID, photo and non-photo, will now be deemed invalid.
However inadvertently, this bill appears to do the opposite of what was intended. We fervently hope that, in accordance with the vast majority of other states with non-photo ID laws, the House will instead amend the bill to allow the use of IDs that were acceptable in 2012 and avoid the unnecessary disenfranchisement of qualified voters in 2014.
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The fossil fuel industry is sitting on enough proven reserves to pump five times as much carbon pollution into atmosphere as it can withstand to still support a climate conducive to human civilization. The stock valuations of Big Oil and Big Coal are dependent on business plans that demands these reserves be burned. Indeed these companies are spending billions of dollars exploring for more. A way must be found to keep the dirty fuels in the ground. Unfortunately, the political power of the fossil fuel industry has thwarted every federal legislative effort to regulate carbon. It’s up to us now.
At Thursday’s Providence City Council meeting, a fossil fuel divestment resolution introduced by Majority Leader Seth Yurdin and backed by Council President Michael Solomon with enough other members to ensure passage will be taken up for consideration.
If the resolution passes (as seems likely), Providence will be the 16th municipality in the country to commit to divesting. Providence has a special place among the 16, because it will become the only Capital City and the biggest city on the East Coast to make this bold statement against what has truly become a rogue industry.
The fossil fuel divestment initiative, branded simply Fossil Free, is the brainchild of 350.org founder Bill McKibben who came to Brown University in November as part of his nationwide barnstorming “Do The Math” tour. The tour sparked a movement on college campuses across the country now at 300 schools and counting, including strong campaigns at Brown, RISD, and the RI State Schools. The movement has clearly now spread beyond campuses to other large institutions. The growth of the Fossil Free movement has been astoundingly quick, faster than the Anti-South African Apartheid disinvestment movement of the late 1970s and 1980s upon which it is patterned.
I like to imagine the CEOs of the fossil fuel industry are beginning to squirm a little in their seats. While their share prices have not yet taken a hit, the combined investment funds of schools, churches, and municipalities makes up a very big number, more than a trillion dollars. If it’s all disinvested from fossil fuel stocks, the impact will be material financially. The bigger impact however is the public relations dilemma that the industry faces, which is potentially a much bigger financial liability.
Environmentalists are overcoming the billion dollar advertising budget of the fossil fuel giants. Using grassroots power, Fossil Free has finally been able to paint the most profitable industry in the history of the planet as the dangerous villain it has become. That’s why the symbolism of the Providence vote on Thursday will be more important than the tens of thousands of dollars that the City will eventually divest from fossil fuel companies.
Cities around the country will follow the leadership of Providence, the schools of the City too. In the process, more people will be educated about the danger posed by the fossil fuel industry, and perhaps even the political will to deal with the problem in Washington will at last be found. The City Council should be applauded for being on the right side of history. Consider coming down to City Hall on Thursday to do it in person.
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Rhode Islanders best not blink in June. If we do, we might just miss much new state policy being swiftly passed in the annual budget bill.
The tax and spending plan, and oftentimes some new policy tucked in for good (bad, or indifferent) measure, typically breezes through the General Assembly in the waning days of the legislative session. Any public debate happens during marathon late night meetings. Elected officials actually suspend open meeting laws to do so. Rhode Island’s budget process is truly democracy at its worst.
To that end, the best news about 2013 House Finance Committee’s budget – and the benefit is bipartisan – is that this year’s proposal didn’t sneak in any big picture policy changes; at least none that have been identified yet.
Last year’s budget bill retooled public education oversight but this year’s version does not yet include retooling economic development oversight as some expected. Tax and spending priorities belong in the budget bill, not public sector structure.
Similarly, regardless of whether one feels we should repay 38 Studios bondholders or not, the budget bill was not the ideal place for the state to make this decision. The proposal puts money aside to pay if that proves the most prudent path, and an additional $50,000 to study the ramifications.
The budget bill will also not decide if the new Sakonnett River Bridge be paid for by a use fee (capitalism) or by the people of Rhode Island (socialism). We should certainly have this conversation, and it should be done in the context of how to fund the nationally recognized need for better roads and bridges.
On spending
The budget bill doesn’t do much to help Rhode Island’s struggling cities, another great gift for bankruptcy lawyers. It ignores, for the second year in a row, Governor Chafee’s attempts to help urban areas hit hardest by the recession and state aid cuts. It did keep his $40 million new funding for public education, which is much better than a sharp stick in the eye but not nearly enough to neutralize the head start suburbs enjoy over cities in the race to the top.
Interestingly, creates a new state mandate that school districts to refinance construction debt. There are all sorts of repercussions to mandatory refinancing of debt, including giving schools a more vested interest in 38 Studios bonds. Update/clarification: the budget calls for a higher municipal share of refinance savings.
The historic tax credit – technically a spending item – would be reinstated. It would allow the private sector to not pay up to $34 million in state taxes, but it’s capped at $5 million per project. Sorry Superman Building.
On taxes
Income taxes weren’t increased on the affluent nor were corporate tax rates cut. CVS keeps its lucrative loophole worth $15 million.
And the pharmacy giant isn’t the only drug dealer to make out in this year’s budget. Wine and spirit sellers will be given a sales tax holiday for two years. Beer, for some reason, wasn’t included (there’s something that feels regressive about lowering sales tax on wine and spirits but not beer).
The most interesting tax experiment, I think, is making locally-made art tax free. It seems to me that more people would cross state lines to buy art than have their dog groomed, but art is, by definition, subjective. Some may consider their poodle’s haircut art. It could also mean a giant tax break for a company like Alex and Ani if jewelry is considered art.
But despite opportunity for abuse, if the state is going to incentive growth through tax cuts, I’m glad it’s going to artists as this is the sector that has the best chance of building us a better economy.
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