Portland legalizes pot; Colorado to make $70 million in taxes

portland potRhode Island lost it’s chance to become the first place on the East Coast to legalize marijuana yesterday. Portland, Maine gets that honor after 70 percent of the voters passed a ballot measure that ends pot prohibition in Maine’s largest city.

“Most Portlanders, like most Americans, are fed up with our nation’s failed marijuana prohibition laws,” David Boyer of the Marijuana Policy Project told the Huffington Post. He’s right, according to a new Gallup poll that shows 58 percent of Americans favoring legalization. In total four cities, three in Michigan, voted to legalize marijuana.

But only Colorado approved a measure to profit wildly from legalization yesterday. That state expects to take in about $70 million a year from the new tax with about half being earmarked for education.

“Marijuana, Cheetos & Goldfish all legal in CO,” Governor John Hickenlooper tweeted. “Now we’ll have the $$ to regulate, enforce & educate.”

Activists and Rolling Stone magazine predict Rhode Island could become one of the next states to legalize marijuana as local legislators have been bringing up such legislation for the past several sessions.

What should we do with our new revenue?

Brown, Paxson create ‘Committee on the Events of Oct. 29’


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Christina Paxson

Christina Paxson

The shout down at Brown has led to the creation of the “Committee on the Events of October 29,” said Brown President Christine Paxson today.

The committee will “identify issues that may have contributed to the disruption” and “address the broader issues of campus climate, free expression, and dialogue across difference,” she wrote.

Paxson authored a critical letter on the night of the incident. In this one she writes, “Making an exception to the principle of open expression jeopardizes the right of every person on this campus to speak freely and engage in open discussion. We must develop and adhere to norms of behavior that recognize the value of protest and acknowledge the imperative of the free exchange of ideas within a university.”

Conversely, Martha Yager of the the American Friends Service Committee, a Quaker organization that promotes “peace with justice … through active nonviolence” wrote an impassioned defense of the activists who shouted down Ray Kelly last week in today’s print edition of the Providence Journal (online version here).

“The students and members of the Providence community refused to be devalued. They refused to accept business as usual,” she wrote. “That act of refusal has forced conversation within Brown, and indeed in the larger community, that has the potential of being life changing and profoundly educational for the community.”

Andrew Tillett-Saks writes that social change only happens when civil discourse and civil disobedience work in tandem.

“The implication that masterful debate is the engine of social progress could not be more historically unfounded,” he writes in this post. “The free flow of ideas and dialogue, by itself, has rarely been enough to generate social progress. It is not that ideas entirely lack social power, but they have never been sufficient in winning concessions from those in power to the oppressed. The eight-hour workday is not a product of an incisive question-and-answer session with American robber barons.”

Neoliberal myths and why Ray Kelly protestors did the right thing


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ray kelly protestEvery few years, protestors shout down a conservative speaker at an American University. Every few years, rancorous debate ensues. Yet every few years, the warring sides simply yell past one another; the opponents of the ‘shout-down’ uphold the sanctity of ‘free speech’ while the protestors decry the awful ‘real world impact’ of the conservative speaker’s message.

In the wake of the Brown University shout-down of Ray Kelly, champion of the NYPD’s racist stop-and-frisk policy and racial profiling in general, the debate has resurfaced. Rather than talking past the anti-protestors’ arguments, they need to be addressed directly. The prototypical argument in denouncing the protestors is not a defense of Ray Kelly’s racism. It is twofold: First, that a free-flowing discourse on the matter will allow all viewpoints to be weighed and justice to inevitably emerge victorious on its merits. Second, that stopping a bigot from speaking in the name of freedom is self-defeating as it devolves our democratic society into tyranny.

The twofold argument against the protestors stems from two central myths of neoliberalism.

The argument for free discourse as the enlightened path to justice ignores that direct action protest is primarily responsible for most of the achievements we would consider ‘progress’ historically (think civil rights, workers’ rights, suffrage, etc.), not the free exchange of ideas. The claim that silencing speech in the name of freedom is self-defeating indulges in the myth of the pre-existence of a free society in which freedom of speech must be preciously safeguarded, while ignoring the woeful shortcomings of freedom of speech in our society which must be addressed before there is anything worth protecting.

Critics of the protest repeatedly denounced direct action in favor of ideological debate as the path to social justice. “It would have been more effective to take part in a discussion rather than flat out refuse to have him speak,” declared one horrified student to the Brown Daily Herald. Similarly, Brown University President Christina Paxson labeled the protest a detrimental “affront to democratic civil society,” and instead advocated “intellectual rigor, careful analysis, and…respectful dialogue and discussion.”

Yet the implication that masterful debate is the engine of social progress could not be more historically unfounded. Only in the fairy tale histories of those interested in discouraging social resistance does ‘respectful dialogue’ play a decisive role in struggles against injustice.

The eight-hour workday is not a product of an incisive question-and-answer session with American robber barons. Rather, hundreds of thousands of workers conducted general strikes during the nineteenth century, marched in the face of military gunfire at Haymarket Square in 1886, and occupied scores of factories in the 1930’s before the eight-hour work day became American law.

Jim Crow was not defeated with the moral suasion of Martin Luther King, Jr.’s speeches. Rather, hundreds of thousands marched on Washington, suffered through imprisonment by racist Southern law enforcement, and repeatedly staged disruptive protests to win basic civil rights.

On a more international scale, Colonialism, that somehow-oft-forgotten tyranny that plagued most of the globe for centuries, did not cease thanks to open academic dialogue. Bloody resistance, from Algeria to Vietnam to Panama to Cuba to Egypt to the Philippines to Cameroon and to many other countries, was the necessary tool that unlocked colonial shackles.

Different specific tactics have worked in different contexts, but one aspect remains constant: The free flow of ideas and dialogue, by itself, has rarely been enough to generate social progress. It is not that ideas entirely lack social power, but they have never been sufficient in winning concessions from those in power to the oppressed. Herein lies neoliberal myth number one—that a liberal free-market society will inexorably and inherently march towards greater freedom. To the contrary, direct action has always proved necessary.

Yet there are many critics of the protestors who do not claim Ray Kelly’s policies can be defeated with sharp debate. Instead, they argue that any protest in the name of freedom which blocks the speech of another is self-defeating, causing more damage to a free society by ‘silencing’ another than any potential positive effect of the protest. The protestors, the argument goes, tack society back to totalitarian days of censorship rather than forward to greater freedom. The protestors, however well intentioned, have pedantically thwarted our cherished liberal democracy by imposing their will on others.

The premise of this argument is neoliberal myth number two—that we live in a society with ‘freedom of speech’ so great it must be protected at all costs. This premise stems from an extremely limited conception of ‘freedom of speech.’ Free speech should not be considered the mere ability to speak freely and inconsequentially in a vacuum, but rather the ability to have one’s voice heard equally. Due to the nature of private media and campaign finance in American society, this ability is woefully lopsided as political and economic barriers abound. Those with money easily have their voices heard through media and politics, those without have no such freedom. There is a certain irony (and garish privilege) of upper-class Ivy Leaguers proclaiming the sanctity of a freedom of speech so contingent upon wealth and political power.

There is an even greater irony that the fight for true freedom of speech, if history is any indicator, must entail more direct action against defenders of the status quo such as Ray Kelly. To denounce such action out of indulgence in the neoliberal myth of a sacrosanct, already existing, freedom of speech is to condemn the millions in this country with no meaningful voice to eternal silence.

Every few years, an advocate of oppression is shouted down. Every few years, the protestors are denounced. They are asked to trust open, ‘civil’ dialogue to stop oppression, despite a historical record of struggle and progress that speaks overwhelmingly to the contrary. They are asked to restrain their protest for freedom so to protect American freedom of speech, despite the undeniable fact that our private media and post-Citizens United political system hear only dollars, not the voices of the masses. Some will claim that both sides have the same goal, freedom, but merely differ on tactics. Yet the historical record is too clear and the growing dysfunctions in our democracy too gross to take any such claims as sincere. In a few years, when protestors shout down another oppressive conservative, we will be forced to lucidly choose which side we are on: The oppressors or the protestors. The status quo or progress.

Charter school grant: follow the money


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corporate education flow chartI’m opposed to corporate interests picking winners and losers in public education and that is exactly what happens when charter schools accept private sector grants for operating expenses.

Here’s how the ProJo put it in an article about a $2 million grant the Charter School Growth Fund gave to the Blackstone Valley Prep Mayoral Academy. “The national philanthropists include the Walton Family Foundation, which progressives accuse of trying to “privatize” public education by supporting charter school networks.”

It’s more than that. Here’s a list of the Charter School Growth Funds staff and Board of Directors, with a short description of what each person does when they aren’t deciding which public school in Rhode Island gets $2 million and which don’t.

Kevin Hall, president and CEO: Here’s how the Charter School Growth Fund describes him: “Before joining CSGF, Hall served as the Chief Operating Officer of The Broad Foundation for several years where he led various aspects of the Foundation’s grant investment strategy and work. Prior to Broad, he was a co-founder and ran business development for Chancellor Beacon Academies, a manager of charter and private schools across the U.S. Previously, Hall ran a division of infoUSA, and worked at McKinsey & Co., Goldman, Sachs & Co., and Teach For America.”

James C. Rahn: He runs the Kern Family Foundation, which donates to education reform issues and religious leaders. According to its website Kern’s goals for funding religious leaders include “Educate future and existing pastors about how the economy is a moral system in which people exchange their work, and that free enterprise grounded in moral character is the most effective way to promote dignity, lift people out of poverty, and produce human flourishing.”

Greg Penner: Also worked for Goldman Sachs, before going to work for Wal-Mart, where he now serves on the Board of Directors.

Mason Hawkins: He’s one of the richest mutual fund investors in America. Why? Maybe because he runs his mutual fund like it’s a hedge fund.

Michael W. Grebe: He ran Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker’s campaign fundraising efforts, in addition to helping out with seemingly every other union-bashing, government-shrinking effort in Wisconsin.

Allan Golston: Works for Gates Foundation.

Stacy Schusterman: According to the Wall Street Journal, she inherited her family’s oil fortune and the family foundation also donates heavily to Jewish causes.

 

John Fisher: Worth more than $2 billion, his parents founded The Gap and he is majority owner of the Oakland A’s. He’s also chairman of the KIPP Foundation, the nation’s largest charter school management company.

Divide between Taveras, Raimondo: how they play the game


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raimondo taverasI agree with Sam Howard who suggests there isn’t a giant gap in the policy priorites of Angel Taveras and Gina Raimondo, but I don’t think that means there would be many other similarities in how each would governor Rhode Island.

On WPRI Newsmakers Sunday, Ted Nesi asked Taveras about a post Howard wrote on this blog, specifically: “I don’t see much, policy-wise, that differentiates the two candidates. I think Gov. Raimondo will make policy choices that a Gov. Taveras would also make, and vice versa.”

Taveras dove into his well-versed “Head Start to Harvard” campaign narrative and Nesi responded: “But I think that’s Howard’s point, you will have different biographies but then once you take office you both will govern in pretty similar center-left Democratic fashion.”

I don’t think they would govern in similar styles and I haven’t seen tons of evidence that Raimondo will govern in a center-left Democratic fashion. Or, at least, that’s certainly not how she accomplished her signature political victory.

Here’s how Bob Walsh, executive director of NEARI, parsed the difference in their approaches to cutting public sector pensions to WPRI in December of 2012 (watch the whole episode to see what the political landscape looked like just 11 short months ago!).

For me, and probably for many voters, policy differences aren’t the biggest factor in deciding for whom we pull the lever. It’s how you play the game.

Taveras’s record on unemployment


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On a December 2012 episode of Newsmakers, Providence Mayor Angel Taveras had this to say in defense of Providence’s high unemployment rate: “Our rate is 12%, and when I started, it was 13.7%.”  Given the economic devastation that has befallen our capital city under Taveras’s leadership, these numbers are likely to play a major role in the upcoming gubernatorial campaign between Taveras, Raimondo, and Pell.

So it’s important to understand what’s so deceptive about that 13.7% figure.  It all has to do with seasonal adjustments.  Taveras took office in January, when there’s typically a surge in unemployment as workers get laid off at the end of the calendar year.  That 12% figure was from October, when unemployment stays low as seasonal workers are hired for the holiday season.

The state and federal unemployment rate figures you usually see have had a seasonal adjustment applied to them by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Although there is no Providence-specific seasonal adjustment, if you apply the Rhode Island adjustment, the unemployment rate in January of 2011 was really 12.8%, and in October of 2012, it was really 12.5%.  Not much improvement.

Ultimately, I think the best way to assess Taveras’s unemployment record is by comparing it to Rhode Island’s.  I have plotted them together, indexing to 100 in January 2011 when Taveras took over.

Providence Unemployment Rate

The beginning of Taveras’s tenure was marked by a massive surge in the unemployment rate in the spring.  In the fall it fell, nearly matching the RI rate.  Next spring it surged far above the RI again, and next fall it fell again.  Now it’s once again rising above the RI rate.  This pattern of surging unemployment in the late spring is the classic signature of massive fiscal austerity, where public sector layoffs accelerate as the end of the fiscal year approaches.  In a normal economy, the peak from private sector layoffs in January will be much bigger than the public sector layoffs peak around June.  In the austerity-laden Rhode Island economy, those peaks are nearly the same size.  But in Providence, the public sector layoffs peak completely swamps the January one.  That’s the sign of truly extreme austerity.

The tough truth for progressives is that Taveras has been one of Rhode Island’s biggest austerity zealots.  He has closed schools and pools with disturbing fervor, while hiking property taxes to mind-bogglingly insane heights.

There’s no denying the mess Providence faces.  If Taveras had really wanted to fix Providence, he probably would have had to push for the same boring solution that other blue state cities have taken to get themselves out of similar messes–a municipal income tax, which would largely replace the property tax.

You can make a credible argument that the right-wing General Assembly would have blocked an income tax in their bid to keep property taxes high and protect Rhode Island’s regressive tax system.  But Taveras never even tried.  Instead, he just cut jobs and raised taxes on the middle class.  Providence has paid the price in unemployment.  Since Taveras took office, the capital city’s economy has systematically lagged Rhode Island’s.