Insiders behind the opposition to Constitutional Convention


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ri constitutionLike the rest of us, I’ve seen the expensive ads telling us not to vote for a constitutional convention, which is Question 3 on the ballot Tuesday.  What these ads don’t say is how consistently insiders are backing the effort to stop a convention.  The role of insiders has gotten far too little coverage in the media.

I recognize that many of those opposed to a convention are not insiders.  I know a lot of the people doing the grunt work on the anti-constitutional-convention campaign, and I can vouch for the fact that they’re not insiders.

Rhode Islanders are split on the issue, though polling suggests more of us are in favor of having one, including many good-government people such as former Common Cause director Phil West, and many progressives such as those who founded Just Reform Rhode Island, a group I belong to.  So it’s true, if you’re looking for non-insiders, you can find them on both sides of the issue. But it’s significant where the biggest insiders stand, and they’re not as split as we are — they’re backing the opposition to the convention.

Let’s start with the top politicians.  We are told by anti-convention people that we should vote against a convention because it could be controlled by top politicians, like the Speaker of the House.  Well, if that was true, you would expect politicians to be favoring it. They’re not.  Speaker Mattiello opposes a convention.  Not a single top politician in the state is in favor of it, and they try to get voters to turn it down (example1, example2).

In fact, conventions shift power away from top politicians and toward the voters.  If there’s no convention, politicians can continue passing bad laws and rejecting good ones, and the voters never have a say.  But a convention is different.  While in ordinary times most State House politicians get re-elected easily without even having any opponents, a constitutional convention attracts more candidates.  If you were a political insider wanting to keep your friends in power, you’d prefer leaving things to the General Assembly, where year after year it’s pretty much the same career politicians elected and doing each other favors, and you’d fear the reforms that could be passed in a constitutional convention where it’s easier for decent people who aren’t career politicians to be elected.

We, as regular people, have goals that are the opposite of political insiders’ aims.  After the 38 Studios scandal and the police raid on the State House, we want to see more democratic accountability, and insiders naturally don’t like the good things that are likely to be pushed forward in a convention by a public which is eager for positive change.  What comes out of a convention will not make the insiders stronger, it makes them weaker and makes the people stronger.  Another advantage of a convention is that a convention doesn’t have the General Assembly’s ability to pass laws on its own.  Every change that the convention proposes must go to the voters, and will not take effect unless voters say so.  So, compared to the General Assembly, a convention offers more safeguards against bad laws.  That’s especially true in 2014 Rhode Island, where the voters not only want reform but also support progressive values, much more so than our politicians.

In case anyone thinks insiders like Mattiello secretly want a convention, their actions speak even louder than their words.  Mattiello and other top State House politicians appointed a “preparatory commission” this summer to produce a report on the possibility of a convention, and Mattiello chose a convention opponent to help run the commission.  The commission held only a few hearings in the State House in Providence, without visiting the rest of Rhode Island.  Its final report only briefly discussed what a convention could do, and estimated the cost of a convention as $2.5 million: a surprisingly high estimate, considerably more than the costs for the 1973 and 1986 conventions even after accounting for inflation.  Next, this report was edited down, in the version sent to voters in the Voter Information Handbook, so that it said nothing at all about what topics a convention could address and only told voters about the convention’s cost, again using the unusually high estimate of $2.5 million (which is still only $2.40 per person).  When our political elite dwells on the minor cost as an argument against change and accountability, it’s a telling sign.

A couple of people involved with the anti-convention campaign have posted articles on RI Future, highlighting a press conference where 3 former delegates to the 1986 convention tried to convince us not to have another convention (article1, article2).  It’s worth noticing that these 3 former delegates at that press conference trying to stop a new convention are all people who have developed strong insider connections.

Two are former RI state senators (one became the Senate Minority Leader), and the third was appointed by notoriously corrupt mayor Buddy Cianci to a judgeship (and later promoted by Cianci to chief judge).  Now, I don’t know what was going through these 3 people’s minds, and I don’t want to trash their motives.  The fact that a person has insider connections doesn’t necessarily mean that he or she isn’t an honorable person. But on the other side, I think it’s reasonable for Rhode Islanders who are concerned about the future to not accept things just because an insider-y group says so.  And the fact is that these 3 well-connected people don’t speak for all former delegates.  It’s significant that so few of the former delegates were willing to join in that message — I’ve talked to other former 1986 delegates who have learned from the 1986 convention and now want a new convention to do things better.

It’s true that the 1986 convention had flaws: there wasn’t enough public organizing in advance of the 1986 convention to keep things out of the insiders’ hands.  (My group, Just Reform Rhode Island, is already working on that.)  And it’s also true that the last convention was held in 1986, when Rhode Island was in a much different place politically than it is now — for instance, Rhode Island voters are now pro-choice by huge margins.  We’re now faced with a choice: we can either vote down Question 3 and stay closer to the constitution written in 1986, when Rhode Island was very different, or else vote for a convention as an opportunity to move the constitution to something that better fits the values that Rhode Islanders now have 30 years later.  What does it say when 3 of the people who had the privilege of being involved in writing the 1986 constitution, and then later developed insider ties, are telling us not to try changing their work now?   I can’t speak for why they’re saying that, but to me, their anti-convention message doesn’t cut it.

The insider effort against the convention isn’t limited to politicians.  Take RIPEC, the Rhode Island Public Expenditure Council, a group whose board is largely made up of big businesses (some of them based out-of-state) and those with political clout.  They’re always given a very respectful hearing at the State House, more so than people who are trying to voice the concerns of the rest of Rhode Island.  RIPEC issued a report on Question 3 that didn’t directly say “Vote No on a convention”, but does repeatedly hint that a convention may not be a good idea.  The fact that these economic super-insiders are leaning against a convention is worth noting.

In fact, it’s seriously misleading when the anti-convention campaign says that a convention would mean “wealthy special interests” would take over.  In reality, the anti-convention forces are the side with the most money.  They’ve spent over $140,000 trying to stop a convention from happening, about twice as much as was spent on the pro-convention side, according to Board of Elections filings.  Not all of the groups contributing to that $140,000 are bad.  But one of their biggest donors, for instance, is an organization administered by the Senate Majority Leader, Dominick Ruggerio: it’s called the New England Laborers’ Labor-Management Cooperation Trust.  Despite the word “Laborers” in its name, it’s not strictly a union group, but is a kind of combo labor-business-political insider lobbying hybrid, with half its trustees coming from business and half from labor people. This group runs mostly on business contributions, but it’s administered by the Senate Majority Leader, and it has already spent $10,000 trying to stop a convention.

If you look at the expensive ads paid for by the anti-convention campaign, they never mention that Senate Majority Leader Ruggerio’s group is backing them.  Rhode Island law requires political campaign ads to include information about who is behind the campaign, so that voters can learn who is backing or organizing a campaign without having to go look up little-known filings.  Until a few days ago, the anti-convention campaign simply left out all of these required disclosures from all their ads.  After the Board of Elections found they violated the law, they started adding more information, but they still don’t mention that Majority Leader Ruggerio’s group is one of their top donors.  Their list of top donors includes several more innocent-sounding groups instead.  On the whole, I think this persistent lack of disclosure shows a terrible attitude towards voters’ right to know.

It’s ironic that the anti-convention people act like they’re in favor of good government, and stir up fears of big money trying to buy the system, without doing what real good-government people do and showing an open attitude towards disclosing the issues related to their own finances.  In reality, screaming that “wealthy special interests” will buy a convention misses the point: the real problem is that the system we have is already dominated by these wealthy interests.  Big money can do very well if there’s no convention.  What a convention does bring is a chance for the people to have more of a say.

If big money at the national level wanted a Rhode Island convention, or if big money at the state level did, why wouldn’t they spend their cash here and make a difference?  The fact is that the insiders and the fat cats are fairly satisfied with how things are.  Most of them are aware that they face more risk of losing than gaining if a convention did give voters the opportunity to have a say in how the system works.  Don’t just take my word for it: the money speaks for itself.  The idea that a convention could be a tool for wealthy special interests is backed up only by a little talk, not by serious money.  No investor out for mere gain has decided to treat financing a pro-convention campaign as a reliable investment, because voters are quite likely to use a convention to rein in the abuses of the well-connected.

So it’s clear where the insiders stand, the politicians as well as the financial backers.  As for the rest of us, we’re unfortunately split on a convention, and it would be better if more of us start taking this opportunity to promote the positive changes that the insiders are resisting. I know there are some who are honestly against a convention, and it certainly isn’t true that those against a convention are all bad people.  But to suggest that a convention is a tool for insiders and the wealthy is a misleading, expensive falsehood.  It’s a tool for us, if we prepare for it right, and those with too much clout are right to fear it.

Protect your rights: reject question 3


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Tomorrow, you will choose between your constitutional rights or an expensive fantasy.

In recent weeks, the ACLU of Rhode Island and a number of other organizations have talked extensively about the risks of a Constitutional Convention. We’ve shown what came from the 1986 Convention, including a lasting restriction on the right to bail, and the 20 years it took to undo the Convention’s disastrous impact on minority voting rights. We’ve shown you the political trickery used to deceive voters during the last convention, like this question, approved by the voters in part because nobody knew exactly what it meant:

Question 8

(It actually contains a restriction on the right to abortion: can you find it?)

We’ve brought you the words of delegates of the 1986 convention, like Lila Sapinsley, who said:

“If delegates to the 2015 convention are elected by existing electoral districts we will again have a duplicate of the legislature. Let’s concentrate on electing better representatives and forget about an expensive duplicate of the General Assembly.”

And we’ve shown what you can expect from a convention now by examining issues faced in other states, including:

  • Bans on affirmative action
  • Denial of various rights to immigrants
  • Restrictions of LGBT rights
  • Unprecedented restrictions on abortion
  • Restrictions on state participation in the federal health care exchange
  • Tax credits or vouchers for religious schools.

Despite all this evidence, proponents promise a Constitutional Convention divorced from politics and from the undue influence of out-of-state special interests spending millions to push their own pet projects.

The ACLU shares the frustration of many with the actions of the General Assembly, but your rights are too great a risk to take. Promises cannot protect your rights. Your vote can. Rejecting Question 3 may force advocates for change to work harder, but it makes sure your rights are still yours in 2016.

Tomorrow, vote to reject Question 3. Your rights depend on it.

Marcus Mitchell supports ‘bottom up’ leadership


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Head shot of candidate Marcus Mitchell

Head shot of candidate Marcus Mitchell“Leadership percolates from the bottom up,” states Marcus Mitchell. That is precisely why he is running a write-in candidacy for Providence City Council in Ward 3, because so many people have asked him to run. His opponent, Kevin Jackson, has been in office for almost 20 years. Ward 3 encompasses the Mt. Hope, Summit, and Hope Street neighborhoods, beginning at Onley Street, running north to Pawtucket, and from Elmgrove Avenue to I-95.

Both men describe themselves as liberal, and both have a history of community service. There is no question that Kevin Jackson has worked to better his Ward. The upgraded Billy Taylor Park, on Camp St., is the most obvious testament to that. Marcus Mitchell led the formation of the Providence Community Libraries, which successfully prevented the closure of nine public libraries throughout Providence. He currently sits on the board for the Hope High School Dollars for Scholars foundation, which was named Scholarship America’s national new affiliate of the year.

Despite these similarities, there are also stark differences. The most obvious, and probably the most divisive, is Jackson’s post as campaign co-chair for Buddy Cianci. Mitchell, by contrast, does not want to go back to the old way of doing things. This says a lot about each man’s vision for the residents of Providence.

Currently, Providence residents pay high property and car taxes, yet our streets are a disaster, public services are diminished, our public schools are struggling for financial assistance, and economic development is seemingly at a stand still.

This election stands a chance to change this. The primary election in September proved that Rhode Island is ready to move forward; political newcomers upset the endorsed candidates in several races. Running a write-in campaign is no easy task, but Mitchell is familiar with grassroots organizing, and has made a name for himself in his work with local organizations.

Jackson describes himself as a liberal progressive Democrat. Mitchell prefers to let his record speak for him. He has worked with some of the most conservative politicians in this country to give voice and funding to underserved communities, his background is in economic development, and he has won awards for community service and dedication to civil rights. Mitchell says that he works to “get the job done with whatever resources are available.” I, for one, am ready to see Providence “get the job done”, and hope you will join me in writing in Marcus Mitchell for Ward 3 City Council on Tuesday.

Jackson doubles down; Mitchell fires back


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ward3Providence Ward 3 City Councilor Kevin Jackson distributed flyers under his own name, repeating the false claim originally voiced by the Providence Apartment Association on his behalf, namely that his write-in challenger Marcus Mitchell lamented Rick Santorum’s withdrawal from the 2012 presidential race.

Meanwhile, the Mitchell campaign has sent Jackson a letter that provides clear, compelling exculpatory evidence and demands an immediate retraction. If Jackson and his campaign continue to distribute this flyer now knowing for certain that their claim is false, it becomes bona fide libel.

According to information from the Mitchell campaign, Jennifer Seitz, who teaches political science at Georgia Perimeter College created and managed the blog Twenty Year Revolution from which the quote was taken. This fits with similar results from my own searching for “jenecseitz,” the WordPress user that authored all the post on the blog. The Mitchell campaign has also located a person named Marcus Mitchell who attended Georgia Perimeter College.

Any slightly savvy Internet user would look at Twenty Year Revolution and realize that this was a teaching tool created specifically to engage students in using social media in a political context. If you scan a number of posts, you’ll see many of the same names over and over again. Also, 100% of the comments use the same format of posting a single link as an addendum.

Your Frymaster has reached out to Ms. Seitz about this situation and will update this post with any new information.

UPDATE: 11/3, 8:30 AM—Jennifer Seitz replied with the following:

[Twenty Year Revolution] was a teaching tool used in my American Government course at Georgia Perimeter College.  Marcus was a student of mine, I do remember him, and I can assure you he is not running for office in Providence.

More on Marcus Mitchell:

Cianci needs Fecteau, Williams Metts more than they may know


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fecteauFrom his earliest elections, Cianci builds coalitions of those alienated from the status quo and those who yearn for power, and some people float both camps. For decades, incompetence by the city’s Democratic establishment has created alienated communities – alienation Cianci used to create his own base and his own agenda.

Cianci has left a confusing, tattered, disjointed legacy – cheerleading the city, heralding public works projects, while at the same time undermining Providence’s long-term success through failures in policing and schools. Cianci’s administrations have long balanced the idealists, the power-hungry, and the marginalized. He can’t return to power if one of those groups backs out.

Among the anecdotes I came across in Mike Stanton’s book, one activist from the 1970s was particularly astute, noting Cianci’s outreach to community leaders was based on a simple calculation: “At this point, he needs us.”

And just as in the early 2000s Cianci needed a decent officer like Richard Sullivan to be police chief after the chaos of Prignano, in this decade Cianci needs community populists like Leah Williams Metts and Matt Fecteau to give legitimacy to his return campaign. Cianci needs Alan Shawn Feinstein and Yvonne Schilling to support him.

Cianci worked with many housing activists in the 1970s – and betrayed them once in power. As Michael Stanton wrote, “the director of the office’s Homestead Board…was arrested for defrauding homesteaders seeking to move into abandoned houses that had been acquired by the city. When the police did a routine background check, they discovered that the director had been on parole for kidnapping and rape, and had been when he was hired in 1975. Besides shaking down homesteaders, he had another sideline- running a string of prostitutes who worked the streets of downtown Providence, in sight of City Hall.” (p76)

Same song in the 1980s. By 84, “the Providence Chief of Police, Anthony Mancuso, had held an extraordinary meeting in his office…Council members came away shocked. Mancuso displayed two lists – one of Public Works employees with criminal records, another of Public Works employees with ties to organized crime.” (p187) Though truth be told, it’s hard to imagine how many councilors were really “shocked” by these revelations.

In the 1990s, Cianci promised he never stopped caring. In 1991, Cianci signed agreements with a supporter leasing an old, side street autobody garage shop as a registration building for schoolchildren, for at least $750,000. The lease was up for renewal in 1994. Stanton noted, “When Julia Steiny, a maverick School Board member and East Side playwright, fought the lease, hoping to steer more dollars to impoverished educational programs, she was warned by a school official not to buck City Hall. After the lease was renewed, Cianci dumped her from the school board.” (p258)

These anecdotes are a few of many. There are real splits and divisions in Providence- splits Cianci has used for his own success. Good people have had their hearts broken so many times. Cianci’s charisma hides the truth – he loves power, needs it. And his administration’s record  – inconsistent graduation rates, rising crime, uneven job opportunities, inconsistent policing, blatant corruption -shows he doesn’t deserve another go in office.

More on Cianci: