‘Selma’ comes to Providence


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vote childrenIt’s 50 years since two game-changing acts of Congress, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Fifty years is not so long ago, especially when it’s still necessary to march in the streets to say that Black Lives Matter.

The movie, Selma, was years in the making and no one involved in this labor of love could anticipate its release in the wake of a series of shootings of Black men and women that expose a broken justice system and persistence of racism.

It was not easy to watch a recreation of what was a far from simpler time. The screening and discussion organized by The NAACP Providence Branch & the National Coalition of 100 Black Women was a welcome opportunity to watch it in good company.

First impression was that about 250 Rhode Islanders were up for coming to the Mall to watch a difficult film on a cold Saturday morning, including about 100 high school students. I worried we wouldn’t get a seat, but everyone did. It seems so wrong that when you buy a movie ticket now they show commercials on the big screen. We endured commercials and a preview of some comedy adventure full of explosions and shooting.

Selma has enough of that. After a quiet moment with Martin and Coretta King preparing for the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church is mercilessly recreated. Denise McNair, Carole Robertson, Addie Mae Collins, Cynthia Wesley killed and many others injured and bereaved.

This is a kind of film violence that goes deeply against the grain of American culture. Unlike the guns and bombs in the previews and posters in the lobby, the guns in Selma shoot actors who play ordinary people, and the mourning of families, like the mother and grandfather of Jimmie Lee Jackson, is given full respect. When the actor playing James Reeb came on screen I felt pride and dread. Pride that a Unitarian minister was there on the front lines, and dread because I knew Rev. Reeb died in a vicious racist beating.

What was it all for? From the opening scene where Annie Lee Cooper is cheated and humiliated when she tries to register at the courthouse, to Martin Luther King and Lyndon Baines Johnson facing off in the Oval Office about whether Black America can wait any longer the right to vote is central. This is why the Civil Rights workers put their lives on the line on the Edmund Pettis Bridge.

After the film ended the audience sat through the credits and almost all stayed for the discussion. Some who spoke were veterans of the Civil Rights Movement. Amanda Milkovits covered it well in The Providence Journal. Like Rose Weaver said, “voting is everything.”

Selma shows just some of what it took to claim that right, and has a message when that right is again challenged.

Photo from ByTheirStrangeFruit via Google Images.

Poison pens


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poison penDoodles on a cocktail coaster
Moustache on a George Bush poster
Cartoons were how my pals and me
Unwound at night in NYC
We dreamed of getting paid to draw
A fading dream each time we saw
True artists fill a square with ink
That made you smile and made you think

But what a strange and heinous time
Murder and cartoon share my rhyme
Tragic and senseless all agree
But something has occurred to me
The artists in our magazines
Seek out the humor in our genes
The quirks, the traits, our basic flaws
Are simple truths that give us pause

Others draw with a sharper pen
Ridiculing women and men
In cartoons judging them absurd
For following their Prophet’s word
It’s time to drop the poison pens
And vow all hateful drawing ends
Let’s make our squares inclusive space
That reunites the human race
c2015pn

Mattiello’s ‘dynamic analysis’ is long discredited economics


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MattielloSpeaker of the House Nicholas Mattiello has been making statements demonstrating his support for “dynamic analysis,” (also known as “dynamic scoring“) a fiscally irresponsible and economically discredited accounting trick supported nationally by congressional Republicans that amounts to little more than rebranded trickle-down economics.

At Saturday’s 2015 Small Business Summit, held at Bryant University, Mattiello defended the $20 million tax break on social security income he’s proposed as a short term economic hit for long term economic gain.

“What I’ve been saying lately,” says Mattiello in the clip below, “is that everything we look at in state government, we look at the wrong way. We look at it from a very static point of view. ‘What is it going to cost us?’ ‘Oh, this year it’s going to cost us $20 million so forget it, we’re not going to do it. If we don’t have room in the budget to do it we’ll kick that issue out. Well, we have a structural deficit in Rhode Island, folks, so under that analysis we’re never going to do anything in Rhode Island to make our economy better. Sometimes you have to prioritize and you have to do what the economy needs to do to move forward.”

Then, in today’s GoLocalProv, Mattiello said, “I know that keeping people in Rhode Island, with more discretionary income in their pockets, will be a significant long-term gain for our economy.  This initiative comes with a short-term cost in our state budget.  But, we need to start using a more dynamic analysis that takes into consideration long-term benefits, instead of a static analysis that only looks at how much things cost.”

Mattiello has invested a lot of political capital to pass his signature tax break. And to make these tax breaks work, he’s going to cut the state budget accordingly. The cuts are most likely to be in the areas of social services, which the Speaker has repeatedly signaled his willingness to cut. But in order to pass his tax break, the Speaker needs an economic analysis friendly to his idea. Conventional, or what is known as static analysis, does not look kindly on Mattiello’s idea, but dynamic analysis does.

The economic analysis Mattiello wants to use here in Rhode Island is the same as what is being proposed nationally by the Republicans now in control of Congress, and it’s scarily reminiscent of the policies Kansas Governor Sam Brownback instituted in 2012 that eviscerated the economy of that state.

Congressman Chris Van Hollen of Maryland and Congresswoman Louise Slaughter of New York penned a piece criticizing dynamic analysis, writing that Republicans “are rigging the rules in favor of windfall tax breaks to the very wealthy and big corporations who can hire high-priced, well-funded lobbyists—once again choosing to leave behind working families. Their plan would further distort the nation’s fiscal outlook by applying this scoring model only to tax cuts—not the economic impact of investments in education, healthcare, infrastructure, and other areas. That means that the value of tax cuts to the economy would be exaggerated, and the value of investments in the middle class would be undercut.”

Shaun Donovan, Director of the Office of Management and Budget at the White House, outlines three reasons why dynamic analysis is little more than a ruse and it’s worth quoting from at length.

First, dynamic scoring requires CBO and JCT to make assumptions in areas with unusually great uncertainty. While all budget estimates are uncertain, there is substantially more disagreement among economists and experts about how policy changes affect the macroeconomy than about most other scoring issues. This helps explain why estimates from different CBO models of the long-run growth effects of a 10 percent tax cut differed by a factor of 15 – and ranged from positive to negative – when dynamic scoring was used.

“Second, and more fundamentally, dynamic scoring would require CBO and JCT to make assumptions about policies that go beyond the scope of the legislation itself. For example, when a tax cut or spending increase is deficit financed, its long-term effect on the economy depends heavily on how and when its costs are ultimately recouped – whether through higher taxes or lower spending, and after how large an increase in debt. When the legislation itself is silent on these questions, Congressional scorekeepers would have to make an assumption – potentially putting scorekeepers in the game, rather than just referees. Moreover, in standard models, these assumptions are often the difference between a positive or negative effect on the economy.

“Finally, dynamic scoring can create a bias favoring tax cuts over investments in infrastructure, education, and other priorities. While the House rule would require dynamic scoring for legislation making large changes in revenues and/or mandatory spending, and makes it permissible at the option of leadership for any such legislation (even if modest), it would not apply to discretionary spending, ignoring potential growth effects of investments in research, education, and infrastructure. More insidious, economic models that find large growth effects of tax cuts are often based on the assumption that they would be paid for entirely through reduced spending – without taking into account at all the economic consequences the reduction in government investment.”

Speaker Mattiello seems intent on implementing the kind of economic policy here in Rhode Island that has long benefited the rich and connected over the middle class and the poor. These policies have led to massive wealth acquisition by the very few amid crushing poverty for many. In doing so Mattiello has aligned himself with the Republican Party and against the Democratic Party of which he claims to be a member.

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It’s time to stop waiting for the bus in Rhode Island


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I like RIPTA. Transit agencies struggle to provide direly needed transportation access to thousands of people, and they don’t get to take a day off if they’re not feeling up to it. I’ve seen some RIPTA staff in action, and they impress me. I’m also pumped about the redesigned Kennedy Plaza; for all the flak it gets, I think it’s an excellent thing for transit service in Rhode Island and a boon to rejuvenating downtown Providence.

But this is the 21st century.

In the 21st century, people don’t want to wait around in the cold for a bus, because they don’t have to. They have the internet, which can tell them, based on real-time location data, exactly when their bus is going to arrive. Or, maybe they live in an urban area that values its transit system enough to provide frequent enough service such that, even if you miss one bus, the next one will be along before your toes fall off from frostbite.

Unfortunately, neither of those things are true in Rhode Island.

Google Maps and other transit apps are still waiting for RIPTA to provide them with real-time data, instead of relying on scheduled bus arrival times. When you’re standing out at a stop in the cold, and you have a meeting you need to get to, what do you do with the statistic that a majority of buses arrive at each stop within 5 minutes of their scheduled time? Do you wait to see if the bus will come? Or do you walk over to the next transit corridor to maybe catch that bus? Or, more likely, you just don’t rely on the bus, because you don’t know whether it can get you there. When you can’t rely on the bus, it’s not a good alternative to car ownership for most people.

Or wait! Even if there’s some major technological, bureaucratic, budgetary, or other reason RIPTA can’t set up a process to format its data in the necessary fashion and provide a feed for Google and other apps (or even *gasp* citizen developers!) it doesn’t matter, right? There are a lot of bus lines; people can rely on the schedule and function pretty okay, yeah?

Except the problem is, RIPTA’s bus service is on the low end of frequency. Transit expert Jarrett Walker categorizes transit service based on off-peak frequency into four categories: buses every 15 minutes or less, every 30 minutes or less, every 60 minutes or less, and occasional service. If you miss those most frequent buses, no worries, because another will be along soon. If you miss the less frequent ones, you know the drill. Walk home, and tell that fantastic job or client you were really excited about that you won’t be able to make it.

So here’s a map of Providence with RIPTA routes colored according to frequency. Red is the best, then blue, then green, then orange is practically nonexistent service.

PVD ripta

 

But look! There are lots of red lines there! Except if you notice, those red lines are mostly along limited-access highways, without much in the way of transit access to the people living next to them. I could count on one hand the corridors outside of downtown with actual frequent transit access:

  1. North Main (paragon of pedestrian friendliness that THAT is)
  2. West Broadway
  3. Cranston Street
  4. Broad
  5. Elmwood
  6. Waterman/Angell
  7. Eddy (only to Thurbers)

Okay I borrowed two fingers from the other hand. But THAT’S IT. No frequent service to RIC or PC. No frequent service to the Wards of City Council members Narducci, Ryan, Correia, Igliozzi, Hassett, or Matos, and hardly any to Councilman Zurier’s Ward 2 or Council President Aponte’s Ward 10. And really, the frequent coverage ain’t great in many other Wards; they just have one or two frequent lines running through them.

Ideally RIPTA would solve both of these problems, but of course there are budgetary constraints and an imperative to cover the whole service area with service. As Walker states in this awesome video (yes I’m a geek), there is a tension between the goal of coverage and the goal of frequency. And indeed, with the R-line and suggestions of further focus on the highest-potential routes, RIPTA is headed more in the direction of frequency than it has been historically.

But the other problem? C’mon RIPTA. We’re living in the 21st century. Get on it. Or tell us why you’re failing in this way. Do you think we don’t care? Or that you’ll look bad? We do care. You already look bad when you don’t tell us why you’re deficient in this area. Here are some links to help get you there if you’re not already on your way: GTFS-realtimeMBTA’s live-feed page. Transit Camp 2015 conference notes.