Cocktails and Conversation: The end of economic growth


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Ashton Mill

I have been asked to provide a bit of context and contrast this evening about the economic environment we find ourselves in.

Economic growth is dead in the old mill towns of the industrialized west, and it is never coming back. There will still be economic growth in the tropics and Asia, the places there are still untapped natural resources and indigenous communities to plunder and the cities are swelling with people streaming out of the countryside. But in the eastern United States and western Europe what passes for growth is simply the financialization of the economy that is letting the 1 percent scoop up all of what is called growth while everyone else gets poorer, the ecosystems collapse, and the infrastructure fails.

On January 31 2016 the entire front page of the Sunday New York Times Book Review section was devoted to three books exploring the end of economic growth. It is time for those working in economic development to understand the new environment better and to prepare plans that match its opportunities rather than repeat the old stories. Don’t try to spin the growth machine faster, that makes it worse for most of us. We must adapt RI economic development to the low growth environment and work to create a more widespread prosperity through reviving ecosystems and economic justice.

The Brookings report offers Rhode Island jobs for 20 to 25 percent of the population, with no plan on how to create jobs in the neighborhoods that need jobs at a living wage. It promises riches if we take orders from the Koch Brothers, underfund our infrastructure and our schools by cutting taxes, and bet on industries that are harmful to the community or make jobs disappear. We are admonished to follow the dictates of the business climate indexes, but there is no correlation between a state’s business climate rankings and the health of its economy. While simple and efficient processes are important, the history, resource base, and culture of a community are much more important than the business climate in determining economic success, and there is no evidence that lax environmental, public health, and safety standards improves the economy in our neighborhoods any more than subsidies to the 1% to build baseball stadiums.

Our response to climate change is much more important than the business climate. Our willingness to end the use of fossil fuels, create zero net energy buildings, generate electricity from the sun and wind, grow much more of our own food, and sequester carbon in the soil will determine our fate.

As growth and jobs fade into the sunset reducing inequality in the ownership of assets becomes much more important. As Piketty notes, the growing inequality in and of its self is grinding down the economy. An economic plan offering subsidies to the rich for industries that are shedding employment, and chock full of subsidies to the real estate industry is one that leaves our communities behind.

I would like to have more time to devote to the relationship between what is happening in the forest and what is happening in Rhode Island. The World Bank says that keeping the forest in the hands of the forest people, and assets in the hands of the poor, gives better outcomes than any other strategy for development and may be the only chance we have to stop climate change. This information needs to inform how we redevelop our old riverine neighborhoods. The disempowered, disenfranchised and marginalized people of our Environmental Justice communities mirror many of the problems rainforest people have in dealing with development, and the solutions in the forest work here too. Build economies from the bottom up, not the top down.

A holistic approach to the health of our communities; reducing pollution, reducing harms, good nutrition, serves our communities better than our current obsession with using high tech biomedical businesses to grow the economy. Here is one little fact. It is absolutely impossible to have affordable healthcare for all if you use the medical industrial complex to drive economic growth. When the healthcare industry grows faster than our wages the industry draws investment while most of us still can not afford to go to the doctor.

Finally, pay attention to the resistance. It is global, and brings the wisdom of the world to your neighborhood. Building more fossil fuel infrastructure such as gas pipelines and power plants will create stranded assets, pollute vulnerable communities, and add to the climate disasters

We can live in Flint, we can live in Ferguson or we can have prosperous communities that heal ecosystems and practice justice. It’s your choice.

[Originally published here.]

Bernie’s peaceful revolution stays in the fight, but he needs to make it personal


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2016-02-29 Bernie Sanders 033There is a sense of entitlement that comes from the Clinton campaign. One such example is the “I’m Ready for Hillary” bumper sticker, as if she is waiting in the wings; another is the term “coronation,” which was bandied about early on in Clinton’s candidacy when no one else challenged her. Some of her supporters even believe that Clinton deserves the White House, that she’s been ready for it for years, and that, regardless of who challenges her, she will be the next president by virtue of being Hillary Clinton.

However, that assumption of the office, which is undemocratic and reeks of hubris, may very well be quashed by an impending FBI indictment. Trump could be dismantled through an arrest after IRS audits and after inciting violence against minorities at his rallies. Yet somewhere above all of that dirty campaigning, above all of that law-breaking, is Bernie Sanders and his peaceful revolution, a revolution that shows no signs of slowing or faltering.

$6 million in a day. $43 million in a month. Celebrity endorsements. Deep grassroots organizing from the bottom up. This revolution is here to stay. We are facing the dire consequences of late-stage climate change. We are facing the demoralizing effects of an unfair economic and political system. And we are facing two candidates that do not deserve to become President of the United States by virtue of their deceit and hate. Both Trump and Clinton have one thing in common: neither have the passion and power of a revolution to back them. Only Bernie does.

Meanwhile, Clinton does whatever she can to win, however illegal or unethical. Bill blocked the polls in New Bedford and campaigned within the 150 foot boundary, which could arguably have swung a tight race in Hillary’s favor. Clinton bashed Bernie’s goals as too “idealistic,” then she co-opted them because she can’t get elected without them. She even co-opted Trump’s slogan of “Make America Great Again” by saying “Make America Whole Again,” which should prompt another round of #WhichHillary? And the Hitler-esque Trump continues to use hate and racism to rally his ignorant and bigoted crowds.

There’s only one clear and clean winner here, and that is Bernie Sanders. He is the only candidate to rise above the rabble and fray, and he is the only candidate that has the power of revolution behind him. He is the sole candidate who fights for the restoration of our democracy while other candidates seek to divide up what is left of it to benefit their own camps and donors, and, unlike Trump and Clinton, he is the sole candidate across the board that has no political baggage.

And you won’t see his in the headlines: Bernie is the only Democrat who is winning multiple swing states while converting poor white moderates and libertarians–people who vote–to his side, and there are a lot of states like that left to go. That’s what it takes to win the general.

However, he must make overtures to minority communities and get their votes by making his campaign personal. He needs to talk about what it was like to be considered a “non-white” Jew in pre-1960 Brooklyn. He needs to tout his record of fighting for civil rights over five decades, both as an activist and as a legislator. He needs to contrast his record on race to Clinton’s, as his is spotless and hers is marred by her support of the “three strikes” mass incarceration law and her racist tone when calling young black kids “superpredators” who need to “heel” as if they were dogs. She is also the candidate who refused to relinquish the microphone when Black Lives Matter activists challenged her publicly, while Bernie simply stepped back, folded his hands, and allowed the young women to speak unobstructed. He even shook their hands, ready to be an ally to their cause.

I even spoke last weekend with a fellow canvasser, a middle-aged African-American woman from South Carolina, and she was the first to say that Bernie needs to make it personal. She believes that many of the black voters who went for Clinton would’ve gone for Bernie if they knew who he was and how he grew up as a minority, how he fought for civil rights since the 1960s, and how his record on race contrasts to Clinton’s.

It would not be negative campaigning for Sanders to make it personal. No, it would merely be calling out the facts and showing where his heart is in the race. Bernie needs to get personal because all of us deserve a Sanders presidency. He is the minority American underdog who fights for what is right in the face of big money and big hate, and his victory would ensure a better America, and a better planet, for all of us. In the face of such disturbing American politics with the deceit of Clinton and the hateful rise of Trump, what is more beautiful and timely than a peaceful revolution for the people?

Now that I know Bernie’s stance on the issues, I want to know his story. I want to hear what it was like to be an immigrant son from a family that escaped the Holocaust. I want to hear him speak of his history as a civil rights activist and as a legislator that consistently fought for equality. I want to hear him contrast his history with Clinton’s instead of letting the media do it, and I want to hear him speak the narrative of a good human being who fights to help others as much as he can.

I want to hear him say it because I know that when everyone with a heart hears his compelling and moving story, he’ll win in a landslide.

Another World Is Possible: Police and Prisons


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This year Rhode Island’s Future is going to host a fortnightly column called Another World Is Possible. Using the popular socialist slogan as our guide, we are going to create twelve articles that deliver an in-depth description of what a socialist world would look like. There are plenty of writings on the internet that explain all sorts of theoretical positions on any variety of socialism, but we want to go to the next level and suggest the laws and social practices that can and should be enacted to bring the Ocean State to that point within our lifetimes.

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This year has seen an upsurge of angst in the public sphere surrounding the police. Whether discussing overt police violence (the militarization of the force, the prison-industrial complex, ethnic profiling) or covert violence (the revelations about domestic spying by the NSA via the internet), we are seeing a fantastic debate that has not existed in the mainstream for a generation.

I want to begin this essay with first a rebuttal to the classical liberal/libertarian-capitalist critique of the police, a discussion which I find to be logically deficient in a key aspect. Then I want to offer a discussion of what an alternative would be in a socialist world. I chose to deal with this topic as my opening discussion so to both identify a key point in our society in need of radical reformation while also negating any accusations of Utopian fantasia at the outset.

The typical liberal/libertarian-capitalist critique of the police has always been one based around notions of autonomy and liberty. There are certain Libertarian Party members today who are fantastic in civil rights issues and have great stances on rejection of racism, sexism, and homophobia. They link the rejection of the police to these struggles and will say police target minorities as the state will target women seeking abortion care or queer people engaged in consenting activity, ergo we need less government, beginning with the police.

But what this argument fails to grapple with is the fact police do not exist to protect and serve the people, just as the state in the capitalist world fails to stand of, for, and by the people. Instead, the state and the police that protect its existence are created to protect property. In this sense, the taxpayer always is secondary.

It is also important here to articulate the fact that the greatest trick played on the American worker was the notion of class mobility and that somehow they were members of the middle class. In the post-World War II period, when the Baby Boom and the Keynesian economic heyday was in full force, returning white GIs had the various veterans benefits to depend on to help them pay for a house and hold down a good job (I say white because veterans of color were barred from these benefits in many cases, causing a huge level of structural racism to continue). These vets were made to think that, because they could afford a piece of property to shelter their 2.5 children and go on holiday in the summertime, they were now on the same economic footing as the European middle class.

That is the most brilliant delusions in human history. It is why America has never had a successful socialist movement and why Western Europe’s Communist parties were never successful in parliamentary politics.

Prior to the World Wars, when this delusion began, the middle class was a social group composed of the small business owners who depended on inherited wealth to maintain their social standing. Class mobility was impossible and one did not move out of the working class unless you met Prince Charming and married up, as it was called.

The Marxist Internet Archive defines the middle class in these terms:

[The] Petit-bourgeoisie, the “little people”, who like the proletariat, do real work (private labour), but possibly also employ wage-workers, thereby sharing social interests with the bourgeoisie, but being “little people” are constantly being “done over” by the big firms, and frequently find themselves thrown into the ranks of the proletariat… Bourgeois sociology determines class differently: when people are asked which class they are, the majority always reply “middle class”, just as people used to think the Earth was the centre of the Universe and “the truth lies in the middle”, etc., etc. Despite the fact that identity is often middle-class, class-consciousness among the middle-class is almost a contradiction in terms, as people finding themselves located in the middle, usually identify themselves with one side or the other when it comes to politics.

In the epoch of neoliberalism, we have seen the myth of the middle class break down and the advent of neoclassical economics has recreated the class bifurcation between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. As a result, we have also seen the growth of the prison-industrial complex which is the vanguard of property rights.

As such, we need to radically redefine our ideas about what the police are for and what is to be done with prisons.

In terms of the police, we must redefine their role in our community, a move which requires a radical reformulation of the curriculum of the police academies. Instead of being protectors and servants of property, they must become facilitators and provide assistance to the people. This sort of logic would see communities controlling their own well-being in a democratic fashion while putting our police forces through a massive demilitarization. There are some instances when police can have some benefit for a community, as in the case when a police officer acts as a crossing guard near a school or directs traffic at a busy intersection. But the dynamic of having a militarized police force has no place in our civil society, it only invites strife.

In terms of what is to be done with prisons, in the black radical tradition, the finest strand of socialist thought in American history, the guidance is to be taken from the prison abolition movement. Here is Ruth Gilmore Wilson explaining the basic logic of the prison abolition movement.

The first step to enact this in Rhode Island is to eliminate the profit motive with the Adult Correctional Institute. According to Human Rights Watch, the inmates at the ACI produce the following:

The industry program in Rhode Island manufactures or performs services related to auto body repair, quick copy, residential/household/dormitory furniture, seating, signage, flags, metal and wood furniture refinishing, janitorial supplies, paint, panel systems, license plates and printing. Work crews are also available to perform the following services: moving; grounds maintenance; exterior and interior painting; rug shampooing; building cleaning; litter cleanup and floor stripping. [Emphasis added]

By replacing the unionized work force that would perform these tasks with cheap laborers provided by the prison, the judicial corrections system ceases to function as a correctional mechanism at all and instead destroys any potential for the recreation of an economic base in Rhode Island. It also adds a motivation to the arrest of individuals that, when combined with the racialized nature of American culture, recreates that chattel slave caste system that our nation had a Civil War because of.

At this point in time, it is clear that the prison must be abolished and that it is worthwhile to support these efforts so to one day reach another world. To achieve this, the Providence Industrial Workers of the World have recently begun efforts that readers are encouraged to engage with. They can be contacted at Providence@IWW.org with an e-mail subject line of Incarcerated Worker Organizing Committee, or IWOC. For more information about these efforts, visit the IWOC webpage at https://iwoc.noblogs.org.

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