Lucchino’s bad business in Baltimore


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Camden Yards, Baltimore, one of Larry Lucchino's so-called 'successes'.
Camden Yards, Baltimore, one of Larry Lucchino’s so-called ‘successes’.

Previously I posted a story about PawSox owner Larry Lucchino’s luck in San Diego with PetCo Park, host venue of the Padres. But make no mistake, San Diego was no aberration. A simple Google search shows that Camden Yards, also touted by PawSox Listening Tour doyen Dr. Larry Steinberg as a stellar success, has been everything but.

In fact, the home field of the Orioles was cited by the right-libertarian magazine Reason as “a symbol of downtown-development delusion.” You know there is definitely something amiss when a magazine known for unabashed love of Ayn Rand is throttling the billionaire class.

Let us begin with the aforementioned Reason article. In the name of full disclosure, I would be remiss if I did not say I am opposed to its ethos and find the political economy it subscribes to simply illogical. But with that said, they are pretty rough here on Lucchino’s Camden Yards, going as far as blaming the subsidy to the Orioles for the protests that took place last spring in the wake of the death of Freddie Gray at the hands of the police, writing “those looking for a villain in Baltimore’s economic woes may want to fix their gaze up at the owner’s box[.]” The author writes further:

Today Camden Yards, the ballyhooed baseball stadium in downtown Baltimore, will feature something never before seen in the century-plus history of Major League Baseball: an official game played with not a single paying spectator in sight…It’s no surprise that Camden Yards would play such an important symbolic role in the ongoing civic breakdown of Baltimore. The stadium has long been the prototype for showering tax dollars on millionaire sports owners in the name of spurring downtown urban renewal.

In November 2013, Bloomberg Business‘s Darrell Preston, Aaron Kuriloff, and Rodney Yap filed a report on Oriole Park. The picture they painted less than two years before the imagery we saw broadcast on television last spring was dire. A report that was heavy on the numbers, the long quote I am including here has a significant amount of gravity. Titling their piece REBIRTH ELUDES BALTIMORE AS CAMDEN REALITY LAGS PROMISES, they wrote:

Camden Yards also launched a trend of placing stadiums in the middle of cities in an attempt at redevelopment, as public officials nationwide mistook its appeal as a sports venue for success as a development catalyst, said Tim Chapin, chairman of the Department of Urban and Regional Planning at Florida State University. In fact, he said, the widespread belief that Camden Yards launched a rebirth in downtown Baltimore isn’t true…Camden Yards now borders neighborhoods where the number of employers is lower than in 1998, six years after it opened… Unemployment is rising in these areas, as are their rankings against other neighborhoods for violent crime and the percentage of properties in foreclosure. By 2011, the stadium area was home to fewer businesses than in 1998, according to census data. The zip codes around Baltimore’s stadiums saw a 7.8 percent drop in the number of businesses from 1998 to 2011.

That final point is important to note because the PawSox are promising that their new stadium will be a catalyst for development, whereas the record shows the exact opposite. As I have also noted previously, the parcels chosen by the PawSox have already been designated not just as a public park but as an important site for waste water mitigation, the hinge of an all-important master permit that will shorten development times significantly. If that permit is voided, that could result in the I-195 land remaining vacant. And it seems from these accounts that Lucchino has a long-standing habit of causing just that.

To close out, here is an article from The Baltimore Sun in 2012. Titled WAS CAMDEN YARDS WORTH IT?, the prognosis is an astounding negative. And what is especially impressive is the apt comparison the authors make to Boston and Fenway Park, something that might be a tad relevant to this discussion also.

None of the cities that banked on downtown “stadium stimuli” have reversed their population losses. Between 2000 and 2010, Baltimore lost 30,193 residents (4.6 percent of its population), St. Louis, 28,895 (8.3 percent), Pittsburgh, 28,859 (8.6 percent), Cincinnati, 34,340 (10.4 percent), Cleveland, 81,588 (17.1 percent), and Detroit, 237,493 (24.9 percent). Meanwhile, some cities that have refused to subsidize stadiums have fared much better. Consider Boston…There, the baseball team plays in a 100-year-old ballpark that is privately owned by a property tax-paying entity…Boston city proper is much healthier and more vibrant than Baltimore City precisely because, three decades ago, Boston took a more organic approach to urban renewal…From 1947 to 1972, manufacturing jobs declined by 43 percent in Boston versus 25 percent in Baltimore. From 1950 to 1980, Boston’s population fell 30 percent compared to Baltimore’s 17 percent…By 1975, Boston’s crime rate was higher than Baltimore’s, and by 1979, Boston’s median household income was lower than Baltimore’s. But in 1980, Massachusetts voters passed Proposition 2 1/2 , forcing Boston to cut its effective property tax rate by an estimated 75 percent within two years. …While Boston has 10 percent more residents than it had in 1980, Baltimore has 21 percent fewer. Boston’s inflation-adjusted median household income rose 51 percent between 1979 and 2009, but Baltimore’s grew only 2 percent. We continue to struggle with high poverty rates and tens of thousands of properties that are vacant or in disrepair.

Dr. Steinberg has consistently claimed that, when Larry Lucchino showed up in Boston, he was a major figure in opposing the replacement of Fenway Park. Anyone familiar with that movement knows that is a little bit of a stretch, in fact the SAVE FENWAY campaign was a grassroots effort that got a big boost when BoSox players also took up the cause. But it is also pretty obvious for an outside observer that the city officials of Boston probably just balked at Lucchino’s requests in light of their progressive tax code and host of regulations. It remains to be seen if Rhode Island will follow the example of Boston from either two decades ago, when they decided to preserve Fenway, or just this past month, when Mayor Marty Walsh refused to pay the tab for the International Olympic Committee.

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Non-violence is not non-confrontation


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2015-05-02 BlackLivesMatter 035As the nation watched Baltimore grapple with the latest wave of police brutality, there has been a great deal of outcry in the media and opinion pages touting the virtues of “nonviolence.” We have seen in the past weeks that it is possible to have angry confrontation without violence. Anger is powerful: it represents the pain of the aggrieved, and the stakes of the fight. One can yell peacefully in anger, yet we have no category to understand such behavior. We should be supporting anger; what’s more, we should avoid conflating “non-confrontation” with “nonviolence.” Extolling the perceived virtues of non-confrontation—in the name of nonviolence—weakens a movement.

Protestors in Baltimore have angrily expressed frustration with media coverage of their city. Media, they say, refused to cover the structural injustices that have created the problems Baltimore faces, and yet greedily run images of looting, painting the city and its African-American citizens as lawless. Angry confrontation and violence are synonymous in people’s minds thanks to this kind of representation.

Ta-Nehesi Coates argues that nonviolence, when it “begins halfway through the war with the aggressor calling time out, exposes itself as a ruse.” He calls nonviolence the “right answer to the wrong question.” His point is that when nonviolence is advocated as an attempt to avoid the repercussions of oppression, it rings false.

For me, the lesson from this is a little different. It is also straightforward: first, to move a big system, people need to get angry. Second, angry protest—not violent protest— that puts people on the line can effectively do that. Protests are necessary because they move outside the institutionalized form of dissent (petitions, letterwriting, etc.) that are easy for those in power to ignore. Quite literally, protests command attention.

I am a sociologist, and study after study in my field finds that, in order to take on a large and entrenched power structure, people need to break out of the rules that structure imposes. The Civil Rights movement did not achieve success because people wrote polite petitions and met with their legislators, although they did—it was successful because people took to the streets. Female suffragists seeking the vote in America were arrested for picketing because they could not make legislators listen to “polite” requests. Power is rarely, if ever, shared willingly that way. Challenging powerful systems requires acting outside that system. If a political structure is not designed to acknowledge grievances from people, people must go outside of it to be heard. In Baltimore, that means being in the streets. And in Baltimore, it worked.

That, to me, is what the events of the past few weeks are about. It is empowering: 10,000 people protested in the wake of the Freddie Gray murder. Contrary to the popular media accounts, the vast majority of protests were peaceful. People were justifiably angry. And Baltimore officials responded: the city is pressing charges against the six officers who killed Mr. Gray.

Nonviolence is a principle to which I adhere in my own life. It should not be conflated, however, with non-confrontation, or with non-anger. Anger here is rational. It is confrontation of injustice, accompanied by emotional commitment, that moves mountains.

Voices from PVD Black Lives Matter march in solidarity with Baltimore


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2015-05-02 BlackLivesMatter 057Over 500 people march through the streets of Providence as part of Saturday’s Black Lives Matter march in solidarity with Baltimore. Judging from the enthusiastic and mostly positive response of the people watching or encountering the march, the messaging of the movement is starting to penetrate the general population.

What is that message?

I will let those who organized and participated in the march explain for themselves.

“When we chant Black Lives Matter, we are bringing forward voices that are normally ignored. Historically ignored. Presently ignored. To push back and tell us All Lives Matter is to also be complicit with this hetero-patriarchal, white supremacist society…”

“My son Joshua was… what I am going to say is that…” began Suzette, torn with emotion, “my son had the shit beat out of him for whatever apparent reason… on a basic routine traffic stop… and uh… the end result is that the pain which I’m feeling right now… to say to your son that there is going to be no justice…”

“In my life I’ve had many experiences with the police in this city, in every neighborhood in it, and it’s never been pleasant. It’s been funny sometimes, but, it’s always been very intimidating and scary because I didn’t know what was going to happen. A lot of times, it was very humiliating. A lot of times it was kind of vicious and painful…”

“We know that the police [in Baltimore] have been charged with something, and what they’ve been charged with is one thing, but the main goal is that when they go to court, we want to make sure that when they go to court that they’re prosecuted for what they’ve been charged for…”

“Don’t be afraid to say ‘Black Lives Matter.’ We know, it’s been proven to us time and time again that white people matter. We know that. It’s in our face every effen day…”

“You see gentrification of the West Side, well now its the West Side,” said Chanravy, “It used to be called the West End, right? But because this development is coming in, now it’s the West Side. That’s when you know the white folks are moving in, right?”

Note the police car now filming the speakers through the fence.

Three speakers from PrYSM spoke in favor of the Community Safety Act (CSA). “It is a city ordinance that will create measures within the Providence Police department that will make it easier for us, the people, to fight back. The CSA will prevent them from profiling based on race, gender and immigration status. The CSA will create a community board that will make sure that they stay in line. The CSA will make it harder for them to conduct searches on us. The CSA will make sure they don’t work with ICE to throw us into the deportation machine. The CSA will restore due process rights for many young people accused of being in a gang…”

Radames Cruz performed his spoken word piece, “Can I Live?”

“When we stand up this time, we must not sit back down. That’s what they’re waiting on. They’re trying to wait us out, right? they tried to wait Ferguson out. They’re trying to wait Baltimore out. They’re saying ‘We’re just going to wait them out.’ That’s the human tendency…”

“I had a pretty bad experience with the Providence police. At 19 years of age I was going through a depressive time in life and I walked up on a bridge and thought that I wanted to end it all. But I felt like, maybe the police could help me. So I called the police and they came over, 3 or 4 of them, and while I’m on this bridge, over the highway, I hear a police officer yell in the background, ‘If you’re going to jump, then jump.'”

“A few years back I was in a very toxic relationship and my boyfriend of the time, he beat me up pretty badly. I didn’t have access to a phone, but he took advantage of him calling the police. The police came, I thought I was going to be okay because I had the bruises. I was bleeding. I had the scratches and all the marks. So I thought I was okay. Long story short I had an officer tell me that there is no such thing as self defense because my ex-boyfriend had a bite mark on his arm. So I was arrested. I was booked. I sat in a jail cell for hours until they posted bail…”

 “The brother said, ‘by any means necessary’ but my question to you is, How far are you willing to go? Because our history says, anything that has been built, it must be destroyed. And the only way you’re going to destroy that is through bloody force…”

A song from Putu, (Putugah Takpaw Phenom) was next. “Have you ever heard the revolutionaries cry, ‘How come you let our revolutionaries die?’

The event was closed out with a final song.

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Rebuilding Rhode Island’s Economy, Part 2: Strategic Sourcing


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Growing Business“Buy Local” is a catchphrase used ubiquitously throughout the country.  Virtually every community has initiated their own buy local campaign.  Here in Little Rhody, we have “Buy Local RI,” a little website set up by Lt. Governor Roberts that has since become irrelevant.  There are other initiatives too, such as It’s All in Our Backyard, Buy with Heart, Union Bucks, and Small Business Saturday, that seek to direct spending to small and locally-owned businesses rather than “large box” retailers.

This all makes sense and I can appreciate the importance.  Fundamentally, when local dollars are spent locally, they recirculate in the economy.  Or to put it conversely, every dollar that is spent outside of the state is a net loss of overall wealth for Rhode Island.  Similarly, every dollar spent at a national chain (even if local) suffers from leakage as our economic system peels off layers of surplus value to pay shareholders, CEOs, advertising, etc. that drains wealth from a community.  You get the picture.

While I support the whole concept of buy local, it is really low impact and based more on the individual consumer’s purchasing decisions.  “Should I get my tools and supplies at Mt. Pleasant Hardware, or should I go to Home Depot?  Should I get my copy of Debtors’ Prison: The Politics of Austerity Versus Possibility at Symposium Books downtown, or should I just order it from Amazon?”  Many people choose the latter in these scenarios.  With limited take-up of “buy local,” the benefits remain small.

What can work much better is strategic sourcing from large local institutions.  This can include universities, hospitals, large corporations (I’m looking at you CVS, Fidelity, and GTECH), and city and state governments. [Note: it’s important to remember that all this can be done without a local purchasing preference policy which Rhode Island policymakers rejected a few years ago at the request of large contractors due to the danger of reciprocity in other states.]

A lot of my work involves strategic sourcing and when done right the results are hugely beneficial for local, small, minority, and women owned businesses.  And it benefits the state too as more purchasing done locally = more tax revenue.  It’s not easy to do (nothing is), but if one looks at a hospital (or system like Lifespan), the amount of money they spend in any given year is huge, similarly for universities, for city governments, and for corporations.

The state can be a partner in the strategic sourcing process by helping identify local businesses that can serve as vendors for large institutions that currently buy large quantities of goods and services out of state or overseas.  Imagine if the RIEDC RI Commerce Corporation convened a roundtable of all the executive leadership from each of the state’s hospitals, sought to understand their purchasing needs, identified mutual pain points, and proactively identified, recruited, and scaled local businesses to serve the needs of these institutions.  Linking local suppliers to local buyers is a low cost way to boost the economy.

Sounds far-fetched, but I do this often at work.  Recently, I assisted with Johns Hopkins University’s initiative to increase their local spend by 10% in Baltimore, developed a local sourcing plan for a Los Angeles Hospital, and analyzed the success of Source Detroit, a program to transfer a portion of the $1.6 billion dollars spent annually by Wayne State University, the Detroit Medical Center, and the Henry Ford Health System to locally owned businesses.

The process is basically to find out what an institution buys and then identify local businesses that can supply it instead.  There are challenges, however.  First and most importantly, you need commitment and buy-in from the senior executive leadership at the institutions.  There are lots of good ideas out there and quick-win solutions that would boost the state’s economy, but without the commitment, nothing is going to happen.

Second, not everything can be sourced locally so you need to be selective.  This is the fundamental difference between a generic buy local campaign and strategic sourcing.  Identifying the high-spend categories that are available in the local market is important and will make the process flow smoother.  Not everything is made here, and if it’s not made here, it can’t be purchased here.  Luckily though, Rhode Island still makes a lot of stuff.

Third, you have to overcome the existing practices of the purchasing managers.  Relationships take time to build, and switching to a new vendor can involve some risks.  These risks can be partially alleviated by starting slow and by identifying quality local supplies used by other institutions.  There is a process that works to change the purchasing habits and long-standing relationships, but it takes time.

Fourth, sometimes local suppliers don’t have the cheapest per product cost.  When businesses operate with a shortsighted focus on low prices, local suppliers lose even though they may still have the lowest overall cost.  There are many hard and soft procurement costs that are often ignored such as transportation fees, legal fees, late deliveries, damaged product, etc. that would not accrue from local vendors.

Finally, many small businesses need help building their capacity to be able to handle the procurement needs of a large institution.  Here is another role for the state and partners to play to ensure that the local businesses can effectively provide the goods and services needed by large institutions.  Small business support organizations like the Small Business Development Center and SCORE can offer the training and resources needed.

Why is strategic sourcing important for the state?  There are three key reasons.

  1. It benefits the local community.  When institutions source locally, local revenues increase, resulting in higher tax revenue for the state, and the increased demand may lead to the creation of new jobs.  By identifying minority and women-owned firms, or firms located in low-income areas of the state, strategic sourcing can have profound positive impact for some of the most economically marginalized folks among us.
  2. It benefits the institution.  Local goods and services can reduce delivery times, allow for lower overhead costs (you don’t need to store as much when the supplier is 15 minutes away), and reduce potential disruptions in the supply chain.
  3. It strengthens the entire business community.  By shifting spend to local vendors, large institutions improve the local business ecosystem and generate a more robust and competitive network of suppliers.  Having local suppliers also means interactions are easier and quicker, and the partnerships can develop new ways to identify and rectify supply chain problems, create new products and processes, and add innovation to the whole system.  Also, by shifting to local purchasing, local vendors become more adept, more responsive, and more stable over the long-term.

If I was a Mayor or Governor, I would create a position in my administration specifically tasked with building and supporting these relationships.  There is a net benefit to the state with the minimal cost of an FTE position in the budget.  The benefit to a city is less, although new business expansion would provide additional property tax revenue.  To do it right, you need someone competent who can facilitate these connections, hold conferences and convenings, and identify the local businesses that can act as vendors.

Alternatively, this could be done outside of government by any trusted third-party (i.e. RI Foundation, Chamber of Commerce, RI Black Business Association, etc.).

This is the 2nd in my ongoing economic development series called “Rebuilding Rhode Island’s Economy.”