Why David Carlin denies existence of white privilege


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“…Our white countrymen do not know us. They are strangers to our character, ignorant of our capacity, oblivious to our history and progress, and are misinformed as to the principles and ideas that control and guide us, as a people. The great mass of American citizens estimates us as being a characterless and purposeless people; and hence we hold up our heads, if at all, against the withering influence of a nation’s scorn and contempt.”
— Frederick Douglass

privilegeDavid R. Carlin recently shared his life experience through his September 20th commentary in the Providence Journal, as a youth growing up in Pawtucket, Rhode Island in the 1950s and recounted what it was like to live in a tenement on Beverage Hill Avenue, with no hot water, and having to sacrifice having a car in order to pay for a sick sibling’s medical bills.  Unfortunately too many Americans of all backgrounds have similar stories of struggle, and today the widening of gaps between the classes is a pervasive societal issue.  I have to admit I had nowhere near as arduous a life growing up in Rhode Island. My siblings and I were born and raised in a family of color in Newport with two educated, hardworking and loving parents.

Mr. Carlin recounted his experience as a youth without privilege to explain his belief that there is no “white privilege” in the greater American society.  He contends that the conception he and other white Americans have been afforded certain opportunities solely based on their race, and that black Americans have been denied such opportunities, is mistaken.  The whole of his essay can be summed up as this: white privilege is an excuse and black American’s are solely responsible for their current destructive experience and station in society.

As Mr. Carlin explains “if the average black is worse off than the average white in almost every category of well-being — health, wealth, income, education, high culture, gainful employment, etc. — this is chiefly because of an appallingly dysfunctional subculture that is pervasive among the black lower classes.”

What Mr. Carlin fails to understand is that white privilege is not explicit, and when you are the beneficiary, it is even harder to recognize its existence.  Studies have repeatedly demonstrated that drug use rates between white and black users are incredibly comparable.  Yet while black people make up only 14 percent of regular drug users, they account for 37 percent of those arrested (via Human Rights Watch).  Jeffrey Fagan, a Columbia University Law professor found that under New York’s controversial Stop & Frisk policy between 2004 and 2009 less than 1 perncet of stops recovered weapons, and of those found they were more frequently recovered from white people.  But still, black people were disproportionately stopped as compared to whites and were 14 percent more likely to be subjected to force.  It should not be lost on anyone as to why Stop & Frisk was recently ruled unconstitutional.

These are just some of the many data points which corroborate the fact that the United States has always had and continues to perpetuate a very real and dangerous problem when it comes to the lack of equality between the races. A fantastic source is Michelle Alexander’s The New Jim Crow, which details the history of our current criminal justice and prison systems and how they function to continually oppress Black and Brown citizens of this country.

I think the unfortunate reality is that people like Mr. Carlin too often are misinformed on what white privilege actually is, and also severely lack day to day contact with people of color.

Someone who denies white privilege is not necessarily racist, they are just ignorant to the reality we live in due to the privilege bubble in which they conveniently exist.  So in the spirit of educating over arguing, I have made a quick reference list for Mr. Carlin and the others in denial so they too can be better informed and therefore, better equipped to discuss race in America.

  • White privilege is being sentenced to rehab for drug use because you’re “sick” and need to be treated, not incarcerated because you are deemed inherently dangerous.
  • White privilege is reminding people to always remember Pearl Harbor, The Alamo, The Boston Tea Party and both World Wars, but then asking why Black people can’t seem to put slavery behind them.
  • White privilege is not having people ask you why you “speak so well”.
  • White privilege is no one assumes your success in education or your career is due to athletic scholarships or affirmative action.
  • White privilege is sharing an opinion and not having it used as representative of all the other members of your race
  • White privilege is not having the justice system routinely incarcerate the men of your race at astronomically disproportionate rates for decades and therefore crippling your family structure for generations.
  • White privilege is having an interaction with law enforcement and being able to walk away with your life.
  • White privilege is David Carlin getting to tell an entire group of people that their centuries long struggle due to systematic social and political disenfranchisement is essentially their fault and their problem alone, and certainly not a problem that the greater society should tackle together.

Unfortunately it is the Carlins, Carsons and Trumps of the world that perpetuate the ongoing racial bias that divides our nation.  If more time and effort was spent actually engaging people from the disenfranchised communities and trying to find a common goal of equality among races and classes, rather than finger pointing and victim blaming, we might actually have a chance at progressing as a society and as a human race.  In 2015 it is terrifying to see how little has actually changed for black and brown people in America.  What has changed is how the injustices are perpetuated and the true intentions camouflaged behind voting rights restrictions, public policy and policing.

What we cannot allow to go unnoticed is when a person abandons scholarship for rhetoric and then tries to pass the latter off as the former.  The real issue here is that black and brown people in America are largely invisible to most whites. Like Mr. Carlin’s opinion piece, they talk about our lives, history and culture in a second person narrative, with little or no personal interactions or observations to validate their viewpoints.  Today more than ever, there needs to be more sound discussions on how to move forward together; black, brown and white, and less of the guilt ridden, victim blaming that only serves to further divide us.

Black Lives Matter, even in East Greenwich


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The March for Racial Justice head down Main Street in East Greenwich, on Sunday, Sept. 20.
The March for Racial Justice head down Main Street in East Greenwich, on Sunday, Sept. 20.

First came the killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, ensuing protests and videos of other unarmed black people around the country dying at the hands of police.

Then came white supremacist flyers delivered to some driveways in East Greenwich in June (“Earth’s most endangered species: the white race”).

Then came Sunday’s March for Racial Justice, which literally made a loop around my East Greenwich neighborhood.

This stuff is getting close to home!

East Greenwich is 92 percent white. That’s pretty pale. It’s easy to feel like we are not racist – maybe because we don’t have any race to bump up against. But if there’s one thing we’ve learned in the past 14 months, racism isn’t just white supremacist flyers. In fact, the most dangerous racism is living in a bubble where you don’t see there’s a problem.

Most of us moved to East Greenwich to live in that bubble, whether we did it overtly or not. We moved for the schools, we moved for the nice neighborhoods … we moved to be removed from the other. That’s the American way, the human way even. But it’s not the best way to live as one nation, united.

So it was good when, on Sunday in East Greenwich, about 200 people – mainly white – gathered at the Westminster Unitarian Church and marched down to Main Street and back (about 2 miles) chanting things like “What will we do for racial justice? Today we speak for racial justice.”

On Main Street. In my town.

Most of the marchers came from other places, but it was great to see many East Greenwich residents. Maybe a quarter of the marchers were from EG. That’s not a triumph. But it is a start.

East Greenwich joins White Noise Collective in march for racial justice


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2015-09-20 White Noise Collective 043Nearly 200 people turned out at the Westminster Unitarian Church for a Black Lives Matter march in response to white supremacists fliers that were distributed in East Greenwich and to ongoing racial injustice in our state and across the country. Police officers cleared a path for the two mile march that went through downtown East Greenwich, slowing, rerouting and delaying traffic. The march was organized by the White Noise Collective and Westminster Unitarian Church’s Social Responsibility Committee. Protesters called on white people in particular to stand up and support the growing Black Lives Matter movement.

“We have a responsibility as white people to acknowledge the racism people of color face every day in this state, and to support their struggles for justice,” said Ash Trull, a member of the White Noise Collective in a statement, “As long as we close our eyes when we see police profiling or plug our ears when we hear about employment and housing discrimination, then we’re part of the problem.”

Reverend Ellen Quaadgras of Westminster Unitarian and organizer Rachel Bishop spoke briefly before the march on the importance of the Black Lives Matter movement and why signs declaring “All Lives Matter” were specifically discouraged. After the march Ellen Tuzzolo of the White Noise Collective and Reverend Tim Rich of St. Luke’s Episcopal Church spoke briefly.

We are not going to change our white supremacist culture if white people are unwilling to confront systemic racism. Racism is not a black problem.

The White Noise Collective RI is a group of people working at the intersection of whiteness and gender oppression to disrupt racism and white supremacy, and to challenge white silence around these issues. It is a branch of the White Noise Collective in Oakland and an affiliate of the national network SURJ  (Showing Up for Racial Justice).

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Local white supremacists part of a broader, national movement


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Flyers
Racist East Greenwich Flyer

It is sad how some people cannot seem to let go of their irrational hatred of other people. In recent months we have seen a faceless outfit called Voice of the Renaissance litter East Greenwich with their flyers calling to preserve the White race, as if people of color who are building themselves up are a threat to White people everywhere (it’s not). Last February the Islamic School of Rhode Island was vandalized by someone who spray-painted Islamophobic messages on their building, one making his intentions very clear: “Now this is a hate crime!” And we all know by now how Donald Trump refused to rebuke a supporter who went on an anti-Muslim rant at his town hall event in Rochester, New Hampshire. Thing is, these things left unchecked may lead to even more extreme actions towards a community in the future, be it acts of violence or legislation that stifles rights. That is why when it happens those communities come out to build a resistance against it.

  • [Editor’s note: There will be a march against the racist flyers on Sunday, September 20 leaving from the Westminster Unitarian Church (119 Kenyon Ave, East Greenwich) at 12:30 pm. “In response to white supremacists fliers recently distributed in East Greenwich and to ongoing racial injustice in our state and across the county, Westminster Unitarian Church’s Social Responsibility Committee, the White Noise Collective, and concerned East Greenwich residents are organizing a march to mobilize people across RI for racial justice. We are calling on white people in particular to stand up and support the growing Black Lives Matter movement.“]

Those that engage in such behavior however are not going to be content with just tagging a school, throwing around flyers or ranting at a presidential candidate. That doesn’t get results. They still have to organize and network with people who can advance their hatred to the point that they see things happen for them, and they are able to reclaim a position they once had over the people they hate just a few short years ago. When they do that, it takes even more vigilance to fight back because this is when they are at their most dangerous.

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West Warwick Islamic School Vandalism

On Saturday, Oct. 31 (Halloween) a group with a rather benign name called the National Policy Institute (NPI) will hold a conference at the National Press Club in Washington, DC. While not directly connected to the Voice of the Renaissance, they share the same ideals. NPI is a promoter of eugenics, believing that blacks are genetically inferior to whites, has waged campaigns to make the Republican Party exclusively white, and is trying to build alliances with white supremacists and fascists in Europe. In fact, their leader, Richard Spencer, who has called for a white ethno-state, is not allowed to enter much of Europe for the next two years after he attempted to hold a similar conference in Budapest, Hungary. Undaunted, he continues to hold conferences in the DC area, often during the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) where he tries to build outreach to attendees, many of them young people, with some success. That means he is attempting to create a new generation of racist legislators who will keep his brand of hatred alive.

The speakers at the NPI conference include anti-Semites, Islamophobes and Men’s Rights Activists (MRAs) that will speak to political operatives, academics and others in a setting that unlike the average neo-Nazi rally, will give them the opportunity to network and organize behind closed doors. One of the speakers is part of a group that has the slogan “Ni keffieh, ni kippa”.(“Neither [Palestinian] keffieh, nor yarmulke”). They are only one of several similar conferences happening all around the country. Another one happening just one week later in Baltimore is sponsored by the H.L. Mencken Club, which is, curiously enough, one of the groups co-founded by NPI’s Richard Spencer.

They very seldom get opposition, mostly because they make themselves look like nothing more than your average conservative organization that doesn’t set off any alarms unless someone delves into what they are about, but unfortunately for them, that is what is beginning to happen. There are people mobilizing to oppose the NPI conference by calling the National Press Club – where NPI has held two other events – and sending them letters calling for them to shut this hate conference down. Failing that, they plan to be out there on Halloween, letting the hatemongers know that they are not welcome.

Regardless of what face hate puts on, we need to recognize it for what it is, and once we do keep it from hurting the greater society. We have seen what it has done to generations in this country and abroad, and although it is cliché, there is something to be said for how in this day and age this approach to life is still something palatable to some circles.

Let’s break those circles.

[Check out the One People’s Project here.]

Providence’s ‘community guy’: Kobi Dennis


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Kobi Dennis
Kobi Dennis

It’s a hot August day in Providence. Campaign Zero has just released a platform of demands the #BlackLivesMatter movement sees as tenable demands to reform the police and judicial system. I meet with activist Kobi Dennis at his office at the Broad Street Salvation Army for an interview. He is welcoming and open to all discussion, very giving of his time, but he is also meeting up with me following another community meeting. This is an individual who is about action rather than rhetoric.

At 44, Dennis has lived through a tumultuous era. The War on Drugs, crack cocaine, HIV/AIDS, and the school-to-prison pipeline were all major developments in the lives of men of color who came of age when he did. After serving in the Navy, he returned to Rhode Island, where he got married, had three children, and studied at Rhode Island College and University of Rhode Island.

He is the founder of Project: Night Vision and has worked with the Partnership to Address Violence through Education (PAVE), a group that works to prevent youth involvement in violent activity. And though he has developed good relationships with the leadership of the Providence Police Department, these relationships have not kept him out of the headlines. In April, Dennis and several other parents filed a complaint against the gun task force that had harassed his son and other young men one evening. The reprimand by Public Safety Commissioner Steven Pare earned the complainants the description of “politically-motivated and biased radical activists” from the Fraternal Order of Police Lodge #3. We discussed the matter in our interview and his feelings about the police force.

For years, the advances made by people of color have been based around the activism and community organizing of men and women who are willing to step to the forefront and take on the role of leadership. Angela Davis, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcolm X are just some of the individuals who come to mind. What defined their careers was a down-to-earth, practical approach that integrated theory with hands-on work among the people. Dennis strikes me as someone who is headed towards such standing in the near future.

During our conversation, we discussed everything from the new Midnight Basketball program to police recruitment policies to his feelings about working in the non-profit sector. Dennis presents a set of items that are practical yet also would have profound change on both Providence and the state. The onus is now upon the large community to consider these steps and work to implement them in a real timetable. We shall remain interested in both steps the General Assembly will take and where Dennis’s career will take him.

Juneteenth vigil for Black women lost to police violence


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(c) 2015 Rachel Simon
(c) 2015 Rachel Simon

More than 100 people gathered in India Point Park in Providence Friday evening for a Juneteenth vigil “to pay respects, mourn, honor, and acknowledge our fallen Black Cis and Trans Sisters who have lost their lives and freedom at the hands of the Police State.” Participants cast flowers into the Bay to remember the lives lost, and to honor their memories.

The event was described by organizers as a “vigil for the lives that are too often forgotten or pushed aside. The names who do not get chants, the faces who do not get to be transformed into posters, the people who are not chosen for Million Marches.”

Organizer Monay McNeil opened the space by reading a poem by Lucille Clifton.

Organizer Andrea Sterling delivered a powerful opening statement, saying, “We will acknowledge the ways in which society has deputized those even without badges to police Black bodies, Black women, and we’ll speak against that kind of police violence and terror as well.”

Organizer Helen McDonald shared thoughts about the recent shooting in Charleston, that took nine lives, including six Black women. “…attacking the black church is more than an attack on a physical space. It is an attack on a people, on a culture, on a history and on a legacy. Importantly, an attack on the Black church is an attack on Black women…”

Organizer Dania Sanchez then asked participants to speak the names of women who lost their lives to police violence. There were too many names spoken, and the list was of course not complete. Many those named were commemorated on the beautiful signs and posters brought by members of the Providence Youth Student Movement (PrYSM).

Participants were then invited to cast flowers into the water, to symbolize and commemorate the lives of Black women who have lost their lives to police violence.

The event closed out with a powerful open letter from all the organizers, Andrea, Dania, Helen and Monay, to “those who claim to love Black womanhood — our collective passion, histories, political work, bodies, and victories — but do not love Black women.”

Their words hit close to home.

Yazmin Vash Payne

Ty Underwood

Taja Gabrielle De Jesus

Penny Proud

Mya Hall

Mia Henderson

Lamia Beard

Kristina Reinwald

Islan Nettles

Bri Goleg

(c) 2015 Rachel Simon
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(c) 2015 Rachel Simon
(c) 2015 Rachel Simon
(c) 2015 Rachel Simon

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Andrea, Dania, Helen & Monay
Andrea, Dania, Helen & Monay

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Non-violence is not non-confrontation


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2015-05-02 BlackLivesMatter 035As the nation watched Baltimore grapple with the latest wave of police brutality, there has been a great deal of outcry in the media and opinion pages touting the virtues of “nonviolence.” We have seen in the past weeks that it is possible to have angry confrontation without violence. Anger is powerful: it represents the pain of the aggrieved, and the stakes of the fight. One can yell peacefully in anger, yet we have no category to understand such behavior. We should be supporting anger; what’s more, we should avoid conflating “non-confrontation” with “nonviolence.” Extolling the perceived virtues of non-confrontation—in the name of nonviolence—weakens a movement.

Protestors in Baltimore have angrily expressed frustration with media coverage of their city. Media, they say, refused to cover the structural injustices that have created the problems Baltimore faces, and yet greedily run images of looting, painting the city and its African-American citizens as lawless. Angry confrontation and violence are synonymous in people’s minds thanks to this kind of representation.

Ta-Nehesi Coates argues that nonviolence, when it “begins halfway through the war with the aggressor calling time out, exposes itself as a ruse.” He calls nonviolence the “right answer to the wrong question.” His point is that when nonviolence is advocated as an attempt to avoid the repercussions of oppression, it rings false.

For me, the lesson from this is a little different. It is also straightforward: first, to move a big system, people need to get angry. Second, angry protest—not violent protest— that puts people on the line can effectively do that. Protests are necessary because they move outside the institutionalized form of dissent (petitions, letterwriting, etc.) that are easy for those in power to ignore. Quite literally, protests command attention.

I am a sociologist, and study after study in my field finds that, in order to take on a large and entrenched power structure, people need to break out of the rules that structure imposes. The Civil Rights movement did not achieve success because people wrote polite petitions and met with their legislators, although they did—it was successful because people took to the streets. Female suffragists seeking the vote in America were arrested for picketing because they could not make legislators listen to “polite” requests. Power is rarely, if ever, shared willingly that way. Challenging powerful systems requires acting outside that system. If a political structure is not designed to acknowledge grievances from people, people must go outside of it to be heard. In Baltimore, that means being in the streets. And in Baltimore, it worked.

That, to me, is what the events of the past few weeks are about. It is empowering: 10,000 people protested in the wake of the Freddie Gray murder. Contrary to the popular media accounts, the vast majority of protests were peaceful. People were justifiably angry. And Baltimore officials responded: the city is pressing charges against the six officers who killed Mr. Gray.

Nonviolence is a principle to which I adhere in my own life. It should not be conflated, however, with non-confrontation, or with non-anger. Anger here is rational. It is confrontation of injustice, accompanied by emotional commitment, that moves mountains.

Voices from PVD Black Lives Matter march in solidarity with Baltimore


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2015-05-02 BlackLivesMatter 057Over 500 people march through the streets of Providence as part of Saturday’s Black Lives Matter march in solidarity with Baltimore. Judging from the enthusiastic and mostly positive response of the people watching or encountering the march, the messaging of the movement is starting to penetrate the general population.

What is that message?

I will let those who organized and participated in the march explain for themselves.

“When we chant Black Lives Matter, we are bringing forward voices that are normally ignored. Historically ignored. Presently ignored. To push back and tell us All Lives Matter is to also be complicit with this hetero-patriarchal, white supremacist society…”

“My son Joshua was… what I am going to say is that…” began Suzette, torn with emotion, “my son had the shit beat out of him for whatever apparent reason… on a basic routine traffic stop… and uh… the end result is that the pain which I’m feeling right now… to say to your son that there is going to be no justice…”

“In my life I’ve had many experiences with the police in this city, in every neighborhood in it, and it’s never been pleasant. It’s been funny sometimes, but, it’s always been very intimidating and scary because I didn’t know what was going to happen. A lot of times, it was very humiliating. A lot of times it was kind of vicious and painful…”

“We know that the police [in Baltimore] have been charged with something, and what they’ve been charged with is one thing, but the main goal is that when they go to court, we want to make sure that when they go to court that they’re prosecuted for what they’ve been charged for…”

“Don’t be afraid to say ‘Black Lives Matter.’ We know, it’s been proven to us time and time again that white people matter. We know that. It’s in our face every effen day…”

“You see gentrification of the West Side, well now its the West Side,” said Chanravy, “It used to be called the West End, right? But because this development is coming in, now it’s the West Side. That’s when you know the white folks are moving in, right?”

Note the police car now filming the speakers through the fence.

Three speakers from PrYSM spoke in favor of the Community Safety Act (CSA). “It is a city ordinance that will create measures within the Providence Police department that will make it easier for us, the people, to fight back. The CSA will prevent them from profiling based on race, gender and immigration status. The CSA will create a community board that will make sure that they stay in line. The CSA will make it harder for them to conduct searches on us. The CSA will make sure they don’t work with ICE to throw us into the deportation machine. The CSA will restore due process rights for many young people accused of being in a gang…”

Radames Cruz performed his spoken word piece, “Can I Live?”

“When we stand up this time, we must not sit back down. That’s what they’re waiting on. They’re trying to wait us out, right? they tried to wait Ferguson out. They’re trying to wait Baltimore out. They’re saying ‘We’re just going to wait them out.’ That’s the human tendency…”

“I had a pretty bad experience with the Providence police. At 19 years of age I was going through a depressive time in life and I walked up on a bridge and thought that I wanted to end it all. But I felt like, maybe the police could help me. So I called the police and they came over, 3 or 4 of them, and while I’m on this bridge, over the highway, I hear a police officer yell in the background, ‘If you’re going to jump, then jump.'”

“A few years back I was in a very toxic relationship and my boyfriend of the time, he beat me up pretty badly. I didn’t have access to a phone, but he took advantage of him calling the police. The police came, I thought I was going to be okay because I had the bruises. I was bleeding. I had the scratches and all the marks. So I thought I was okay. Long story short I had an officer tell me that there is no such thing as self defense because my ex-boyfriend had a bite mark on his arm. So I was arrested. I was booked. I sat in a jail cell for hours until they posted bail…”

 “The brother said, ‘by any means necessary’ but my question to you is, How far are you willing to go? Because our history says, anything that has been built, it must be destroyed. And the only way you’re going to destroy that is through bloody force…”

A song from Putu, (Putugah Takpaw Phenom) was next. “Have you ever heard the revolutionaries cry, ‘How come you let our revolutionaries die?’

The event was closed out with a final song.

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Photos: PVD Black Lives Matter march in solidarity with Baltimore


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2015-05-02 BlackLivesMatter 016Over 500 people joined the Black Lives Matter march in Providence on Saturday. The event, organized by End Police Brutality PVD, was held in solidarity with Baltimore, which has become the new epicenter for change in the ongoing tragedy of police violence against blacks and other people of color. The march began in the parking lot of Central High School and took a long twisting route through downtown Providence before looping back and filling the parking lot behind DARE (Direct Action for Rights and Equality).

2015-05-02 BlackLivesMatter 033Well over 60 Providence police officers and a fair number of State police flanked the peaceful protest. There were no arrests made. The police were also recording the march, and spent a long time videotaping the marchers through the fence at the press conference held in the DARE parking lot at the end of the march. When the march briefly paused at the Providence Public Safety building, participants were startled to see police officers in full riot gear watching them from the windows.

In my years of recording and reporting on protests and marches of all kinds, I’ve never seen such a large police presence.

Contributing to the photos below is the talented Rachel Simon.

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ACLU president Susan Herman on civil liberties, South Carolina and Black Lives Matter


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Herman
Susan Herman. Photo courtesy of ACLU.

Susan Herman, president of the American Civil Liberties Union who is in Rhode Island today to speak at a panel discussion on policing, said she is not surprised to learn that a white police officer shot a Black man in South Carolina.

“I wish I could say I was surprised,” she told me. “Unfortunately it’s not news that a Black man was shot by a white police officer. That’s happened 100 times since March. What is news is that the system actually responded and the officer will be charged.”

A constitutional law professor who has headed the ACLU since 2008, Herman said the response in South Carolina compared to the response in Ferguson is encouraging.

“It’s a sign that an awareness has been sparked by the troubling events in Ferguson, and that awareness is starting to bear fruit,” she said. “It’s possible that South Carolina is being so responsive because the American people have woken up to the fact that Black lives do matter.”

Herman said more and more of the ACLU’s work is being focused on racial issues, such as those related to the Black Lives Matter movement, because people of color much more frequently have their civil liberties curtailed. “Ever since Ferguson there has been tremendous interest in stories like this,” she said. “I think prior to Ferguson, a lot of people thought there wasn’t a problem.”

Nationally, she said, the ACLU is focusing attention on mass incarceration and voter suppression laws, both of which disproportionately adversely affect people of color. “What’s special about the ACLU is we connect the dots,” she said, invoking the famous ACLU catch phrase – ‘defend everybody.'”

She termed the amount of money the United States invests incarcerating its citizens as “staggering,” adding, “We’re stripping money from schools so that we can lock people up. It’s a great big societal mistake.”

And Herman referred to voter ID laws as “voter suppression laws,” saying, “if our public servants are not accountable to the people, there’s no limit on what they can do.” I asked her if she was surprised that a nominally liberal state like Rhode Island has such a law and she said, “It’s really just a political tool and there’s not just one party that tries to give itself an advantage.”

I asked her to give the Ocean State a grade on defending Rhode Islanders civil liberties, and she declined saying instead, “If even one person in Rhode Island is searched because of their race, that’s bad.”

Highway protest bill represses free speech, discourages activism


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highwayshutdownA bill being considered by the state Senate would make interfering with traffic on a street, sidewalk, or highway, a felony. A felony, we should remember, carries minimum prison sentences, and directly or indirectly disenfranchises people for life. The bill, introduced in the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests that swept the nation this winter, is sponsored by state Senators Lou Raptakis, Frank Lombardo, Frank Lombardi, Mike McCaffrey and Paul Jabour, who purport to want to protect public safety. There has been a great deal of outcry about the possibility of blocking ambulances during protests. This sort of objection and these sorts of laws, however, are manifestations of the systematic repressions that protests like Black Lives Matter seek to change.

For one, both the United States and Rhode Island prisons are full to overflowing (I know—I teach community college classes in the RI Adult Correctional Institution). As a nation, we also know that we have a problem with mass incarceration. In fact, it is one of the few bipartisan issues that currently has any traction. Filling more prison beds with nonviolent activists does not help.

Designating people felons disenfranchises them—in some ways formally and directly, and in other ways informally and indirectly. Convicted felons can vote in Rhode Island, but that is not the case everywhere, and there are almost universal employment and housing consequences for those with felony convictions. If every Rhode Islander who participated in blocking highways during the Black Lives Matter protests was convicted of felonies, a substantial portion of the activists in our state would not only be locked away for some time, but permanently relegated to second-class citizenship. To suggest that the bill has another purpose is to engage in delusion.

The threat of felony convictions would, of course, discourage activism, which is a grave mistake. Activists—indeed, civil disobedience—is responsible for some of the greatest social transformations in history, including the suffrage and civil rights movements, to name just two. Activism and civil disobedience have an important place in American democracy.

Third, ambulances are routinely deterred from highways for reasons unrelated to protest. Several months ago President Obama visited Providence, and the highway was shut for several miles during his stay, necessitating a full detour around the city for many of us to get home. There was no outcry about closing highways for such an occasion.

Fourth and finally, because of the bill’s language and the great degree of police discretion it implies, the legislation could scoop up the homeless, further criminalizing poverty. The bill targets anyone that “stands, sits, kneels, or otherwise loiters on any federal or state highway” and that “could reasonably be construed as interfering with the lawful movement of traffic”—meaning, of course, that those who live on the streets would be prosecutable for simply being there.

The First Amendment protects our right to free speech. To turn over the decision of determining when a protest has become “interference” effectively passes off that right to free speech to the discretion of the officers patrolling the event. The bill is on the table in Rhode Island, but it has tremendous implications for freedom of speech elsewhere, and could powerfully affect the climate of activism in the entire country.

Senator Raptakis, for example, thinks that highway blockades are “not the best way to protest.”

Hearing this, I am reminded of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s famous remarks from the Birmingham Jail about the “moderate, who is more devoted to ‘order’ than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: ‘I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action’; who,” King concludes, “paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man’s freedom.”

Let’s let this bill die.

Highway protests then and now


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black lives matter
Highway Protest, 2014

Many Rhode Islanders remember the day when 250 protesters, described by police as “mostly non-violent” but “certainly out of hand” moved towards the highway. The intentions of the protesters were unclear, but the leader of the rally spoke like a radical.

“We need a revolution,” he said

“The rally escalated to a march,” said Raymonde Wolstenholme, one of those arrested, “when someone with a bullhorn suggested that the group head for the highway, saying, ‘No one is seeing us here. Let’s go to 95, and maybe the governor will drive by and see us.’”

The police moved in and made seven arrests, charging them all with disorderly conduct. All were processed and released with a summons to be in District Court a couple weeks later. Due to the intercession of the mayor, who said, “These are normally law-abiding citizens… I do not feel it would serve any purpose to increase the difficulties and suffering of these people,” all charges were dropped.

The year was 1991.

Rhode Island was in the middle of the RISDIC crisis. The Rhode Island Share and Deposit Indemnity Corporation was a financial institution insurance program with a name that made it sound like a government institution, but in reality it was a private agency, and it was out of money. Thousands of people had their life savings frozen, perhaps lost. Many of the people affected were elderly, their hard earned retirement savings gone.

Bruce Sundlun
Bruce Sundlun

The new Governor, Bruce Sundlun, made some unpopular moves to rescue the life savings of the depositors, even as rumors mounted of elderly people losing their homes, forced to eat cat food to survive or even taking their own lives. To help get depositors their money back, Sundlun formed DEPCO, Depositors Economic Protection Corporation, and put Richard H. Gaskill in charge as Executive Director.

In September of 1991 Gaskill planned a $2,000 party that “was intended to bring DEPCO employees and employees from the closed Central and Rhode Island Central credit unions together in an informal atmosphere to meet and share ideas.” [Providence Journal; August 27, 1991] Depositors were outraged. Jack Kayrouz, head of Citizens for Depositors’ Rights Organization, representing those whose savings were at stake, described the party as “Arrogance.”

“This (party) tells us what kind of people are running our economy,” Kayrouz said. “They’re not made of flesh and blood. They’re made of precious metal. They’re immune to the suffering of the depositors, the taxpayers and the elderly. We need human beings in charge. We need a revolution.

Citing “adverse publicity” the party was cancelled, but protesters gathered outside The Rhode Island Central Credit Union on Jefferson Boulevard in Warwick at 7pm anyway and blocked traffic for about two hours. That’s when “the rally escalated to a march,” the protesters headed towards the highway, and the police made seven arrests. From the Providence Journal:

Herbert Schoettle, 65, of Warwick was arrested for disorderly conduct after he put a chair in the middle of Jefferson Boulevard and sat down.

Others arrested on the same charge when they tried to enter the ramp onto 95 were: Thomas J. DeAngelis, 65, of Cranston, Ertha DeAngelis, 60, also of Cranston, Steven J. DiPalma, 37, of Coventry, Raymonde Wolstenholme, 68, of Burrillville, Donald Wolstenholme, 67, of Burrillville and Margaret H. Fitzgerald, 32, of Coventry.

“We never made it to the highway,” said Steven J. DiPalma, when I called him at his home, “As a matter of fact, you want to hear the stupidest thing? This is stupid. I wasn’t even picked up. My fiancé at the time  [Margaret H. Fitzgerald] was. They grabbed her… they didn’t grab her… They just escorted her onto the bus. She wanted me to hold her pocketbook, and I didn’t want to hold her pocketbook, so I actually followed her onto the bus, but then I couldn’t get off the bus.”

“So you ended up getting arrested with her?” I asked, “That’s romantic.”

“Yeah, well, once you’re on the bus you’re on the bus.”

They were married shortly after, and are still together.

I asked what he thought of the Black Lives Matter protest in Providence last November that resulted in the highway being blocked and seven arrests.

“Personally I think it’s a stupid idea [to block the highway]. You can’t block a highway. First of all, there’s a lot of innocent drivers on the highway, just driving by. They don’t have any idea what’s going on. It’s a public safety issue.”

“But weren’t the people protesting with you intent on blocking the highway?” I asked, “That is why they were arrested.”

“I don’t think we were actually going to go block the highway, per se,” said DiPalma, “we were just going towards the highway, just to get media attention. That’s all we were trying to do. Get attention on the banking crisis of that time. We weren’t going to block a highway. We’re not suicidal!”

At the time of the arrests, Warwick Deputy Police Chief John J. Mulhearn said of the protestors, that, blocking traffic was “not the proper way to demonstrate. . . They cannot block major thoroughfares like that. It posed a dangerous situation for all involved.”

“This civil disobedience that you have is good,” says DiPalma today, “but it has to be within limits.”

I mentioned that I’m interested in this event because the treatment those arrested received then seems so different from the way those arrested in Providence are being treated today. I wanted to know if he thought there might be a racial component to the difference in treatment, but DiPalma didn’t see the difference as black versus white. To him it seemed to be about older versus younger defendants.

“The people in the crowd were mostly older people and middle aged people. We weren’t a young crowd of 20 year old people doing these things. We were just trying to get attention. We weren’t there to cause any harm to drivers.”

Ultimately the charges against DiPalma and the others were dropped. DiPalma’s brother, a recent law school graduate, represented him, but there was little to do once Warwick Mayor Charles Donovan asked that the charges be dropped. My brother, says DiPalma, “really just went with the flow. Nothing came of it.”

Now that he’s 61 years old, DiPalma isn’t the least bit ashamed of his actions back then, but he thinks he’s less likely to participate in a protest today. “If I had to do it again, at my age now, I don’t think I would be walking around on 95 or any place. I like to stay home and go to work.”

Speaking to Steven Krasner at the Providence Journal in 1991, Raymonde Walstenholme, who was 68 at the time of her arrest, said, “We’re not ashamed of what we did. We did nothing wrong.” [Providence Journal; August 28, 1991]

The two incidents, so similar yet so different, are difficult to compare, but some insights are possible. The protesters then were white, older and middle class. An economic crime had been committed against them, and the public, including politicians, were immediately moved to help. The protesters today are young, of color and hail from a variety of socio-economic backgrounds but tend towards lower middle class. The sympathies of the public and the politicians are not with them.

In fact, some politicians, riding a wave of public opprobriation, have gone so far as to seek increased penalties and even classify the conduct of such protests as felonies. The seven people arrested in 1991 would have had very different lives if such legislation and been enforced against them.

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Civil Rights-era activist Adele Bourne speaks against Raptakis highway protest bill


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Adele Bourne
Adele Bourne

In my opinion Adele Bourne, speaking in front of the Senate Judiciary committee on behalf of the American Friends Service Committee in opposition to Senator Leo Raptakisbill to make blocking the highway during a political protest a felony, has put the last nail in the coffin of this ill considered legislative overreach.

“I would have a rap sheet a mile long if this were taking place in Webster Groves, Missouri in 1953,” said Bourne, who was a senior in high school at the time, “There were good reasons. I’m not a wild eyed pacifist or liberal but in 1953 in Webster Groves, Missouri, our religious leaders and our wonderful school teacher… black and white, they got us all together, the kids, and we got rid of a corrupt mayor. We opened up a new pool and recreation area, paid for by everybody, used only by whites: we changed that. So when school desegregation came three years later there was no problem whatsoever.”

Bourne spoke directly to the danger of passing laws that run contrary to civil rights, saying, “At the time there were real problems and my ministers and my teachers and I would have been put in jail because we had to cross a highway at one point or another.”

Webster Groves is only 14 miles from Ferguson.

Bourne brought up the case of Father Michael Doyle, a New Jersey priest arrested in 1971 as part of the Camden 28 for breaking into a draft office as part of a protest against the Vietnam War.  “I’m old enough that I have been able to know some of the leading people for political change and social change in this country. That’s one advantage of being so ancient. Father Michael Doyle of Camden, New Jersey would be behind bars under mandatory sentencing.”

Instead, Father Michael Doyle has spent that last four decades, “feeding, housing, and educating the poor.”

It’s important to remember that the people blocking the highways today are the Adele Bournes and Michael Doyles of the future. We cannot let ourselves become so fearful of change that we criminalize our best and brightest.

You can view the rest of last night’s testimony on the Raptakis’ highway bill here.

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How the community can take control of the police


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Glen Ford
Glen Ford

“Any movement that seeks to establish community control of the police must begin by challenging the legitimacy of the police,” said Glen Ford, journalist and executive editor of the Black Agenda Report and former member of the Black Panthers, “With Ferguson we saw a burgeoning movement that challenged the legitimacy of the system itself.”

Ford was speaking at New Urban Arts in Providence as part of a panel sponsored by End Police Brutality PVD entitled The Struggle for Community Control Past and Present: From the Black Panther Party to Providence Today.  Also on the panel were Monay McNeil, a student at Rhode Island College, Steve Roberts and Servio G., protesters awaiting trial for allegedly blocking the highway during a Black Lives Matter protest last November, Suzette Cook, whose son was allegedly assaulted by members of the Providence Police Department in 2013, Justice, founder of the “Original Men” and Ashanti Alston, black anarchist and former Black Panther.

Monay McNeil
Monay McNeil

Over 100 community members were in attendance. My only quibble with the excellent discussion was that the number of panelists meant that some speakers were not afforded the time needed to fully expand upon their ideas. Still, this was a fascinating discussion in which the new movement is seeking to learn from civil rights movements of the past.

Moderator Andrea Sterling loosely set the parameters of the discussion as being about “Black Autonomy” and “Community Liberation.” The panel was concerned with the classic problem all nascent social movements must confront: “Where do we go from here?” The description of the event asserts that “activists must choose whether to challenge the foundations of the system that made Black lives immaterial in the first place, or be sucked into the morass of patchwork reforms that enfeeble the movement while failing to alter relationships of power.”

Suzette Cook
Suzette Cook

In other words, does the movement seek to reform or overthrow the system? Most of the panelists seemed to think that there was a need for system change, and that such change will not come easily.

“The system is a very racist system,” said Justice, who spent 10 years in prison, “We have to acknowledge that. The relationship between African Americans and establishment power in this country has always been based on violence.”

Suzette Cook, after outlining some of the circumstances in the beating of her son, agreed, “We are literally in a state of war in our own country.”

Ashanti Alston
Ashanti Alston

“I was a soldier in the Black Liberation Army,” said former Black Panther Ashanti Alston. Things in America are no different “than in Palestine. We’ve got to fight.” Then Alston grew philosophical, “The acceptance of death allows us to live for our highest ideals.”

Servio has been involved in radical movements for a few years, starting with Occupy, but quickly became disillusioned. “I found out that the Occupy movement didn’t care about anyone who wasn’t white.” Still, he is unwavering in his commitment to system change, observing that, “This is a system of power that uses the police to keep us in our place.”

Minor reforms won’t do, in Servio’s opinion, “The change has to be way more fundamental than that.”

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Everyone but Raptakis is against felony conviction for highway protest


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malcusmillsEven a police union official and the House sponsor of a bill to make highway protests a felony said the proposed punishment doesn’t match the crime at a House Judiciary Committee meeting last week

“I don’t necessarily agree it should be a felony,” said Anthony Capezza, state director International Brotherhood of Police Officers. He also conceded that the bill is more broadly written than need be. “I agree, it’s broadly written, where somebody just an individual standing in the street, could be charged under this.”

Rep. Ray Hull, who sponsored Raptakis’ bill that would make highway protests a felony punishable by at least a year in jail, distanced himself from the strict sentencing mandate after tough questioning from Rep. Joe Almeida during the hearing. Rep. Dennis Canario, sponsored a similar bill and testified his version was superior because it carries a misdemeanor sentencing guideline.

Of the 19 people who testified only Sen. Lou Raptakis said a felony conviction was warranted for protesting on a highway.

In spite of obvious public interest in the proposed legislation (the hearing was covered by RI Future, RIPR and the Providence Journal), legislators chose not to broadcast it on Capitol TV. For those interested, Steve Ahlquist recorded the entire meeting and what follows is video clips of all the public testimony.

Andy Horowitz, law professor Roger Williams University:

Ellen Tuzzolo, Providence resident:

Stan Tran, former Republican candidate for congress:

Malcus Mills, Direct Action for Rights and Equality:

Kristin Dart, Rhode Island Coalition for Reproductive Justice:

Steve Brown, ACLU:

Laura Ucik, Brown Medical School student:

Fred Ordonez, executive director, Direct Action for Rights and Equality:

Megan Smith, Rhode Island Homeless Advocacy Project:

Michael DiLauro, public defender:

Martha Yaeger, American Friends Service Committee:

David Fisher, rabble-rouser:

Sheila Wilhelm, Direct Action for Rights and Equality:

Barry Schiller, a transportation activists said bicyclists could be charged under the legislation:

Randall Rose, activist:

Anthony Capezza, state director International Brotherhood of Police Officers:

Rep. Ray Hull:

Rep. Dennis Canario:

Sen. Lou Raptakis:

Sen Raptakis, Rep Hull talk Black Lives Matter, felonies, historical context


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raptakis Sen. Lou Raptakis’ and Rep. Ray Hull’s bills targeting Black Lives Matter highway protests addresses the tactic of calling attention to invisible racism and institutional injustice. But Rhode Island still has significant work to do on the root causes of invisible racism and institutional injustice.

A recent report ranked Rhode Island as the third worst in the nation for Black people. There are very wide racial gaps in income, employment and education. And it was only 14 years ago that a Black Providence cop was shot and killed by a White Providence cop.

So I asked Sen. Lou Raptakis and Rep. Ray Hull, the sponsors of the bills that would make highway protests a felony, what they think of the Black Lives Matter movement, and other pointed questions about racism in Rhode Island and historical context.

House sponsor Hull says Raptakis bill is too harsh


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almeida2Even the House sponsor of Sen. Lou Raptakis’ bill that would make Black Lives Matter highway protests a felony punishable by at least a year in jail distanced himself from the overly harsh penalty during and after a House Judiciary Committee hearing on Wednesday.

“Is it a felony? I will tell you, no,” said Rep. Ray Hull, a Black police officer from Providence, sponsor of the bill that would make highway protests a felony. “Absolutely not.” Hull told me this after enduring pointed questioning in the public hearing from Rep. Joe Almeida, also a Black man from Providence.

“I don’t know what the percentage rate is, but a good portion of the people of color are going to be walking across that highway,” Almeida said to Hull. “And I can help them with a misdemeanor. My hands are tied with a felony.”

Hull seemed to tell Almeida he would rescind the bill. Steve Ahlquist has video of the exchange:

Hull and Raptakis sponsored versions of the bill that would make the highway protests a felony. Rep. Dennis Canario sponsored a similar bill that would make the protests a misdemeanor. You can read about their differences here.

Nearly every speaker systematically denounced the bills. Even the lone law enforcement lobbyist in support copped to it being overly broad. Most speakers said a felony is far too harsh a penalty for such an offense. Many said creating a new class of crime to target a nonviolent protest that is already illegal is unnecessary and/or unjust.

Former Republican congressional candidate Stan Tran likened the legislation to something Iran or China would do – and couched his comment by reminding the committee that his parents had emigrated from Vietnam. Steve Brown, executive director of the ACLU, said the felony version would implement a stiffer penalty than drunk driving – which, obviously, can also effectuate a traffic jam.

Fred Ordonez, executive director of DARE, dismissed the idea that the potential for emergency vehicle delay warrants a stiff penalty pointing out that ambulances are delayed by traffic issues all the time caused by celebrations, sporting events and unforeseen accidents. He wondered if it was the nature of the message rather than the nature of the protest that inspired legislators to take action.

We’ll have more video from this hearing later today.

NAACP studies racial representation of RI police departments


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policing ForumSaying a “deficiency in agency diversity” exists in police departments across Rhode Island, the NAACP Providence Branch has asked the National Association of Black Law Enforcement Officers to review the racial diversity and hiring practices of every police department in Rhode Island.

“It’s part of making sure police departments are reflective of the communities they serve,” said Jim Vincent, president of the NAACP Providence Chapter. “We’re going to learn the diversity make-up for every police department in Rhode Island, and where that diversity is in terms of hierarchy.”

The study will look at every municipal police department an the state police, said Vincent. It will be ready soon, said Charles P. Wilson of NABLEO.

“After a 3-month process of gathering and analyzing data, we anticipate releasing the formal study sometime next week.” he said in an email. “The training program, entitled ‘Identifying Barriers To Diversity in Law Enforcement-A Community Affair’ will be presented Friday, April 17, 2015 and will be sponsored by NABLEO, the Providence Branch NAACP, and the Roger Williams University School of Continuing Studies.”

A press release from the NAACP Providence Chapter said, “NABLEO will conduct both a survey of all law enforcement agencies to determine the number of minority officers employed, how recruiting information is published and disseminated, and the strength of outreach measures used to notify possible candidates, as well as a training program to be offered to both law enforcement and community members on enhanced methods for recruiting qualified candidates of color.”

In a subsequent interview, Vincent added, “We really don’t have a good feel for the number of African American and Latino and Asian police officers in Rhode Island.” Though, we already know Providence police doesn’t look like the Providence community.

Alex Krogh-Grabbe created this chart in December for a study of Providence police racial representation. Click on the image for his post.
Alex Krogh-Grabbe created this chart in December for a study of Providence police racial representation. Click on the image for his post.

In December, Alex Krogh-Grabbe reported that Providence police is among the least racially representative police department in the nation. He wrote, “the 444-officer Providence Police Department is 76.3 percent White, 11.7 percent Hispanic, 9.0 percent Black, 2.7 percent Asian or Pacific Islander, and 0.2 percent American Indian. According to the 2010 U.S. Census, the city as a whole is 37.8 percent White, 38.3 percent Hispanic, 16.1 percent Black, 6.5 percent Asian or Pacific Islander, and 1.4 percent American Indian.”

In a statement, Providence Public Safety Commissioner Steven Paré told him at the time, “Recruiting a diverse workforce is always a priority. We hired two recruit classes for the PFD and one recruit class for the PPD. It was one of the most diverse classes we’ve had in our history. Our goal is to mirror the community we serve. The challenge is to reach out to the available workforce in the region and recruit the best candidates.”

House Judiciary considers highway blocking bills Wednesday


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highway shutdownThe House Judiciary Committee this week is scheduled to consider two bills that target the Black Lives Matter activists’ tactic of shutting down highways. Both bills are slated to be heard Wednesday afternoon at the State House.

Felony version

One of the bills (H5 192) is a House version of the controversial legislation Coventry Sen. Lou Raptakis submitted in the Senate that was met with heated a criticism from racial and economic justice activist who said it was an insult to the legacy of Martin Luther King (a version of this RI Future post was used on the ProJo op/ed page today) as well as defenders of civil liberties and the homeless, who warned of unintended consequences.

This bill would elevate the punishment for interfering with highway traffic during a protest from disorderly conduct, a misdemeanor punishable by “not more than six (6) months” in jail, to a felony  that “upon conviction” would mandate “a term of imprisonment of not less than one year nor more than three (3) years at the adult correctional institution.” It would create a new crime called “Unlawful interference with traffic” that would apply to “any federal or state highway.”

Delaying an emergency vehicle that results in a death would carry a sentence of five to 30 years in prison.

The lead sponsor is Rep. Ray Hull, a Providence police officer who is also Black and a Democrat. It’s co-signed by Republican Mike Chippendale, Foster, and Democrats Cale Kaeble, Burrillville, Pat Serpa, West Warwick, and Stephen Casey, of Woonsocket.

Misdemeanor version

The other bill (H5 193) would keep the crime a misdemeanor, but it would still increase the punishment from up to six months in jail to “not more than one year ” in jail. Its prime sponsor is Re. Dennis Canario, who represents Portsmouth and Tiverton, and is also co-signed by Hull, Rep. John Edwards, of Tiverton, Rep Joe Almeida, of Providence and Rep. Joe Sherkachi, of Warwick.

It’s punishment may be less Draconian, but it may apply to more roads in Rhode Island that the other bill. H5 193 says:

“For the purposes of this section, ‘freeway’ means a way especially designed for through traffic over which abutters have no easement or right of light, air, or access by reason of the fact that their property abuts upon the way, and shall include, without limitation, all roads designated as part of the interstate highway system.”

H5 192 refers only to “federal or state highways.” This would seem to exempt town roads while the previous language seems to include all roads in the state.

Jared Paul Show: MLK as enemy of the state, car on protester violence


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Radical perspectives on weekly news, local and national, with touring artist and activist, Jared Paul. This week’s episode focuses on (1) Protesters Run Over By Motorists  (2) MLK Being Viewed As An Enemy Of The State By The FBI  (3) Continued Perspectives On Pervasive Subconscious Racism In America.

 


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