How the press won the speaker’s gavel


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tweets from useful reporters

Any realistic account of what happened last week when Representative Nick Mattiello became Speaker of the House has to account for the actions of our state’s media. Our state’s political press played an essential part of making Mattiello Speaker. The reporters will complain this is unfair, but let’s look at the time line.

On Friday, March 21, — while FBI agents were still in Gordon Fox’s office — golocalprov was tweeting exactly the rumors that Mattiello wanted everyone hear: that he had control, that he had the votes, that resistance is futile. Immediately afterward, Kim Kalunian of WPRO radio followed, and Dan McGowan at WPRI, too. Could Mattiello have realistically asked for more? These reporters let everyone know that it was Mattiello’s office to lose. At that point, coverage like that is what his bluff needed most.

tweets from useful reporters
tweets from useful reporters

On Friday evening, Mattiello held a “caucus” to shore up his support and only about two dozen people showed, up, far short of the number necessary to win the Speaker’s gavel. So we went to bed and woke up on Saturday, March 22, and then look what happened.  On Saturday, Mattiello was clearly losing, according to accounts I’ve heard and corroborated since. After some disarray on Friday, and Mattiello’s failure to show a clear majority on Friday night, what became Mike Marcello’s team had arranged a clear majority of the necessary votes.

But in the press, you had Channel 10 and Cranston Patch (or what’s left of it) reporting that Mattiello’s succession was a done deal. At the very least, this inaccurate reporting sowed confusion and at worst it actually interfered with the Marcello team being able to consolidate its gain. Apparently the confusion, plus a personal appeal from Paul Valletta, the firefighter’s union president, to the two Woonsocket representatives who are firefighters, started the erosion of Marcello’s support. Republicans Joe Trillo and Doreen Costa indicated that their caucus would weigh in, and would choose Mattiello, and they sped the erosion. But they were just trying to bet on the winners, since an hour before they had been supporting the other side.

Then on Sunday March 23, the next day, Kathy Gregg at the Providence Journal and Ian Donnis at RIPR buried Marcello’s team and that was pretty much that. As if what was won on Saturday couldn’t be lost on Sunday or Monday.

Randy Edgar made a little effort to report that it wasn’t a done deal on Sunday, but he was all alone so had no effect.

reporter bucking the tide
reporter bucking the tide

So what do we learn? The reporters named here will say that they had no choice but to report what was coming at them. Great, so political reportage necessarily resembles a mob? But not all reporters played along, as Randy Edgar and a few others showed. Even so, true or not, it is irrelevant to the point that the political press played a crucial role in making Nick Mattiello’s ascension to speaker possible. In their breathless chase of what’s happening right now right now right now, they amplified his claims to have the votes and seemed to ignore the possibility that anything else might happen. They served the powerful.

I hope the reporters whom I count among my friends will eventually forgive me for saying so, but in many ways the state’s political press did Nick Mattiello’s bidding, from the broadcast of his unsupported claims on Friday to this curious post on Monday where WPRI’s Ted Nesi said Mattiello won’t rock the boat and that his fervent embrace of every item of the Chamber of Commerce’s agenda constitutes being a “moderate.” (And, of course, since the Chamber’s agenda already ruled the House, Mattiello is unlikely to feel the boat needs rocking at all.) This kind of calming article was exactly what was needed to consolidate the Mattiello team’s votes, to prevent fear of a conservative takeover of the House. Which, of course, was precisely what was going on, as even that article makes clear.

I suppose it is possibly true that there is no other way to do political reporting except in a mob that provides support to those who already have power, but that seems a dubious proposition to me. Reporters have a responsibility to their readers, and a responsibility to the state they live in, and it seems to me that the responsibility is an individual sort. Actions have consequences and none of us are free from the moral dimension of those actions. There will likely be another election for Speaker after this fall’s elections, and will we see the same presumptions, the same blind repetition of idle boasts, the same rush? We will see.

Progressives only lose when they abandon their values


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mattiello2Nobody likes losing, but sometimes, no matter what you do, no matter how hard you try or what new strategies you develop, you go into a battle knowing the numbers are against you, and that you are going to lose. There is nothing wrong with losing, but there are different ways to lose.

You can lose gracefully and with style, summoning all your energy to give it your all, demonstrating to your opponent and those watching that you are a worthy foe and someone to be taken seriously. In doing so you can demonstrate the best of the values you hold dear, earning the begrudging respect of even your most diametrical opponents.

Or you can lose in a tawdry muddle of confused loyalties, last minute defections, 11th hour deal making and factional splits.

As Nick Mattiello consolidated his power in the Rhode Island House of Representatives over the last weekend, making deals with conservative Democrats and even more conservative Republicans, progressive hopes were hung on the “progressive caucus” that seemed to coalesce around Representative Michael Marcello, but Marcello lost big.

In the end Mattiello had ten times the votes.

Progressives lost this battle, and perhaps it was inevitable, because the numbers were not there, but progressives lost something else as well. They lost the chance to define the battle they were losing. In the scramble to find an alternative to the business-as-usual Mattiello, progressives rallied around “anyone but Mattiello” which became a statement about what we were opposed to, but not about what we believe in. We did not rally around our values.

Representative Teresa Tanzi got me thinking about his when she told Bob Plain that she abstained from voting for either side “because there were no women on the new leadership team[s]” put forward by Mattiello or Marcello. The leadership teams under consideration were primarily made up of white heterosexual male lawyers. From a conservative like Mattiello this is to be expected. Diversity is not the conservative value that hegemonic patriarchy is, after all.

But for a so-called progressive caucus to ignore diversity, one of its key values, is more than an oversight, it’s an abandonment of principle and a violation of our values for the sake of petty politics. Worse, this was done for the sake of a battle that was destined to be lost. Putting aside values for a moment, from a pragmatic, political point of view, this was a terrible strategy. Why on earth would anyone sacrifice their values when they know they are going to lose?

If anything, all the losing side in any conflict has is its principles and values. When faced with defeat, the losing side should seek to differentiate itself as much as possible from its opponent. For instance, Mattiello might have had the numbers and the political grease to unify a coalition in his favor, but the progressive caucus could have staked out the moral high ground, demonstrating not only diversity but other core values such as women’s autonomy, the rights of workers to not be exploited, concerns over the environment, and a call for getting special interests out of politics.

When Representative Joseph Trillo snidely suggested that Marcello’s camp was more concerned with plastic bag bans than improving the economy, the progressive caucus should have been able to say that they are interested in protecting Rhode Island’s most valuable asset, the environment. While Mattiello dismissed calls for reforming PayDay Loans as unimportant, the progressive caucus should have asked why the economic exploitation of our at risk poor and the shuffling of millions of dollars from poor urban communities to out of state corporations is beneath his notice. A progressive caucus might suggest that Mattiello’s longtime mentor and supporter, former Speaker Bill Murphy, who gets a pretty hefty paycheck every year from PayDay loan companies, might be exerting an influence. And what about the plague of gun violence? Most Rhode Islanders want an assault weapon ban, but not Bill Murphy, who also lobbies for the NRA, and not his hand-picked successor Mattiello, or any of Mattiello’s new committee chair appointees, all of whom seem to have perfect scores from the NRA.

If the progressive caucus wants to mean anything and if the progressive caucus wants to effect real change in the General Assembly as opposed to the appearance of change currently on offer from Mattiello and friends, then it will have to figure out how to stand up for progressive values, explain the importance of progressive values, and demonstrate those values in a way Rhode Islanders can understand.

Doing this will not only make the progressive caucus look good when they lose, it will give them the best chance they have to win.

Entering the Speaker Mattiello era


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Well, it’s safe to say my first interview with Speaker Nick Mattiello didn’t go great, and here’s hoping this is in no way indicative of how other progressives may fare in their dealings with the brand new ‘most powerful politician in Rhode Island.’

Full disclosure, I’ve spoken with the Speaker before, and this is in no way indicative of our dealings! But Gordon Fox was always a delight to deal with in public and people say he ran a pretty stern ship behind the scenes so maybe Mattiello will be tough on reporters and easier on legislators.

That aside, I think he makes a good point when he says that legislators should represent their districts and not ideology (Randall Edgar of the Providence Journal asking the question)

It’s no secret RI Future wasn’t rooting for Speaker Mattiello to win this one, but we certainly congratulate him and wish him all the luck in the world in leading the group elected to do the people’s business.

Scott Guthrie, Spencer Dickinson support Mattiello


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Rep. Scott Guthrie, D-Coventry
Rep. Scott Guthrie, D-Coventry

Coventry Rep. Scott Guthrie said he is supporting Rep. Nick Mattiello for speaker because “a couple people pissed me off.”

He said he initially contemplated caucusing with the group supporting Rep. Mike Marcello, but at the outset that group didn’t even know who it would put forward as the candidate for speaker.

“There was no one they had a name for,” he told me this morning. “If you have a name you can build a team around a name.”

He also said the group was “cutting deals here and there.”

“I like Michael but now it’s going to turn into silly season,” Guthrie said. “Do we have a smooth transition and do the people’s business? All this is is politics for the next election.”

South Kingstown Rep. Spencer Dickinson, another occasional ally to the progressive movement, said he too is supporting conservative Democrat Nick Mattiello.

“I began by supporting O’Neill or Lombardi, but lack of sign-on by the progressive wing made those choices unavailable,” he wrote on his Facebook wall. “I believe that if you had been with me for the last 72 hours, and seen what I have seen, you would have made the same choice.”

On my Facebook wall, Dickinson, a vocal critic of Gordon Fox and his leadership team, wrote: “Plausible intel that the Ucci Blazejewski team (that later grafted on Marcello as speaker) actually started out as the team of horses that was to keep [Frank] Anzeveno in power. Mattiello put a credible stop to that and that’s one reason why he will be the next speaker.”

Dickinson has long been at odds with the previous leadership group.

Frank Anzeveno says he’s leaving the State House once and for all


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State House Dome from North Main Street

State House Dome from North Main StreetWhoever the next House Speaker is, their chief of staff won’t be Frank Anzeveno. The top aid to the past three speakers said in a statement that he cleared out his State House desk and won’t serve the next speaker.

As is his custom, he wouldn’t speak on the record. But House spokesman Larry Berman released this statement on his behalf:

“Privately, I have known for a while that Gordon Fox would not be running for another term. He did not want to announce that decision so that the focus would be on the many challenging issues before the House of Representatives. With this knowledge and consultation with my family, I made the decision to leave at the end of this session in June. I had previously been in contact with the Employees’ Retirement System of Rhode Island and the Joint Committee on Legislative Services to make an informed decision.

“In light of recent events at the Statehouse, time has accelerated. I cleaned out my office over the weekend in anticipation that a new Speaker needs to bring in his own staff.

“It has been an honor for me to have witnessed the hard work, dedication and commitment that our public officials, as well as the loyal and conscientious staff, bring to the Statehouse every day. I will always respect the House of Representatives and wish them the best in tackling the difficult issues before them.”

Anzeveno began his State House career in 1980 as an elected representative from North Providence. Her served for 18 years and in 2001, he became Speaker John Harwood’s chief of staff, a position he retained through Bill Murphy and Gordon Fox’s tenure.

Privately, state reps said bills required his blessing, and he relished in his bad cop reputation at the State House. He had a sign on his desk – and I would love to know what happens to it now – that read, “No better friend, no worse enemy.”

Which side are you on, House Democrats?


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house chambersOne of the most pernicious myths about Rhode Island politics is that the state house is dominated by liberal, labor-backed, Democrats. The Democrat part is certainly true, but neither the liberal nor the labor-backed parts are. Rhode Island, after all, enjoys the only voter-ID vote-suppression bill in the nation voted in by Democrats. We have endured 15 years of tax cuts for the rich that have impoverished our schools and towns and allowed great profits for businesses that turn around and betray our state. We allow payday lenders to soak their customers for 260% interest rates. We were utterly unable to enact any meaningful gun control legislation in the aftermath of an appalling massacre in the next state over last year. The list goes on in a long and embarrassing fashion.

Labor gets a lot of blame for this in certain circles, but it’s a sick joke. The labor movement in Rhode Island is so disunited that pensions were “reformed” in 2005, 2007, 2008 and 2011, each time making pension coverage for state employee union members weaker and smaller. Whether it’s labor law, pensions, taxes, or municipal funding, it is difficult to think of a high-profile controversy in the legislature won by labor in the last 15 years.

The tragic part of this is that Rhode Island’s electorate is not nearly so retrograde as its legislature. Gun control polls well, as does reproductive justice and raising taxes on rich people, and yet the legislature does not act that way.

This accounts for the Machiavellian nature of legislative politics. The conservative Democrats who have held power there for decades rely on strong-arm tactics to enforce docility among the rank-and-file. Uncontroversial bills get held until after the budget is passed to assure its passage, committee chair and vice-chair seats are awarded to “team players,” malcontents are assigned to the standing committee on whatever they care least about. These are not a sign of power, but a sign of weakness. The leadership has long been aware that their hold on power is precarious, and they rely on the disunity of their opposition to maintain their hold.

Part of what maintains that disunity is the selective granting of power to a few individuals, who are allowed to sit as committee chairs or vice-chairs. These individuals imagine they have some leverage worth protecting and that their position allows them some access to the inner workings. This makes them reliable votes to protect the interests of the powerful. But a lot of it is illusion. I found myself once talking to the vice chair of House Finance committee some years ago on the very day that the Finance Committee issued its revision of the Governor’s budget. I was fascinated to notice that he knew as little about what was in it as I did. In other words, his position allowed him to think he had access, but in reality he had virtually none.

This is what is happening today. People with some small measure of influence — who will never get any more than what they have from Mattiello’s leadership — are unwilling to risk what little they have by supporting a leadership that actually favors their perspective. The tragic part, of course, is that if they could be united, they could make a change.

Tomorrow will be a test.

If Nick Mattiello becomes Speaker, the most powerful position in the state Democratic Party, it will be through the support of tea-party Republicans allied with representatives who do not believe he supports any of their priorities, but are willing to go along with him for the sake of small and ultimately meaningless favors. Do you want Republicans Doreen Costa and Joe Trillo to be kingmakers of the Democratic Party?

The conservative path of our recent history has brought us one bankrupt city and a couple more flirting with it. We have given up tax revenue and gotten nothing for it in return. Our schools, buses, streets, and virtually every other public service you depend on, has gotten smaller, weaker, dirtier, and meaner. The legislature has thwarted Governor Chafee’s attempts to restore Carcieri’s school funding cuts and any semblance of equity among the cities and towns, along with most of the other useful reforms he has proposed. You can be upset with him for not fighting harder, but he is not the obstacle to reform in Rhode Island. This is the status quo of our state, and if you are happy with it, then you have every right to be happy with the status quo of the Assembly leadership.

If you are not happy with it, though, please contact your state rep today and ask them to support change at the state house tomorrow. And if you are a state rep reading this, please remember that the bluff only works when no one stands up.

March Madness: Genuine, bonafide politics in RI House of Reps


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Rep. Michael Marcello, House Oversight Cmte Chair
Rep. Nicholas Mattiello, House Majority Leader
Rep. Nicholas Mattiello, House Majority Leader (via RI House of Reps)

The orderly transition of Harwood>Murphy>Fox has meant an astounding amount of discipline on the part of the RI House’s Democratic caucus. That discipline has been enforced in unsavory ways; the loss of committee chairs and seats, the holding up of bills, loss of party endorsement in primary races. But punishment for defying party leadership is to be expected, especially if you’re to have a functioning political party.

The ability of the RI Democrats to build a sprawling coalition from across the political spectrum and maintain control of it is no small feat. In another country, or under another political system, it would’ve fallen to pieces long ago. But in RI, USA, that discipline has held. The party’s dirty laundry is dealt with in private, not aired out in public where it could do political damage. This discipline has created a monolith of a Democratic caucus, one that papered over their differences.

We can look back at the failed budget amendment last year as a place where that discipline was breaking down. Even without Friday’s dramatic storming of the speaker’s office, it’s unclear just how long that discipline would’ve held. Regardless of how Gordon Fox left the speaker’s chair, the transition might’ve been bloodier than he’d hoped. When the news broke that law enforcement was raiding both his office and his house, you could almost hear long-dull knives being sharpened.

Rep. Michael Marcello, House Oversight Cmte Chair
Rep. Michael Marcello, House Oversight Cmte Chair (via RI House of Reps)

A disorderly transition is going to unmask the politics within the Rhode Island House of Representatives. According to the House Republican caucus, there are three Democratic factions; one led by Majority Leader Nick Mattiello, which might be termed the “establishment-conservative” faction. Another is claimed to be led by Oversight Committee Chair Mike Marcello; though majority whips Ucci and Blazejewksi are usually mentioned as among its brain trust. In Marcello’s words, this is the “dramatic change” faction. And finally, says Rep. Trillo in The Providence Journal, an “independent uncommitted” group. Whether that third group swings their backing behind a third candidate, or one of the frontrunners is unclear.

Come Tuesday, barring an early-spring blizzard interfering with the vote, we’ll finally see where the faultlines in the House Democratic faction actually are. We won’t be reading tea leaves of votes, or parsing over conjecture from the punditry. The names will align with one group or another, and we’ll see where everyone stands. If that vote is close enough and the dissenters don’t surrender, there could be a huge battle over the budget. That battle could spill into the 2014 elections, and onwards into 2015. That might be a horrifying prospect, but this is how our politics is actually supposed to work. It’s been too monolithic for too long. Now, that monolith is in ruins.

 

P.S. In a low-information environment like this, the media plays an outsized role. The whip count is being done in private and in one-on-one conversations. It behooves any faction to project an appearance of confidence of victory, in the hopes that indecisive reps will pick what they think is a winning side. That’s why we have two factions claiming to have the votes. One or both may be lying, or one or both may genuinely believe they have the votes. Maintain skepticism of such claims. Even after the new speaker is installed, it’s unlikely we’ll know the truth.

Next House speaker: Anybody but Mattiello


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gordonfoxGordon Fox always struck me as a sincere guy who somewhat struggled with the onus of power in a game that many believe is won through fear rather than love. Whatever he may or may not be in trouble for, I wish him the best.

But Gordon Fox in no way, shape or form represented the progressive – or even the liberal – wing of the Democratic Party and I also sincerely hope his political demise leads to less conservative leadership in the state legislature.

MattielloThis would not be the case if Nick Mattiello is the next speaker of the house. He’d be the fourth-consecutive conservative Democrat to lead the House and was put in place to inherit the gavel from Fox by speaker-turned-lobbyist Bill Murphy.

Progressives would much prefer Pawtucket’s Paddy O’Neill replace Gordon Fox as the most powerful politician in the Ocean State. O’Neill is more liberal, he’s more open-minded, he’s more liked and he’s more respected. And perhaps most importantly, he isn’t connected to the current leadership team that has effectively been in place since John Harwood made a deal with Republicans to become the speaker.

Mattiello, a Cranston lawmaker, is one of the more conservative members of the House, a legislative chamber dominated by fiscal conservatives and social moderates whose party affiliation often belies their political leanings. Philosophically speaking, Mattiello seems no more or less liberal than his GOP counterpart Brian Newberry, and Newberry has surely been more open-minded to progressive ideas than Mattiello.

Often conservatives (and even sometimes liberals!) will rail against “70 years of Democrats in control” in the state legislature. But it’s hard to argue that the Gordon Fox era hasn’t been defined by conservative policy. During his tenure as speaker and majority leader before that, he backed tax cuts to the rich, financial cuts to struggling cities and programs for the developmentally disabled as well as nearly across the board austerity except when it came to corporate interests and Curt Schilling. Nationally, Fox is known as the openly gay legislator who pushed for civil unions before same sex marriage and/or as the Democrat who sponsored a Voter ID bill.

But progressive ideology aside, I think it’s high time Rhode Islanders demand a change to the leadership team in the House of Representatives.

Any and all Rhode Island political insiders will happily proclaim the speaker of the House to be “the most powerful person” in the Ocean State. But ever since self-proclaimed conservative Democrat John Harwood captured the speaker’s gavel by striking a deal with Republicans, the most powerful position in state politics has been awarded based more on loyalty than ability.

Former Speaker of the House Bill Murphy is a lobbyist who opposes payday lending reform. (photo by Ryan T. Conaty. www.ryantconaty.com)
Former Speaker of the House Bill Murphy is a lobbyist who opposes payday lending reform. (photo by Ryan T. Conaty. www.ryantconaty.com)

As Scott MacKay of RINPR reported yesterday, “Longtime Speaker John Harwood seamlessly passed the leadership to William Murphy, D- West Warwick. Harwood and Murphy later had a falling out, but it occurred only after the speaker’s gavel had changed hands without a battle royal. Then in 2010, when Murphy thought it was time to leave, the transfer of power to Fox was greased.”

Indeed, MacKay says Mattiello was set up to inherit the speaker’s gavel from Fox when Murphy handed it off to him. “The only thing that some House observers noticed that Murphy made taking Mattiello as  majority leader a condition of support for Fox,” he wrote. “Fox may be a bit rueful about that arrangement after yesterday’s events.”

Fox may well be rueful. But Murphy, now a lobbyist who represents the NRA and payday lenders, probably is not.

Neither may be Frank Anzeveno, who has served as chief of staff to the speaker since Harwood, and he would likely retain this job if Mattiello gets his way. Anzeveno infamously has a small placard on his State House desk that reads, “No better friend, no worse enemy.” And more than anything I just think the next speaker of the house would do well to be a little less Machiavellian.

Catholic parishes punish two state legislators


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TobinBishopThomasTwo Rhode Island Catholic legislators told Mike Stanton, reporting for the Boston Globe, that they were asked to step down from positions in their churches because they supported same sex marriage.

Stanton, a former Providence Journal investigative reporter reports that House Majority Leader Nick Mattiello and Senator William Conley were both punished in their parishes for their legislative positions on marriage equality.

Representative Nicholas Mattiello of Cranston, the Democratic House majority leader, says that he was asked to take a break from serving as a lector at his church after changing his position and publicly supporting same-sex marriage.

“I do think it’s time to concentrate on what unifies and brings us together, what makes us merciful rather than judgmental,” Mattiello said. “The pope’s views are more appropriate than what I’ve been hearing for years.”

State Senator William J. Conley Jr. of East Providence, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, which approved the marriage bill, says a diocesan official asked him to resign as a trustee of La Salle Academy in Providence. The pastor of the East Providence parish where he was baptized, Conley says, denounced him from the pulpit as a “Judas.”

Stanton’s blockbuster report on Tobin also has gems like this:

Meghan Smith of Catholics for Choice, calls Tobin “one of the more rightwing bishops” in the United States. His style is at odds with the new pope, she says, as well as his flock in the one of most Catholic states.

Earlier this year, RI Future reported that a Catholic church in Woonsocket had asked gay married people not to receive communion.

Budget hinges on moral obligation to the rich or retirees


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RetirementDignityThe biggest debate of the budget process turned out not to be about a moral obligation to Wall Street but rather a moral obligation to Rhode Island retirees.

While the local media (this site included) focused on the debate concerning a $2.5 million payment to 38 Studios bondholders, the bigger debate during last night’s marathon budget session concerned a $12.9 million payment to the state pension program.

Defecting from House leadership, a wide spectrum of Democrats and Republicans struck down a proposal that would have eliminated an extra payment to the pension system negotiated into the landmark pension reform process of 2011.

“I feel like we are going back on our word and that’s not how I like to operate,” said Rep. Jared Nunes.

For those of you who don’t understand the concept of a moral obligation outside of the bond market, this pretty well sums it up in layman’s terms! Many lawmakers, however, put the pension payment in the exact parlance of a moral obligation (a meta-concept RI Future has dedicated many pixels to championing).

“If 38 studios is a moral obligation, what is this?” said progressive Rep. Larry Valencia, of Richmond, according to the Providence Journal. “I contend this $12.9 million is a moral obligation as well.”

While I don’t like this specific law (I wrote about it last week here) for the same reasons I don’t like the law that guarantees bondholders get paid before pensioners – it sets up a tiered system of budget priorities – I do also understand it as a moral obligation.

“We hurt people’s pensions,” said Joe Trillo, a Republican who supported pension cuts in 20111 and paying the $12.9 million this year. To then go back and nix a silver lining would add insult to injury.

Much more than I take umbrage with the law, I love the debate it has inspired as the 2013 legislative session winds down. The idea that the state has a moral obligation to retirees was unmistakably the theme of the debate last night and RI Future has been publishing posts about this for months now.

This is not only as big victory for the labor movement, but also for the wider progressive movement: a moral obligation has morphed from being a strictly financial concept to being a political and philosophical concept in our marketplace of ideas. In the financial markets, a moral obligation literally means you don’t have to do it, but it may cost you money in the long run. In real life a moral obligation is something you do whether it’s in your own self interest or not.

This gives me hope that our elected leaders will start actually governing instead of simply trying to cut down a spending plan artificially capped by conservative thinking. We have no moral obligation to austerity – though it may or may not be good for our economy; so far it hasn’t shown benefits. We do however have a moral obligation to fully fund our promises.

That didn’t happen last night, though. House leadership, specifically conservative Democrat Nick Mattiello, conceded the goal was a noble one, but said proponents had failed to identify a way to fund it.

“The $12.9 would have to come out of something,” WPRI quoted Mattiello as saying.

This, of course, isn’t true because it assumes the only way to fund government is to cut something else in government (a false choice the many have fallen for during the era of austerity)

Rep. Valencia reminded Mattiello, leadership, the House and those of us watching at home, that in fact both he and Rep. Cimini had income tax increase bills vetted that would raise enough revenue and more.

“A quarter of a Cimini,” would suffice, Valencia said, or a one-fourth of the 2 percent income tax increase the progressive Rep. from Providence proposed on those who make more than a quarter million dollars annually.

The budget debate was put on hold early this morning and continues later today. Whether or not a “quarter of a Cimini” is in play as legislators continue to debate the tax and spend plan will depend on just what kind of moral obligation our elected officials feel they have to the totality of their previous promises.

I know I feel we have a higher moral obligation to keep our word on pension reform than we do to keep in place a tax cut given to the richest Rhode Islanders.


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