Providence adds 53 new officers, here’s what the community said to them


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Law Enforcement Community Forum 01It can’t be easy to be a new police officer in the racially and politically charged post-Ferguson era, but yesterday 53 graduates of the Providence Police Training Academy begin their careers.

These young men and women will determine the future of the Providence Police Department for the next 20 or 30 years, so it is very important they get the training right. We need a police department that respects and responds to the community. Last Tuesday night, at the South Providence Boys and Girls Club, the graduates had the opportunity to meet members of the community they will be serving for the first time.

“The community needs law enforcement and law enforcement needs community,” said Providence Police Colonel Hugh Clements, to the 60 or so people who attended the event. “The culture of law enforcement has to change.”

Law Enforcement Community Forum 02Kobi Dennis, organizer and “community guy” introduced the new police officers. “You are going to be on the street soon,” Dennis told the new recruits, then gesturing to the crowd behind him, added, “and these are the people you are going to be seeing.”

Dennis wanted to keep the interaction between police and community positive and avoid turning the event into a series of complaints about the police. After all, these are new recruits, with unblemished records. In many ways this is more than an introduction to the community, this is a fresh start for the Providence Police Department.

But this was a chance for many citizens to explain to the new recruits their perception of the police, which isn’t always positive. For instance, a Latino teenager talked about being harassed by the police simply because of the way he was dressed. Harassment, disrespect and being the object of suspicion simply for being African American or Latino was a recurring theme from the public.

“My daughter is 18,” said an older African American man, “When she’s walking, she doesn’t want to be out with her brothers because they always get harassed [by the police]. Her brothers are supposed to protect her, but she doesn’t want to be out with them.”

A mother stood and talked about watching the police interact with teenagers hanging out in the park across the street from her home. The teenagers in the park are often stopped by the police and instructed to sit on the ground as they are questioned and their backpacks searched.

“What good are our rights if you are violating them?” asked the mother. “Our kids feel the way they do [about the police] because they feel disrespected. They don’t trust you. I’m a black woman. I’ve been pulled over six times in my life for no reason.”

Colonel Clements understood the community’s reaction, and explained that though police officers often have information that leads them to make searches that may seem unwarranted, that doesn’t mean the officers need to be disrespectful while performing their duties. The officers, said Clements, “need to be able to articulate why they are doing what they are doing.”

“I would expect, at least, that you might say, ‘Have a nice day,” added Dennis, to some laughter.

Young people of color are disproportionately more likely to be victims of gun violence in Providence. A woman spoke movingly of losing a teen she was mentoring to a bullet. She told the new officers, “Our kids get shot, yours don’t.”

This is the barrier that separates community and police into us and them. One optimistic young recruit said that he sees his job, in part, as helping to “break down the wall between police and community.” Another new officer added, “We are taught to use our presence and our voice to de-escalate situations.”

A female social worker from the community had some insight on how to get break down the walls that separate police from community. “Be role models and mentors,” she said, “Attend neighborhood events and introduce yourself. Examine the reasons you want to be a cop. If you don’t want to contribute to the wellbeing of our neighborhoods, please step down.”

In addition to questions and dialog around the issue of racial profiling and community engagement, there were some comments of a positive note. “I see a lot of individuals of color [among the recruits] and that’s a good thing,” said one woman from the audience, “Do not forget where you came from.”

To the women among the new officers another audience member said, “Our girls really need to see you in leadership roles.”

In the end this was a positive interaction. There was a lot of optimism from the community and from the new recruits. “I joined because of a positive experience with a police officer in my youth,” said one young officer.

Let’s hope that through respectful, dignified community engagement these new officers can create many more positive experiences for our communities.

Most municipal employees don’t live in Providence


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Providence public sector unions have been roundly rebuked for endorsing Buddy Cianci, both from Dan Lawlor on this blog and the Providence Journal editorial page. But how much do their endorsements matter in a mayoral election? The answer: not as much as when the city had a residency requirement.

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Click on chart for larger version

While the local police, fire and teachers’ unions each endorsed Cianci, most of the members don’t live in Providence, a City Hall source confirmed.

Of the 3,516 Providence Public School Department employees, 37 percent live in the city (1,310). Only 22 percent of 469 fire department employees live locally and 21 percent of the 531-member police force lives in Providence. Of the 5,432 employees total city employees (including the school district) 36 percent live in the city, or 1,937.

And when it comes to the union executive boards that decide on political endorsements, the number of locals are equally stark. Of the 13 educators on the Providence Teachers Union Executive Board, only two live in the city, or 15 percent. Of the 11 executive officers of the fire fighters bargaining unit, only two live in the city, or 18 percent. And only one of the five members of the police union lives in Providence, 20 percent.

Jeremy Sencer, an elementary school and a member of the union’s executive board who lives in Cranston, cautioned me not to discount the significance of their endorsement simply because many members don’t live locally.

“While most of us don’t live there, we do spend a significant amount of time there, and we spend a lot of our time with the kids and families there,” he said. “We’re committed to the children and families of Providence, that puts us in a position to recommend, on education, what is good for Providence.”

Should we tax and regulate marijuana, or let law enforcement seize and keep revenue?


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Beth Comery is a former Providence police officer who has become an advocate for taxing and regulating marijuana in her retirement.
Beth Comery is a former Providence police officer who has become an advocate for taxing and regulating marijuana in her retirement.

Marijuana made it into the local news in two very different ways yesterday.

At the State House, two legislators announced they will again push a bill to legalize, tax and regulate marijuana like alcohol. Meanwhile, far away from the state capital near the Connecticut border, three young men were arrested for growing and selling pot.

Sen Josh Miller and Rep Edith Ajello spoke about how regulation can help keep cannabis away from kids and create revenue for the state and small businesses.

“Marijuana prohibition has been a long-term failure,” Miller said yesterday. “Forcing marijuana into the underground market ensures authorities have no control of the product. Regulating marijuana would allow the product to be sold safely and responsibly by legitimate businesses in appropriate locations.”

Earlier in the week, Rhode Island and Connecticut police seized more than a half million dollars in cash and product from a group of entrepreneurs who had evidently put together a not-so-small agricultural operation in spite of the law.

“In total, the search warrants resulted in the seizure of 248 marijuana plants, over 46 pounds of processed marijuana and $312,678 in United States Currency,” said a press release from the Rhode Island state police.

Miller and Ajello’s bill would put a $50 excise tax on every ounce of wholesale marijuana sold to a state-sanctioned store (much like liquor stores in Rhode Island). That means Rhode Island missed out on more than $30,000 in revenue from this one bust. The bill would also put a 10 percent tax on the retail sale of marijuana. That’s another $30,000 in revenue the state missed out on, assuming the confiscated cash was from the sale of said marijuana.

“Taxing marijuana sales will generate tens of millions of dollars in much-needed tax revenue for the state, a portion of which will be directed towards programs that treat and prevent alcohol and other substance abuse,” Ajello said at yesterday’s State House press conference.

Meanwhile, Rhode Island state police said more than 10 law enforcement agencies worked since January to arrest three people for growing and selling a plant. No guns and no other drugs or contraband was identified. Police did say Rhode Island medical marijuana cards were being misused, but that may be an indication that the three men are willing to comply with the law if the law were to recognize their very profitable business model.

“Marijuana prohibition is a failed policy, and when a law is broken it needs to be fixed,” said Jared Moffatt, of Regulate Rhode Island, the grassroots group working to take pot off the streets and put it onto the tax rolls. “Regulating marijuana is the solution because it will take control away from illegal dealers, and it will improve the Rhode Island economy by generating tax revenue and creating jobs.”

Even though a recent poll shows a majority of Rhode Islanders support legalizing marijuana, pundits have said politicians are unlikely to act on the tax and regulate bill this year because it is an election year.

NYPD Faces Scrutiny On Stop And Frisk Tactic


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This article originally appeared in The Guardian, here. Bruce Reilly’s five-part series of articles on Floyd and stop-and-frisk appears this week on Unprison.

The New York Police Department is on trial in Floyd v City of New York, and the public is watching.

It is ironic that the policy of recording “stops, questions, and frisks” originated with the 1999 police shooting of Amadou Diallo (and subsequent acquittals), and the 1997 torture of Abner Louima in a Brooklyn police station. The US Civil Rights Commission intervened, and data have since been collected on the UF-250 forms. Over a decade later, vigils and protests in response to the police shootings of RaMarley Graham, 18, last year, and, just last week, Kimani Gray, 16, pose tough questions about whether progress is being made in police-community relations.

Three 2012 cases, regarding the Open Container lawmarijuana arrests, and suspicion based on a “hunch”, indicate that the NYPD‘s approach to the fourth amendment is coming under close scrutiny. Justice Shira Scheindin has also hinted in Floyd pre-trial proceedings that “high crime area” and “furtive movements” could be coming under fire: these key phrases have become vague standards for police to justify “probable cause” to search.

The scale of the “stop-and-frisk” problem

Class action civil rights cases allow us to look at data on a systemic level. A class action suit is the affordable option for NYC taxpayers and the court. If each plaintiff were to bring a harassment lawsuit against the NYPD under civil rights provisions of Section 1983, it would crash the system.

Over the past decade, NYC has arraigned roughly 300,000 stop-and-frisk cases per year (pdf). If individual cases were to begin flooding the court calendar, the calendar would triple in size overnight. In 2011, the NYPD self-reported 119,163 “uses of force” where there was neither arrest nor summons issued; furthermore, they frisked 324,700 people and issued no form of citation.

Some young females have complained that their frisks amount to groping. Whether minor or severe, the “frisking” cases exceed the number of misdemeanors in the courts.

Speaking Monday, as Floyd got underway, New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg defended the NYPD and the stop-and-frisk policy:

“This past week, with a city of 8.4 million people, we had one murder. I can’t imagine any rational person saying that the techniques are not working and that we should stop them. We believe we do it consistent with the law in terms of having reasonable cause … We don’t look at anybody’s ethnicity. We go where the crimes are.”

But murder rates – though a commonly used indicator of overall crime – are also a salacious, inaccurate, and often misleading metric. Homicides represent less than 1% of crimes. With such a small sample, a murder rate can fluctuate with every single incident.

Murders are misleadingly used as a leading indicator of public safety. But any study on “safety” would always have an element of subjectivity. What is “safe”? It is a feeling, not a fact. It is relative, and highly impacted by the media’s reporting of crimes, both near and far. In New York City, the numbers and the rhetoric don’t always match up.

Data are manipulated: criminologist and former NYPD Captain John Eterno has explained how this manipulation is systemic. The New York Times made a study of 2,000 former police officials and found the same. Perhaps a sign of the manipulation is that some felonies (drugs, sex crimes, stolen property) have gone down, while their misdemeanor counterparts have risen.

When looking at all the NYPD data, in the round, there are many indicators showing crime has risen in NYC.

Safer with stop-and-risk? How precincts match up

And what about the mayor’s claim that “we don’t look at anybody’s ethnicity”? When comparing the ten New York police precincts with the lowest percentage of black and Latino residents with the ten precincts with the highest percentage of black and Latino residents, the numbers are startling. Residents in largely white neighborhoods are being stopped on average at a rate of 4%, and crime in those precincts is falling by 42%. In communities of color, the frequency of stops is at 16%; while crime is dropping 22%. In other words, four times the hassle, for half the results.

But the true picture is worse than that. Thousands of residents in the financial district and Tribeca, for example, hardly represent the millions of people subjected to possible stops in that district. If police actually stopped 5% of all the people who travel through the tip of Manhattan, it would outnumber the residents of that precinct. Meanwhile, residents in districts like Hunts Point in the Bronx bear the entire brunt of the police activity, since tourists and workers aren’t flooding the precinct.

The fiscal cost of stop-and-frisk

A number of sources have shared their recordings of stops, including copwatch organizations such as All Things Harlem. It is clear that there is a wide chasm between the real stops and the NYPD’s textbook example. Even on the most conservative estimates, we can see the level of resources expended to continue this policy, which is directed primarily at black and Latino young men and boys.

The annual 685,724 stops require over 80,000 hours to complete. This works out at over 229 hours per day spent stopping, questioning, and frisking the city’s residents. Officers earn over $22 per hour after six months, and so taxpayers dole out well over $11 per stop, the vast majority of which will not yield a summons or arrest and are rarely connected to looking for a particular suspect.

This $7.5m conservative estimate is nothing, though, when compared to the $135m the NYPD has cost the taxpayers (pdf) in litigation costs relating to stop-and-frisk lawsuits. This amount will likely continue to spiral upwards, considering just the recent highly publicized cases. In the case of Kimani Gray, it has been reported that the two police officers involved in the shooting of the Brooklyn teenager have racked up $215,000 in litigation settlements over civil rights violations. The spike in civil rights and police action claims in recent years suggests a deteriorating relationship with their communities.

Creating safe communities or fostering suspicion and division?

Even if we set racial targeting and constitutional protections aside, the ultimate social questions are whether it is acceptable for nine innocent people to be harassed for every one person caught engaging in some form of misconduct; further, whether it is acceptable for 20 innocent people to be harassed for every one person caught doing something reasonably serious; and finally, is it acceptable for 90 innocent people to be harassed for every one person caught doing something actually dangerous?

The answer to these questions may be “yes” for some people. But it is an answer that should apply to one’s own community, and not be imposed on others’. For example, would supporters of stop-and-frisk feel the same way if college dorms were targeted … especially if the “hit rate” for criminality were higher? The current state of affairs appears to many as a massive campaign designed to erode stability in communities of color: distrust, despair, and hate then compound the dilemma of labeling young men with criminal records. Families lose income, children lose parents, and low-income New Yorkers lose the right to live in public housing. One person’s plight provides little insight; we need to look at the policy’s collective impact upon millions.

The Floyd case has allowed some long-excluded voices to finally be heard, but are the police listening? Considering one of the shooters of Amadou Diallo has been working with a badge but no gun ever since, earning over $1m from the NYPD, it is challenging for urban residents to feel protected and served. To know you are a “suspect” for simply walking down the street, the feeling is closer to being under occupation.

What Will Obama Gun Regulation Accomplish?


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Recent controversy over which actual weapons were used at Sandy Hook, including MSNBC’s report as to whether an assault weapon was used at all, is likely to have no impact on the government response moving forward.

Visit NBCNews.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

Similarly, the fact that the government told us 9/11 was perpetrated by Saudi citizens trained in Afghanistan, that didn’t get in the way of an Iraqi invasion.  As Gen. Colin Powell basically testified at the UN: Iraq basically deserved an invasion on their own merit.  Stepping away from the causal link between Sandy Hook and forthcoming reactions, let us take a look at likely results:

The 18th Executive Order signed by President Obama is to provide incentives (and funding) for schools to have police oversee the children.  This will create results.  Of all the other items concerning background checks and manufacturing specifics for future guns, there is no clear indication that there will be any tangible differences.  Gun violence will continue with the 300 million guns in America, and millions more throughout the world.  Some people who legally bought guns and have no criminal record or mental health issues will lose their mind and commit a crime.  Whether we consider this an acceptable number or not depends as much on the media frenzy as on actual statistics.

School police, known as “Resource Officers” (perhaps for easier digestion) have been key builders of the School to Prison Pipeline.  The fistfights and the joint in the bathroom do not result in detention or suspension anymore: now they are imprisonment, expulsion, and an often insurmountable mountain to climb towards any “normal” adult lifestyle.  A 2011 report by Justice Police Institute, Education Under Arrest: The Case Against Police In Our Schools,  would lead one to believe that the overall damage to a community is not justified by the vague possibility that the school is safer.  In fact, there are indications that the police actually lead to increased violence in schools.

Fortunately, NAACP Legal Defense Fund, the Advancement Project, and others aremounting a campaign to let the President know what he is doing.

President Obama would like to spend $4 billion to put 150,000 more cops on the street, further transferring public safety from the traditional role of states to the federal government.  These cops are not likely to be deployed in Newtown, Aurora, Littleton, Blacksburg, Red Lake, Killeen, San Ysidoro, or any locations similar to past massacres.  Nor will they be deployed in such white collar businesses and institutions that have been the site of these tragedies.  Instead, they will likely be patrolling the public housing areas of urban centers, looking for drugs among mostly Black and Latino boys.  Just as in NYC, where an officer’s job is justified by how many Stops, Questions, and Frisks they conduct, any new officers will be under the same pressures to “produce.”

Prison Expenditures will Rise

Children have been the fastest growing segment in the industry of prisoners.  They are a commodity justifying the building of a prison and hiring those who will guard them- even those who would try to teach them in these environments so non-conducive to learning.  Industries do not deal well with stagnation or reduction.  Thus, an ever growing number of children and young adults are needed to continue fueling an industry that has yet to be reduced in all the history of American prisons.

More cops requires more prosecutors to process the cases, along with more public defenders, judges, sheriffs, stenographers, interpreters, clerks, and everything else that happens after an arrest.  All on the taxpayer dime at a time when most “American” corporations are multinational and manage to avoid taxes around the globe.  These budgets are already bursting.

Putting police in our schools, and 150,000 police in low income communities of color, will certainly increase the front end of this industry during an era when states have been struggling to make reductions.  Spurred by the Bush Administration’s Second Chance Act, a secondary industry of “Rehabilitation” has expanded to attempt a reduction of prisoners on the back end.  One roadblock to this latter attempt is public perception, and media frenzy, (at times instigated by prison guards themselves) against “coddling criminals” or the perceived dangers of releasing someone who committed a violent crime decades ago.

The Future Economy

President Obama certainly knows that we currently have an economy of excess labor.  Several decades after outsourcing and technology eliminated our manufacturing base, people in Obama’s shoes are tasked with the dilemma of what to do with tens of millions of unnecessary people in our economy.  There is no indication that this trend will be reversed (not to say that it cannot be, but I have yet to hear any proposal that involves a massive new sector requiring human labor at Living Wages).  In the short term, the Prison Solution provides a small consolation, albeit with considerable human cost.

Once labeled as “Criminal,” there can be no moral demand for living wage jobs, education, and affordable housing- at least not in our current culture, where those making such demands represent an increasingly vocal minority.  Those who are labeled are often shut down with the phrase, “You should have thought about that before you became a criminal.”  Yet we are labeling them before they are even old enough to drive a car, vote, serve in the military, or sign a valid contract.  Furthermore, our society cannot even respond to similar demands by non-labeled people.

Non-labeled people from the lower classes can join the ranks of half-a-million prison guards, and twice that in the overall Prison industry.  As the labeled are released from prison, they are expected to have lower expectations, to be happy with a GED and a job that pays $8 per hour.  If we can create a nation where 10 million people are satisfied earning that pay, another 10 million are incarcerated, and another 10 million are watching over them… we may create some stability in our economy.  It will require a relentless Drug War and a massive tolerance for racially imbalanced outcomes.  Such a dystopia will likely require a repeal of the Civil Rights Act.

As a chess player it is important to think many moves ahead for yourself and your opponent.  Naturally, a chess player expects their opponent to think several moves ahead, perhaps five or six, at least.  Sometimes even if you think 20 moves ahead correctly, you still cannot see the victory; you may only see that all the pieces are dead except for the King… but you still must make a move.

This article originally appeared in Unprison.


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