Movie Review: BEST OF ENEMIES


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MV5BMjA0MzA1ODA5NF5BMl5BanBnXkFtZTgwMDc3OTU5NTE@._V1_SX214_AL_The new documentary BEST OF ENEMIES (dirs. Morgan Neville, Robert Gordon) is one of those films that is both intellectually stimulating and wickedly entertaining, a picture that makes one laugh out loud multiple times while also causing serious thought. Rarely do we see such fare, which is why I highly recommend it.

BEST OF ENEMIES is now playing at the Cable Car Cinema & Cafe.

The film is set in 1968, a year remembered by those who lived it as the beginning of the end of so many great things. Martin Luther King Jr. and Bobby Kennedy were both gunned down, there were riots and protests in the streets, and Lyndon Johnson had scuttled his administration with a Vietnam policy that was described as genocidal by those who knew the truth about our actions in Southeast Asia. And all the while, ABC, the third-place network on television, had decided to try something different in their coverage of the Republican and Democratic National Conventions.

Instead of following the lead of NBC and CBS, with their gavel-to-gavel coverage of the proceedings, they decided to bring in two of the leading intellectuals of the day to engage in a series of brief debates following a montage of highlights from the day’s events. On the left was author Gore Vidal, scion of a populist Democratic senator, the creator of such scandalous works as Myra Breckinridge and the screenplay of the X-rated CALIGULA, he was open about his love affairs with men and espoused a libertine worldview combined with liberal politics that generated some of the best American political prose of his generation. To the right was William F. Buckley, Jr., the editor and founder of the hard-right magazine National Review, a man who had taken up conservative politics and transformed a movement of crotchety kooks and racists into the political force that elevated Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan to the heights of power while consolidating the Grand Old Party by hacking off the left wing of that political body. Both men were well-spoken, well-born, well-educated intellectuals at the peak of their powers. What followed was an epic, multi-evening intellectual wrestling match, the likes of which had never been seen before on television.

The film is excellent because it functions on two levels. On the first, it is a stellar narrative, retelling one of the most important moments in twentieth century American politics. The 1968 election was the first instance when Americans began to vote based on identity politics issues as opposed to class solidarity, as seen by the successful implementation of Richard Nixon’s Southern Strategy that year. It was the first time that dog-whistle politicking took on any sort of real force in the voting booth, with Nixon’s repeated harping on about ‘law and order’ really serving as code for white animus towards the newly-desegregated black population. It was the first election since World War II that the contest for the executive office served as a referendum on an ongoing conflict, a wasteful and stupid war that had none of the support at home or abroad that the Greatest Generation had found two decades before.

And it was also the first time that the political conventions were broadcast in color, bringing me to my second point. Not only is the film a history lesson, it is a love poem to the days of rabbit ear antennas, switching the channel by touching an actual dial, and having only three networks and PBS to watch, within a decade HBO and Ted Turner would begin to develop the early stirrings of what became cable television. This is a film about the way that Americans are told about the news of the day, how it is delivered, and why we think the way we do about these events. It has all the wisdom of a communications class about newsroom production and makes clear what we have lost with the ability to choose from multiple networks that cater to our socio-political whims. As I have said elsewhere, this was perhaps the last election that had some legitimacy to it, now all we have are stage-managed rock concerts with primaries that function in a fashion closer to American Idol.

The film’s thesis is an admirable one where the filmmakers argue, rightly, in my view, that this was the place that gave birth, perhaps accidentally, to the yelling-and-screaming format of television news we deal with today, populated by the O’Reillys, the Maddows, and the other hucksters who serve up saccharine-flavored slop we are expected to take for socio-political analysis. I say accidentally because it is quite clear from the start that Buckley was totally oblivious about what to expect from Vidal, who rehearsed his lines backstage, did enormous research on his opponent beforehand, and carried himself as a television star as opposed to a political scientist while in the ring. And I also say accidentally because, had Vidal known what kind of monster he was creating by stage acting the way he did, he might very well have never accepted the invitation to appear. For the rest of his life, Vidal would return again and again to the theme of how ridiculous the American political process had become. He decided to become an expatriate and work from his home in Italy in part because he had no stomach for the crassness, the shallowness, and the buffoonery that essentially defined American politics from 1968 onwards. But he never was able to come to the conclusion that he was partly to blame for getting our civic dialogue to that point.

With another election upon us, it is clear that the electorate is as divided as it was in 1968, if not more so. On the one hand, we have a Republican primary loaded with certified lunatics who are getting upstaged by, of all people, a blithering idiot land developer whose entire career has been based around making financial failure look profitable. The Democrats are no better, insistent on crowning Queen Hillary despite the fact that people would rather vote for a box of cereal than her. The film concludes that Vidal won the battle with Buckley, which is not giving away anything surprising. But what is surprising is that it was Buckley who, in the long term, won the war. We now live in a state of affairs where the Democrats behave like Richard Nixon, pro-choice, pro-union, pro-war, and environmentally-mindful to a degree. By contrast, Vidal, whose politics were populist New Deal Democratic stances, seems like a card-carrying Communist next to an Obama or Clinton. That kind of dramatic irony is something you could describe as made for television.

George McGovern: POTUS Candidate, Progressive


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If ever there was a presidential candidate that progressives could be proud of it was surely George McGovern, who died this morning at 90 years old in his hometown of Sioux Falls, South Dakota.

McGovern spoke out angrily against war, he advocated passionately for the poor and the middle class and he sounded the alarm early about the dangers of corporate greed. He is the closest thing the sixties had to a presidential candidate.

“I’m fed up to the ears with old men dreaming up wars for young men to die in,” he once said. “The Establishment center … has led us into the stupidest and cruelest war in all history. That war is a moral and political disaster – a terrible cancer eating away at the soul of our nation.”

McGovern is of course best remembered for the historic beating he took in the 1972 presidential campaign to Richard Nixon.

“Ever since I was a young man I wanted to run for the presidency in the worst possible way, and I did,” he famously joked about his defeat.

But progressives shouldn’t disavow McGovern because of the election day ass-kicking he took. In fact, it’s actually one of the all-time greatest examples of hindsight being 20/20: America, instead, chose to re-elect Richard Nixon. We all know how well that went.

“It’s true that I lost to Richard Nixon in the general election by a huge margin,” McGovern said years later. “But that wasn’t my mistake. That was the mistake of the voters.”

Oddly enough, McGovern – son of a minister and decorated WWII fighter pilot – had an image problem. He chose to ditch his initial choice for vice president because he had a history of mental illness, which made him seem both weak and unstable. Then there were all the hippies and radicals that had attached themselves to his star.

“I’ll go to my grave believing America would be better off had I been elected in ’72 rather than the re-election of President Nixon,” he said, and it’s hard to argue with him.

In 1972, America was probably more ready for McGovern’s populism than it was for a candidate that had the endorsement of Hunter S. Thompson. In his book Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail (which has been called “the most accurate and least factual account of that campaign”) Thompson wrote probably the most famous passage about McGovern’s legacy and politics.

The tragedy of all this is that George McGovern for all his mistakes and all his different kinds of talk about new politics and honesty in government is one of the few men who have run for president of the United States in this century who really understands what a fantastic monument to all the best instincts of the human race this country could have been if we could have kept it out of the hands of the greedy little hustlers like Richard Nixon.

McGovern made some stupid mistakes but in context they seem kind of frivolous compared to the things Richard Nixon does every day of his life, on purpose, as a matter of policy and perfect expression of everything he stands for. Jesus, where will it end? How low do you have to stoop in this country to be president

Five Remarkable Political Campaign Ads


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With campaign season soon to be upon us, I thought it might be fun to go over some political advertisements that I find particularly enjoyable. Now, I’m not saying these are the greatest political ads of all time, but they tend to be enjoyable, and most of all, they’re reasonably revealing of the time period that birthed them.

“It’s Up To You” – John F. Kennedy (1960)

One of the things I love about this ad is the jovial bounce of its tune; it’s like that friendly person you know who’s always up-beat. There’s also a hell of a lot of repetition in this ad; by my count “Kennedy” is shouted roughly 30 times in an ad which lasts only a minute. And that’s not including all the time his name appears on screen in animated signage, combined with the theme “A Time For Greatness” or the word “President”. This ad was featured on AMC’s Mad Men and actually, Kennedy’s opponent Richard Nixon completely ripped it off for his 1962 run for California’s Governor (a race he also lost).

“Nixon Now” – Richard Nixon (1972)

You do have to give Nixon credit though; he never gave up. And this ad from 1972 is just mind-boggling in retrospect. The idea of a sitting president during the Cold War, much less a Republican president, showing himself hanging out with Chairman Mao of China and Premier Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union while the phrase “reaching out, across the sea / making friends, where foes used to be,” is sung would be unthinkable in the current day.

Also unthinkable, that Nixon ever ran this campaign ad, which features a sign declaring “Peace: Nixon Does More Than Talk About It” while the Viet Nam War had escalated under Nixon’s rule. It’s especially ironic considering that in less then two years, Nixon would leave office disgraced by Watergate and ushering in an era of cynicism making this ad and the previous Kennedy ad seem like relics from a bygone era.

“Daisy” – Lyndon Johnson (1964)

The “Daisy” ad is considered the mother of all attack ads, but frankly, I think that’s beside the point. To me, it’s just a really interesting ad. There’s a way the girl flubs the count, counting “six” twice and missing “seven” completely. There’s the way the countdown voice sounds both like “zero” and “kill” as it’s obscured by the sound of the nuclear explosion. And then there’s LBJ’s magnificent Texan twang as he intones “these are the stakes: to make a world in which all of God’s children can live or to go into the dark. We must either love each other; or we must die.” It’s a beautifully Manichaean sentiment, we’ll all chose to love each other and we all should.

It also uses Johnson’s theme; “The Stakes Are Too High For You To Stay Home.” Many people have interpreted this ad as saying that if Johnson’s opponent, Republican Barry Goldwater, got his way, there’d be nuclear war. Johnson’s other ads seem more concerned with Goldwater’s opposition to the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty; though this one uses Republican governors (including Mitt Romney’s father) to argue against Goldwater using Republican words. And he also focused on his War on Poverty.

“Armed Chinese Troops In Texas!” – Ron Paul (2012)

I really enjoy this ad, because it’s a complete castigation of American foreign policy and it’s pretty much right on the money on everything. You can see why Republicans believed Ron Paul was the least trustworthy candidate on foreign policy during presidential primary. Is it overwrought? Yes, but no more then the Kennedy or Nixon ads were enthusiastic. And most importantly, this is taken from an actual speech Paul gave (as should be clear when the narrator’s emphatic voice changes to Paul’s softer, mournful one). There’s an underlying weirdness to Ron Paul’s candidacy; like Johnson did, he utilizes the word “love” to counterpoint the war mentality of his opponents.

This is probably as good a time to talk about why liberals have this flirtation with Ron Paul, and this ad is what makes it clear. However, it should be noted that his domestic policies are pretty much twice as backward as the Ryan Plan.

“Don’t Wake Up With Conservative” – Unofficial Labour Party (2005)

Okay, I’m pretty sure this is a fake one (it’s part of a trio), but it’s still good, in my opinion. This is an unofficial one for the Labour Party in the UK, and it’s good on multiple levels. There’s the general hungover nature of the young woman as she wakes up to discover this Conservative in her bed. There’s his glee at testing foreigners for AIDS or building prisons, and the sort of psychopathic way he keeps saying “four years” whenever the woman protests that she wants him gone. He’s also a posh twit, and has posh twit friends.

Then there’s our hero, Anthony, who comes in with this triumphant music that instantly turns melancholy. When he asks what happened and the woman puts out the protest “what about the war, and all those inquiries?” His response is classic: “Look, that would’ve happened anyway. And a lot of the facts have been twisted by malicious journalists.” It’s a line that would fit in perfectly in America, where blaming the media is often a way to shift attention off of our own failures.

It’s also an ad that says that disgust with a ruling party isn’t really a reason to turn to alternatives you’d hate more. Plenty of European nations who turned to conservative parties following austerity introduced by social democrats are discovering that (Spain, for example). And it’s precisely the choice Americans made in 2010 to get the worst Congress ever. And now in 2012, we’re facing that choice again.

The Passing of Robert L. Carter, and School Desegregation in the Metropolitan North


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Robert Carter

Robert CarterI was saddened to hear of the death of Judge Robert L. Carter yesterday, at the age of 94.  The passing of this great generation of civil rights reformers (Fred Shuttlesworth and Derrick Bell are gone too) was of course inevitable — Dr. King would be in his 80s, if he were still with us.  But studying their words and work, one is reminded of just how limited our visions of justice are these days.

I had the great privilege of spending a week with Carter a few years ago, as a participant in an NEH seminar on civil rights up at Harvard.  He was sharp, passionate and inspiring, as he regaled us with story after story about his legal work with Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, and walked us through his informative memoir, “A Matter of Law.”  If I remember correctly, I was a bit combative in some of our exchanges.  Carter insisted on the transformative potential of school desegregation cases in the urban North, which he constantly pushed from within the NAACP in the mid/late 60s.  I argued that the real issue was metropolitan housing segregation, and that a focus on the cities alone would achieve nothing more than tokenism, resistance, and white flight.  He countered by emphasizing, rightly, the value of setting legal precedents.  This was, after all, how the Brown decision was achieved in 1954:  a long, slow walk through the court system.  It was particularly important to get the courts to focus on impact, not intent, in the application of constitutional doctrine to segregation in the North.  Once that was achieved, things could open up in much more transformative ways.

As background for my home ownership book, I’ve been doing some research on civil rights, the law and housing policy from the mid-60s to the mid-70s, and I’m in a much better position now to make sense of what Carter was trying to tell me — and of his legacy.  During this all-too-brief period, there was a possibility (albeit a thin one) that the nation might finally confront the pattern of metropolitan inequality and segregation (by race and class) that had emerged in the wake of World War II.  Real discussions of the necessity of ‘opening up the suburbs’ were taking place, not only within the civil rights and fair housing movements, but also within the Johnson administration, the courts, and even in the early days of Nixon’s first term (George Romney, Secretary of HUD, characterized suburbia as a ‘white noose’ around the neck of urban America).  Most parties to this discussion recognized that both access to employment and to quality public education hinged on whether American metropolitan areas could be restructured.  In other words, the future of the American opportunity structure was at stake — but time was of the essence.  The nation was on the cusp of a massive expansion in suburban development (and of home ownership), but the shape which our social geography would take was still somewhat plastic.  The intellectual, judicial and policy tools were there to trace direct connections between social geography and opportunity, and to expand civil rights jurisprudence beyond the limited individualistic ontology that had previously defined it.

And Carter was right there, at the forefront.  Unfortunately for all of us, this brief window of opportunity to unwind metropolitan inequality had slammed shut by the mid-70s.  There were small victories and experiments at the local and state level, here and there; the Mount Laurel decision, by the New Jersey Supreme Court in 1975, for example.  But my argument about the ‘window’ is mostly aimed at the federal level.

Nixon gets some of the blame, as much because of his racial demagoguery as his urban and housing policies.  His Supreme Court appointments get a lot of it, too.  The San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez (1973) and Milliken v. Bradley (1974) decisions carved a direct path to the urban school crisis we presently confront.  Despite occasional exceptions at the state level, federal courts also continued to limit the reach of constitutional claims against exclusionary zoning, rendering fair housing law a dead letter in much of the country.  Suburban white America captured the lion’s share of the responsibility, and retains it today.  While the Republican Party has become the unapologetic champion of white suburban privilege (see this recent piece by Daniel Denvir, on urban issues in today’s GOP), the Democrats refuse to see what even George Romney (let alone Robert L. Carter) saw 40 years ago:  that racial and class segregation is a recipe for disaster for the country.

Thanks, Mr. Carter, and rest in peace.  That window is still closed, sadly.  But it is surely cracked.  And that, as Leonard Cohen once wrote, is how the light gets in.

Originally posted on Chants Democratic.