Why Leaving RI To Save Tax Dollars Is A Bad Investment


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Anyone who leaves Rhode Island for a better life, god bless. Anyone who leaves to save money, good riddance. And to anyone who would confuse the two, get real.

As the progressive left in the Ocean State calls on the General Assembly to reverse the Carcieri-era tax breaks for the rich, the best defense the right has come up with is that the affluent will move away if we ask them to pay their fair share. While I’m fairly confident most folks are smart enough not to make such life-altering decisions based on the singular factor of tax rates, for those of you who aren’t, here’s a personal story for you:

When I was in elementary school, my parents split up and my dad lost his job. My mom, who worked at Bostitch, could no longer afford our big fancy house and our affluent lifestyle in the suburbs of East Greenwich. So she had a choice: she could either move us to a different community, where her meager salary would go much farther, or we could continue to struggle to get by in EG.

My mom, easily the wisest social scientist I have ever known, decided to keep us here. We moved to a smaller house but stayed in town. From our new home, I could almost see Warwick from the back yard, it was right there on the other side of Post Road less than a half mile away.

We could have moved there, too, and at a fraction of the cost. But my mom wanted to keep us in East Greenwich schools, which were already regarded as head and shoulders better than our neighboring communities. (This was the first generation in 100 years of Bostitch employees who didn’t by and large live in East Greenwich … now the manufacturing plant is still here but is virtually devoid of jobs.)

I’m quite pleased with my mom’s decision to keep us in East Greenwich even though it cost her more A LOT more to do so. So is she, as are my brother and sister. Interestingly, the four of us are pretty socially, politically and economically diverse, and perhaps the one thing we all agree on is that staying here was well worth the investment.

Now, you can argue that East Greenwich to Warwick isn’t the same as Rhode Island to Massachusetts. But you can’t argue that it’s cheaper to live in East Greenwich than it is in Warwick – and that is the argument conservatives are making on migration; not that wealth will cross state lines because it is better elsewhere, but because it is cheaper.

If wealth is moving to neighboring states because it is better there, then Rhode Island has a problem. But if we’re losing wealthy residents because it’s cheaper there, that’s not as bad … Ask anyone in my family and they will tell you those who would make such a short-sighted decision might not be destined to be wealthy forever…

Arguing With The Tax Policy Switcheroo


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I was or will be on Channel 10’s News Conference Sunday show this week, depending on when you’re reading this.  John Simmons, of the Rhode Island Public Expenditure Council, was a guest with me.  An exchange we had reminds me of many I’ve had recently, including this comment from Dan DaPonte, the Senate Finance Committee chair.

It is an unmistakable fact of legislation that Rhode Island repeatedly cut the income tax in the years 1997-2009.  We cut the tax 10% between 1997 and 2002, we cut the capital gains rate in 2005, and we implemented the “flat” tax option in 2006.  All of these constituted cuts that were either exclusively for the richest of tax payers or predominantly for that top end.  The graph here, an old favorite of mine, shows the effect of the various cuts on the top 1%, and the median taxpayer, along with the unemployment rate during the period, just for fun.

In 2010, the legislature adopted a tax change (for tax year 2011) that froze the flat tax option in place and incorporated it into the tax code, preventing it from being easily repealed.  There were a large number of changes made that year, and the jury is still out on whether that was an advantage for rich people or not.  It was not designed to be, and possibly it was not, though only time will tell for sure.

However, the fact that the 2010 change may have been essentially neutral does not change the fact that the previous 13 years were characterized by repeated tax cuts for rich people.  The Almond cuts alone were worth about $100 million per year by 2002.  Nonetheless, when you complain about tax cuts for rich people, people like Simmons and DaPonte reply that the 2010 changes were not a tax cut for rich people and therefore “progressives are wrong.”  Then they go off into the weeds trying to demonstrate conclusively that the 2010 changes were not tax cuts for the rich.  If you watch the Sunday show, you’ll see John doing exactly that, and then getting miffed when I interrupt to say that the answer he’s giving is irrelevant to the complaint I’m making.

Here’s DaPonte:

I’m still quite honestly confused at the liberal opinion that the 2010 personal income tax reform was a big giveaway to high-income earners. From everyone that I’ve heard from, particularly tax professionals who do this stuff for a living – they have a completely opposing opinion, that that is not, in fact, what we did do.

But what did you do during the previous decade?

Whether you think that tax cuts for rich people constitute enlightened public policy or whether you think that they were a source a source of great inequity in the tax code and a source of real pain for our cities and towns (and the people who pay property taxes), it is tiring to hear people try to deny what actually happened in the last decade and a half or to obfuscate the issue, which is precisely what’s going on here.

The state of Rhode Island gave up a tremendous amount of revenue to these tax cuts.  The cuts produced a tremendous amount of fiscal pain in the cities and towns, and contribute to the fact that so few school systems have anything like a real music program left or new books on their library shelves.  Whether they added something to our economy is debatable (and I’m happy to debate it) but 100% irrelevant to the claim that they happened.

The 2010/11 tax changes are a part of this story only to the extent that they make restoring the status quo ante far more difficult.  Other than that, they have nothing at all to do with the larger offenses against tax equity committed over the last 15 years.  When you talk to people about tax equity, don’t let the subject change.

Regressive Taxes Now Defines Progressive Victory


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President Obama makes his case for re-election at DNC. (Photo by John McDaid)

Progressives, liberals and Democrats have been getting their political butts kicked for so long that marginal defeats are starting to feel like victories. Such can certainly be said about Obama’s compromise on tax policy.

The president campaigned on reversing tax breaks on those who make more than $250,000 a year. Instead he settled for increases on those who make more than $450,000 and less than $113,000 (yeah, that’s who pays payroll taxes).

According to the New York Times, those who earn between $450,000 and $1 million will see an average income tax increase of about $6,700. Those who earn less than $50,000 will see an increase of about $1,000 in payroll taxes.

While taxes went up on 77 percent of Americans, the roughly 1 percent who makes between $250,000 and a half million were not asked to sacrifice to help the country avoid the fiscal cliff.

I spoke with someone in the enviable position yesterday. It didn’t really occur to them that the fiscal cliff deal had broken in their financial favor. That’s because it won’t have any impact on their spending; when one clears a cool quarter million every year, financial planning about how large you want to live in retirement compared to how much you want to leave to your kids to spend – not about how much or little you will participate in economic transactions.

I’d be willing to bet that the vast majority of Rhode Islanders who were spared a tax increase this week will not notice it one way or another. They will go on vacation, or out to dinner, or renovate their kitchens, or start a small business with little to no regard for what happened – or didn’t happen – in Washington D.C, just like the person with whom I spoke yesterday. I’d also be willing to bet that the vast majority of Rhode Islanders who earn more than $250,000 don’t objected to paying higher taxes, as is also the case with the person I spoke with yesterday.

2013: The Year for Tax Equity in Rhode Island


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George Nee, president of the AFL-CIO, talks to House Speaker Gordon Fox during the previous legislative session. Nee will ask Fox to consider a tax equity bill this session. (Photo by Bob Plain)

Progressives have a lot to look forward to in the upcoming legislative session. While everyone expects a high profile debate on marriage equality, it seems that State House leaders will consider tax equity, too. The Providence Journal reports this morning that House and Senate leaders are open to the idea of rolling back the Carcieri-era tax breaks for Rhode Island’s richest residents.

“Maybe it is a time to say, maybe we need to enhance some revenues,” Fox told the Journal. Paiva Weed said, “I would keep an open mind to a tax increase on the highest-wage earners.”

So popular has taxing the rich become that even House Minority Leader Brian Newberry told the ProJo he’s also open to the idea, if coupled with conservative proposals as well.

The only State House leader who seemed to dismiss the idea entirely was Governor Linc Chafee. Interestingly, he is likely the only one who would personally feel the effect of the income tax increase on families who earn more than $250,000 a year.

Chafee said he’s worried tax equity might make rich people move away from Rhode Island. I disagree. Rhode Island’s population decline is not because the less than 2 percent of its population that makes more than a quarter million annually are leaving and not being replaced; it’s because the 46 percent who earn less than $50,000 are leaving and not being replaced.

Regardless, it won’t be either Chafee or the extremely small and powerless Republican Party that will stand between Rhode Island and the additional $131 million in revenue it would generate for the state. It’ll be the business community.

But Laurie White of the Greater Providence Chamber of Commerce, didn’t seem on the defensive as long as the deductions that were eliminated can be reinstated. After all, it isn’t necessarily the people represented by the Chamber who make more than $250,000 – it’s a couple handfuls of lawyers, doctors, stock traders and powerful executives.

And last session, Gary Sasse, a former RIPEC leader and fiscal adviser to Carcieri, told the House Finance Committee that a small tax increase on Rhode Island’s richest residents would be advisable.

Also last session about half the House signed on to a bill that would have raised revenue by tying the tax rate on the rich to the unemployment rate – as an economic incentive to create jobs for the Ocean State. And that was prior to the November election, which has largely been seen as a mandate to raise taxes.

One thing we can certainly all agree on is that the reason for giving the richest Rhode Islanders a tax cut in the first place has been an abject failure. As George Nee, president of the AFL-CIO told the ProJo, “The basic, fundamental reason for doing this was that it was supposed to be a job creator. I think it is obvious that it has not had an impact on job creation.”

Or, it’s had a very big impact. Here’s a chart showing the relationship between job creation and tax cuts for the wealthy since 2005.

Privatization of Higher Ed Violates State Constitution


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As reported  here and here, the University of Rhode Island has spent close to $500,000 on repairs of its president’s tuition-funded home, which is among the fringe benefits that come with the president’s job, such as a car, an expense account, and club dues.

Excessive administrative spending is but one of many results of nationwide privatization of public education.  Particularly distressing in this context is the root cause of this development, namely the decline of the fraction of the URI budget that comes from the Rhode Island general revenue, a percentage that has dropped from 60% in the 1950s to less than 10% currently.

Privatization has resulted in an explosive increase in tuition.  As documented in Trends in College Pricing 2012, a College Board publication, inflation-adjusted tuition and fees have increased by more than 350% since the early 1980s. Excessive spending on presidential perks, in particular at URI, typifies a litany of deplorable policy decisions that coddle university and college administrators at the expense of public education.  Recent examples are:

  • URI’s previous president got a 14 percent raise in 2008-09.
  • The previous president cashed in with a retirement incentive of 40 percent of the $183,000 “faculty” salary he earned after his resignation as president ot the university, a salary which happens to roughly 80 percent higher than full professor faculty salaries.
  •  URI’s current president started his tenure at a salary about 25 percent above what his predecessor ever made.
  • A study performed for the American Association of University Professors found that between 2004 and 2010 spending on instruction and academic support at URI declined by 10 percent; while spending on administration increased by 25 percent.

In spite of all of these excesses and skewed priorities, the almost defunct Board of Governors of Higher Education routinely justifies the tuition hikes and administrative bloat it authorizes by claiming concern for quality education.  Of course, the ultimate responsibility for the neglect of public education rests with the Rhode Island legislature.  The legislature and its serial enablers of the Board of Governors for Higher Education, which is tasked with oversight of public higher education, are duty bound to uphold the Rhode Island Constitution and pertinent statutes.  Their collective failure in this respect is monumental. As Sections I and IV of Article 12 of the Rhode Island Constitution state:

  • […] it shall be the duty of the general assembly to promote public schools and public libraries, and to adopt all means which it may deem necessary and proper to secure to the people the advantages and opportunities of education and public library services.
  • The general assembly shall make all necessary provisions by law for carrying this article into effect. It shall not divert said money or fund from the aforesaid uses, nor borrow, appropriate, or use the same, or any part thereof, for any other purpose, under any pretence whatsoever.

 Title XVI [of the Rhode Island General Laws] adds:

  •  […] the purpose of continuing and maintaining the University of Rhode Island […] in order to promote the liberal and practical education of the industrial classes in the pursuit and the professions of life […]

Privatization is sold as if it provides better services at a lower cost to the taxpayer, but the real costs to Rhode Island and its citizens are hidden.  In education, chief among those hidden costs are increased tuition and interest on student loans, which exclusively benefits moneylenders.  The examples listed above are just a small sample of the many symptoms that characterize a society unable to keep in check the predatory impulses of a small minority.

ALEC: Bad for the Economy


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Last year, there was a lot of talk  here about ALEC, the American Legislative Exchange Council.  This corporate-backed “research” group produces model legislation for the states and recruits and promotes legislators who are likely to introduce it.  It’s a pretty slick outfit, well-funded, with lots of opportunities for travel, and lots of opportunities to make member legislators feel good about carrying the water of large corporations.

Soon-to-be-ex-Representative Jon Brien from Woonsocket was on the board of directors, and it turned out that quite a number of state representatives and senators were members – one out of every five. ALEC’s policy agenda is pretty much the standard-issue corporate pabulum: lower taxes, cut spending so we can all live in a capitalist paradise.  That sort of thing.  If you’re reading here, you probably know the drill.

So imagine my delight when some smart researcher in Iowa realized that ALEC has been around long enough to have a track record.  And if there’s a track record, you can measure it and see how good it is.  So how do they do?

Not so great, it turns out.  In fact, ALEC issues a ranking of how well states conform to its vision of all that is great and good, and it turns out that the states who do best in ALEC’s rankings have seen lower economic growth, more poverty, and lower state revenues over the years 2007-2011.

So the lesson is clear: ALEC’s advice is pretty much the opposite of good advice.  Following their suggestions for economic growth seems to be an ideal way to lower median family income, lose jobs, and increase the poverty rate.

In other words, the policies that make up the Economic Outlook Ranking are not a recipe for growth and prosperity. If anything, they are quite the opposite: They are a recipe for economic inequality, low wages, and stagnant incomes that at the same time deprive state and local governments of the revenue needed to maintain the public infrastructure and education systems that are the underpinnings of long term economic growth

Lots of the figures from the report are here.

So where does Rhode Island fall on the ALEC scale?  According to the “Rich State, Poor State” report, we’re 43d in ALEC’s rankings.  So how do we make our economy better?  Probably not by trying to move up in their ranking.  ALEC’s advice is bad advice.

Want an Efficient Historic Tax Credit? Raise Taxes


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State House Dome from North Main Street
State House Dome from North Main Street
The State House dome from North Main Street. (Photo by Bob Plain)

As the maneuvering in advance of the next legislative session gets into gear, we keep hearing that the state’s historic structures tax credit is to be revived.

To recap: for several years, Rhode Island had a tax credit available for developers who restored historic buildings.  It was essentially a subsidy for 30% of the cost of the project.  In a variety of ways it was a decent program, with low overhead to administer, and the subsidies went to a variety of worthwhile projects, mostly in the cities that need it.  Some of the projects were a bit too gentrifying, and I regret that the credits didn’t come with strings to insure better wages for the people who work on them, but it was, for several years, the most effective affordable housing program in the state.

The downside, though, was big.  Because the program was available to any qualifying project, it was impossible for the state to budget for it.  The credit was much more popular than budget-writers anticipated, and this made not only a big hole in the budget, but an unpredictable one.  When the program was closed in 2008, there were around $300 million of credits outstanding, waiting to be cashed in for lower tax bills.

It made sense at the time to float a bond to make the redemption of the credits a bit more predictable, so the state borrowed to create a trust fund to make payments to the people who held the credits.

However, there is another down side to our tax credits.  When the state gives a $5 million tax credit to some project, the project only receives around $4 million or less.  The rest is shared between some tax credit broker (Michael Corso has become a famous one for his involvement with 38 Studios) and a business or rich person who wants to lower their tax bill.  That is, less than 80% of the face value of the tax credit goes to the public purpose to which the credits are supposed to be devoted, and the other 20% is for a benefit that goes directly to the richest citizens of our state.  Being a perfect example of government overpaying (by a lot) for a service, one might think this the very definition of “government waste,” but somehow the label never seems to be applied there by the fiscal watchdogs.

Contrast this to federal tax credits, where it is usually more than 95% of the credit that goes to the stated purpose.  Federal taxes are higher than Rhode Island taxes, so credits against those tax bills are worth more than credits against a state tax bill.  So one way to increase the efficiency of state tax credits would just be to raise the state business and personal income taxes on the top end by a lot.  Yes, I know, that’s just my little joke, but with the recent “reforms” of the tax rates, prices for state tax credits are going to be even lower than they were in 2008, when they were 80 cents on the dollar or less.

Here’s the bottom line: credits against state taxes are a great way to waste a ton of money and create unpredictable budget costs.  The projects that the tax credit funds are worthwhile, but if they are to be subsidized they should be funded by grants, with a set annual budget and rules to demand that projects pay at least a living wage to their contractors.  As they were constituted, they did useful work, but also served as a giveaway to wealthy insiders who don’t need your tax dollars to live a life of ease.

Democrats, Don’t Throw My House Off the Fiscal Cliff

With the election over, across the country progressives are wondering, will the 2nd Obama administration be more progressive than the first? I’m not holding my breath on that one. Of particular concern for me and for you if you’re a home owner, is the potential for a disastrous change in the home mortgage deduction.

We’re the folks on the front-end of our mortgages, who bought at the height of the boom in Providence and elsewhere and who have diligently made our mortgage payments. We’re the ones who decided to ride out the storm and who have the misfortune of not having a loan owned by Fannie or Freddie, with the potential for a below market refi. Our mortgage rates are near double the current rate and the banks have next to no incentive to modify the loan. Hey, we’re the ones who are still paying! Yes, if you’re like me there’s been no bailout for you, and unfortunately the “grand bargain” (Orwellian language if I ever heard it) may put you into foreclosure. Progressives take note.

At issue is the elimination of the so called “tax loophole” of the mortgage deduction. You may not be in this position, but if you’re a homeowner, a second round of foreclosures in the neighborhood is the last thing you need and is a recipe for a double-dip recession if I ever heard one. The question for progressives is, what grand bargain do we strike with the Obama administration? Is our support unconditional? A Romney administration would certainly have been worse, but is a restoration of the Bush tax cuts to the modest levels of a decade ago enough?

Progressives, the time is now to speak up. Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid are all on the table, yet again asking the working class to bailout the bankers. I say a vote for a grand bargain is a vote for a grand betrayal, further sinking the middleclass. Will progressives demand more?

Why Stock Buybacks Benefit Corporate Greed


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Image courtesy of Hodart Report.

One of my last posts touched on how corporations are spending their money, what they are doing and not doing with the piles of record profits they’ve been making in the past few years while median wages have stagnated or fallen.

Here’s some additional information. First, the cites:

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10000872396390444657804578052472320753336.html

http://www.thereformedbroker.com/2012/10/12/the-buyback-epidemic/

If you piece the two of them together, you will glean that dividend payments to shareholders are near an all-time low. Something like 34% of earnings are being paid out in dividends today. OTOH, stock buybacks by the S&P 500 hit $112 billion just for the second quarter of 2012. You will also learn that, in contrast, companies paid out about 60% of their earnings in dividends in 1960. This is despite a top tax rate of 91%. No, that’s not a typo. 91%.

Why the preference for stock buybacks over dividend payments? Again, apply the principle of ‘cui bono’: to whose benefit?

Dividends generally benefit the average holder, the smaller holders. In fact, as I’ve said before, prior to about 1990, one bought stocks in order to collect the dividend paid, not with the idea of the price of the stock going up. In fact, stocks like utilities were considered ‘widows and orphans’ stocks because of the generous dividends they generally paid.

Buybacks, OTOH, generally benefit the corporate executives because the bulk of their compensation is in company stock. One component in the price per share of stocks is the number of shares outstanding. In fact, it’s the denominator in the equation. Since corporate compensation comes from huge issues of common stock, the denominator grows, which drops the average price, which means that the shares executives increase in value. Shares that are bought back are retired, decreasing the number of shares outstanding, which has the impact of pushing the price up, other things being equal.

Yes, the average holder gains from this too, but the benefit is much more limited. Let’s say I own 1,000 shares, which is a big holding for most middle-class folks. If the price goes up a dollar, I’ve made $1,000. Not bad. But if I own 100,000, or 500,000 shares, the gain is much higher. And grants of hundreds of thousands of shares are not unusual. An executive holding a million share is not unusual.

Plus, this gain is completely tax-free, until the stock is sold. This benefits the executive who can then borrow against the shares and perform feats of legerdemain with the money. The small holder, OTOH, will generally never see the benefit f the capital appreciation because s/he is less likely to sell shares.

Yes, they may, and then turn around and buy others. However, this sort of trading mentality is very dangerous for the small investor. 80% of professional investors do not ‘beat the market’ through frequent trading. If these professionals can’t, then what chance does the small investor have? A small one, and then usually only for a short time before regression to the mean sets in. The safest strategy for the small investor is to buy stocks that pay a decent dividend and hold them for the income. Now, that few companies do this any longer is certainly a problem. Once again, the market is tilted in favor of the larger investor who can make a lot of money on fairly small increases in price, or who can hedge, or who has access to resources and information that the small investor does not have.

Cui bono? The corporate executive.

In the WSJ (yes, Wall St Journal), note the following quote:

        …More than seven decades ago, in his classic book “Security Analysis”, the great investor Benjamin  Graham made a call so radical that it still sounds shocking today. Complaining of the “despotic powers wielded over dividend policy by corporate executives and directors, Graham argued that companies should no longer be allowed to direct surplus cash away from paying dividends–even for reinvesting in the business–without first obtaining formal “consideration and appraisal” from their investors, most likely through a vote at the annual meeting.

 

        Capitalist to his core, Graham was dead serious with this Bolshevik-sounding suggestion.  He wanted shareholders–who, after all, own the company–to force management to provide at least a general justification for using cash for any purpose other than paying a dividend.

 

      With the percentage of profits paid out as dividends today near all-time lows, at 34%,  Graham’s drastic proposal is just what we need to cattle-prod companies out of being such skinflints.

One “argument” that tax-cutters like to use is that it’s our money, not Washington’s. Fair enough. But those corporate profits belong to the shareholders, not to the CEO. So why should the CEO decide?

(Yes, he is a shareholder, but he & his board almost never control a majority of shares. Plus, Graham’s point was to make them explain why they were not issuing larger dividends. You know, make them accountable? Radical notion, I realize. Only people on the bottom are accountable for anything. Those on top can do whatever they damn well please.)

(Point 2: the fact that dividends are ‘double taxed’ is completely irrelevant to the argument. But let’s put it this way: they are double taxed. So what? What difference does that make?)

Here’s how the other article describes the buyback/dividend issue:

…One other thing — executives use buybacks to offset compensation, they issue themselves shares or options, and then get the board to approve a stock buyback to counter the effect of dilution. If you’re asking yourself “wait, so buybacks can be used as a tool to transfer shareholder money to executives?”  then you’ve got it figured out, that’s exactly what they can be used for. And they often are.

As I said, cui bono? The corporate executive. He does not own the company. He–in theory, anyway–works for the shareholders, and yet he’s following policies that enrich himself (and it’s pretty much always a ‘he’) at the expense of those he works for. Somehow, I suspect that if he found an underling at the company doing something similar, the underling would be fired, if not prosecuted.

As an aside, the comments section of the WSJ article is hilarious. Note the utter horror–The horror! The horror!–with which they regard a tax rate of 39% on dividends. Somehow, the returns to capital should be privileged above actual work. And note how they throw out retirees who will be hurt by paying an hypothetical 39% in taxes on their dividend income, after the confiscatory Obama plan of letting the Bush tax cuts expire. But, 39% is the top tax rate. Only people making the highest incomes would pay at that rate. For the rest of us, we would pay at the rate we pay on the rest of our income. The only retirees who would be hit by the top tax rate are those who are earning in the top level of income.

One final word. A while back I wrote a post about how the purpose of allowing capital to accumulate was so that business could expand and benefit more people through hiring. IOW, there’s an implicit deal: we allow capital formation so you can increase the number of people you hire, which benefits everyone. However, the capital side of deal has not kept up its end of the bargain. For pointing this out, I was excoriated as a…whatever. You can fill in the blank. But this is exactly what is happening: the profits are not being reinvested in the US, those receiving the benefits of the profits are not paying taxes to support our society, even though they benefit disproportionately from the peace and security provided by the US government. They’ve breached the contract.

Finally finally, here’s something about the effects of income polarization.

    “If a man is not an oligarch, something is not right with him.”

http://blogs.reuters.com/great-debate/2012/10/15/the-billionaires-next-door/

OK, feel free to excoriate mindlessly by calling me all sorts of names, and saying I’m wrong without ever quite showing how I’m wrong.

The Tax Stat the Right Wing Doesn’t Want You to See


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Downtown Providence from the Providence River. (Photo by Bob Plain)

You’ve seen it so many times before it’s almost a cliché:  An anti-tax, corporate front group produces a report on taxes, and Rhode Island ranks unfavorably.

Invariably next, the fringe-right echoes the findings as confirmation of the correctness of their own solution to every problem, tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy paid for by slashes to government services and to benefits of government workers… win/win in their book. While it’s dangerous to dismiss these out of hand, the rest of us have learned to take these “studies” with a big grain of salt.

That’s why the headline of the recent PBN story caught my interest, “Providence ranked 15th in U.S. for favorable business tax structure.”

Say what? I almost didn’t believe it myself. Who produced that thing, Kate Brewster? Actually it was KPMG, not exactly a liberal front group:

Among a survey of 73 U.S. cities that offer the most favorable tax structures for businesses, Providence ranked 15th overall…

KPMG compiled the ranking using total tax index, a measure used to compare tax burden by comparing the total actual tax cost in U.S. dollars for each jurisdiction…

Among the U.S. cities, Providence ranked ninth for corporate income tax rate, 13th for its other corporate taxes rate, 59th for its statutory labor costs and 15th for its total effective tax rate.

That’s right, 9th and 13th for corporate taxes, offset only by our labor costs, little surprise given the higher cost of living in Northeastern cities. Is there more we can do to attract business? Sure, but the next time you read one of those studies suggesting cuts to spending on infrastructure, schools, and social programs to pay for reductions in corporate taxes don’t forget to ask yourself, is that really the best way to attract business?

‘They Bought It’: How RI Is Like Ferris Bueller Parents


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If you are of a certain age “Ferris Bueller’s Day Off’ is an iconic movie.  Reading about the fretting going on in the media about the latest edition of CNBC “Business Rankings” I can’t help but think about the movies’ opening sequence when Ferris’ parents, thoroughly convinced he is sick (once again) let him stay home from school and as soon as they close the door to his bedroom and are safely out of ear shot he shoots up from under the covers and says:

“They bought it.”

Five years ago, CNBC ranked us 48th in the country.  At the time, our unemployment rate was less than half of what it is today, 5.2% for July of 2007.   In the legislative session that followed, there was a progressive proposal to revamp the tax structure of the state, known as the Economic Growth and Fairness Act of 2008.  I’m not interested in re-arguing those ideas here, what I am interested in is the response to the bill from the corporate class in Rhode Island.  Writing in The Providence Business News, Greater Providence Chamber leaders Laurie White and Ed Cooney specifically referenced the CNBC ranking as a reason to kill the bill.  But more interestingly, they ended their essay with these words:

Protect our jobs. Fight for our ability to compete. Stay the course on tax reform.

I could be snarky and ask “Whose jobs?” but I won’t.  But I will point out the current unemployment rate is 10.9% according to DLT. But it is the “stay the course” line that is intriguing to me for two reasons.

  1.  We have stayed the course.  And it hasn’t worked.

If 5 years ago we were ranked near the bottom in the country we are now at the bottom (again, assuming these lists matter, which I am not willing to concede, but for arguments sake….).  In those 5 years, we have seen the Flat Tax option for high income earners made permanent, cuts to the income tax, two rounds of draconian pension reform to public sector workers including teachers and state employees, an erosion of collective bargaining rights in the public sector, cuts to social services in the state budget, aid to cities and towns in the state budget slashed and slashed again, and the escalation of the property tax cap at the local level thanks to the 3050 law of 2006.

In other words, state mandated austerity for the last five years and our  “Business Climate Ranking” declined.  Now, we can believe the corporate class and say “stay the course” or as more recently stated “give the cure more time to work” or we can wake up to the realization that Ferris isn’t sick…he’s skipping school.

2.     When did Tax Reform Start?

When Ferris says “They bought it”  who is “they” in this case?  The legislature? The Press? Both? Maybe…. you can help decide.  See, the theme in the debate over the proposal in the last legislative session to raise income taxes on the wealthy centered in part on giving recently enacted tax cuts a chance to work.  SOME local media outlets (I won’t link to them, you can find them on your own and decide) fell for the argument hook line and sinker that tax reform just started in 2010.  That’s why when Chamber Lobbyist Kelly Sheridan wrote in The Providence Journal “It would extremely unwise to dismantle the 2010 reform before the first returns are evaluated” it was a theme repeated by members of the legislature AND, unfortunately, members of the media.

But wait a minute: Didn’t the Chamber use the exact same argument in 2008 about letting tax reform take affect so that it can be evaluated before it is changed?  Yes, as we see in the 2008 piece in PBN referenced above.  They also did it in 2009, when there was a strong push to repeal or reform the Flat Tax for high income earners. That is where the line “give the cure time to work” comes from. ( Of course in 2009, we were still ranked in 48th place by CNBC).

Why does it matter?  Because if the Chamber and the powerful corporate special interests are allowed to pull the wool over the media and the politicians eyes every year by saying “hey, we just implemented this last year, let’s give it a shot” most people are good natured enough to say “ well, sure, why not? We’ve got to try SOMETHING.”  Well, we’ve been giving them their shot for the better part of a decade, and if only people would remember that they keep using the same argument that “this time, things will work out” then maybe we won’t fall for the sales job. Again. Maybe?  Hopefully? Hello? Bueller? Bueller? Bueller?

Look, I get it.  Ferris Bueller is an endearing kid.  He’s funny, likeable, smart and in a 1980’s John Hughes movie kind of way showing a safe way to “fight the power.”  But it isn’t real.  And neither is the line of argument put forward by the corporate class in Rhode Island that we need to “stay the course” or “give the cure time to work” on austerity.  Hopefully Rhode Island can turn things around – but we will never do it by continuing to run the same plays and chase ideas that continue to drive out economy deeper into a ditch while enriching those at the top of the economic ladder.  You want a cure that works? We can start by stopping doing the things we know that don’t work.

Legislature Wanted to Force Cities to Cut Taxes


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June in Rhode Island means two things: ripe strawberries and gubernatorial vetos.

The silly way our legislature schedules things — with all important bills held until after the budget passes to ensure every legislator falls into line on that vote — means that hundreds of bills are passed in the last few days of the legislative session. This then means they all await the Governor’s signature after the session ends. And some of them get a veto instead.

My favorite veto so far this year was of a bill that would provide a tax break… at someone else’s expense. Sponsored by Representative John McCauley (D-Providence) in the House, and Senators Michael McCaffrey (D-Warwick) and Erin Lynch (D-Warwick) in the Senate, the bill would exempt from the property tax any new construction before it was issued a certificate of occupancy.

The collapse of the housing bubble has meant a real collapse in construction employment. Unemployment among construction workers is almost certainly much higher than the already way-too-high general rate lurking around 11%. It’s natural to think that the industry could use some help. But is it natural to demand that someone else provide it?

Essentially what this bill’s sponsors hoped would happen is to stimulate the construction industry by giving developers a break on property taxes collected by a city or town. One can applaud the motivation while still thinking that the concept is pretty weak.

First of all, it’s not at all clear that this would have a stimulative effect. How many developers are dissuaded from investing by the potential risk of having to pay taxes on property before it’s occupiable?  Might not the lack of buyers be a bigger disincentive?

Second, how dare these legislators pile on to the cities and towns? This is a bill that would actually take tax revenue away from many municipalities. Do they not read the news?  Are they not aware that we now have three cities in financial trouble, with more on the precipice?  In what way exactly would this help those cities?

To be honest, this is hardly that unusual. After all, it’s almost traditional in the General Assembly to ignore or hide the cost of tax cuts. I can’t think of a single substantial tax cut over the past 20 years that passed the Assembly with offsetting cuts to services. In fact, the tradition is not only to avoid paying for tax cuts, but to vote to phase them in over several years so the real costs are hidden during the budget year they are debated. This was true of the 1997 income tax cut, the 1997 car-tax cut, the 2006 flat-tax cut, and the 2001 capital gains cut, which didn’t even take effect until five years after it passed.

So does this mean unemployed construction workers are out of luck? Probably it does, but not because there is nothing to be done. They are out of luck because the people who can do something choose not to. The General Assembly leadership feels that keeping state revenue down is more important than helping cities and towns. Three years ago municipal budgets across the state were vandalized when the state withheld part of that fiscal year’s state aid payment. Then they did it again the next year, and the next. Between fiscal year 2008 and 2010, the state withheld what amounted to about 10% of Providence’s non-school budget, and millions more for each other municipality.

Admittedly, the state saw its own revenues plunge in 2008, as the income and sales taxes both skidded down in the recession, accelerated by big tax cuts for rich people during each of the years 2007-2011. But the recession and the cuts are over, and revenue in the current fiscal year looks like it will end well ahead of last year’s projections. You might think that would allow us to restore the tax cuts and thereby restore the municipal aid cuts of the previous years, but apparently not. Or you might think we could engage in some small local stimulus, perhaps by accelerating the scheduled repairs of our bridges, maintenance of state buildings, or maybe even re-hiring a few hundred teachers. Nope. Tax cuts are still the only thing on the menu at the state house.

So bravo for Governor Chafee. Bills like this deserve a veto and the legislators behind them deserve to be shamed.

Occupy Prov: Bail Out Workers, Not CEOs


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Note: This was written by Paul Hubbard, Chris Murphy and Jared Paul. It reflects  Occupy Providence’s position on the 38 Studios debacle. The die-in represents the destruction of jobs by trickle-down strategies not the workers who lost their jobs.

CHANTING “MONEY for jobs and a decent wage, not for bailouts and 38,” 75 members and supporters of Occupy Providence (OPVD) rallied and marched through the streets of Providence on June 9.

OPVD organized the protest around three demands: No bailout of Wall Street/38 Studios bondholders, tax the rich, and solidarity not austerity, locally, nationally and internationally.

Assembling outside the Rhode Island Convention Center where the liberal blogger conference Netroots was in progress, the crowd heard personal testimony from working people who described how the economic crises and austerity agenda of the 1 percent have impacted their lives.

OPVD then marched several blocks to the former headquarters of 38 Studios, which spoken-word artist Jared Paul, an organizer with OPVD, described as a “crime scene.” Dozens of marchers then laid on the ground and were outlined in chalk as they participated in the great RI Jobs Dead On Arrival “die-in.” The action was designed to dramatize the destruction of good jobs caused by the “trickle-down” policies of the 1 percent and evidenced by the 38 Studios debacle.

38 Studios, a video game company owned by former Red Sox baseball star Curt Schilling, was financed in 2010 with a $75 million loan from the RI Economic Development Corporation (EDC). Gambling on Schilling’s risky start-up with taxpayer funds, the quasi-public agency floated up to $125 million in “moral obligation” bonds on Wall Street to guarantee the deal.

Chris Mastrangelo, an organizer with OPVD, made the analogy of a gambler who goes “on the street” to a loan shark for money to bet on a horse. Schilling, for many years a right-wing proponent of “small government,” was only too happy to accept the EDC loan.

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

NOW THAT 38 Studios has collapsed, laid off its entire workforce in three states (700 people) and filed for bankruptcy, the bondholders (sharks) on Wall Street still expect to be paid. Gov. Lincoln Chafee and the Rhode Island Legislature have promised full payment. This will cost Rhode Island’s taxpayers $112 million over the next 10 to 20 years.

Speaking at the die-in, Paul Hubbard of the International Socialist Organization said:

The austerity agenda of Rhode Island’s 1 percent, recently imposed by the governor and the Rhode Island legislature, means massive cuts to education, the developmentally disabled, state worker pensions, public transportation and Rhode Island’s poor. These are the real crimes, crimes perpetrated against Rhode Island’s working families, against the 99 percent, against humanity…Our sisters and brothers in Greece, Egypt, Spain and Quebec have risen up against the austerity agenda of the global 1 percent. Occupy Providence is proud to stand in solidarity with the global 99 percent.

OPVD then marched through the city of Providence to the State House, where dozens of protesters assembled in front of the building’s main entrance. Chalk outlines of dead bodies, representing another crime scene, were drawn on the plaza outside.

Marching back to the convention center, the site of OPVD’s four-day “sidewalk occupation,” dozens of protesters stopped by another crime scene–the tax-exempt Providence Place Mall. Sixty protesters marched through the first floor, chanting, “Tax the rich! Solidarity not austerity!”

Security guards appeared and began assaulting peaceful protesters at the front of the march, physically pushing them toward the middle exit. A large group of protesters easily avoided the guards and continued to the exit at the far end of the mall as planned. There, a “mic check” ensued as OPVD again started chanting.

Security guards called in the Providence police, who detained and handcuffed about a dozen protesters as they attempted to leave. An hour later, all were released after signing agreements to stay off the mall premises for one year.

OPVD then re-assembled and finished the march, returning to cheers from those at the sidewalk occupation as well as bystanders outside the convention center. Speaking to the media, organizer Mariah Burns said, “The police used handcuffs on peaceful protesters simply exercising their rights to assembly and free speech. These tactics were clearly designed to intimidate and were completely unnecessary.”

As the scandal surrounding 38 Studios continues to unfold, OPVD has pledged to continue its struggle for justice and against Wall Street bailouts.

Budgeting for Disaster: Like What We’ve Got? Good


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As has been amply reported by other writers here and in other places, the state budget has emerged from the mists of the Finance Committee, and will likely be voted on and passed this week. It contains no broad-based tax changes, though there are small increases in cigarette taxes, and small expansions of the sales tax, and tolls, to cover restoring 40% of the money cut from care to the developmentally disabled, and to fund the state’s education funding formula — the one that the legislature’s own study shows is inadequate. Due to more encouraging revenue projections than were the case last fall, some money has been restored to important places, but it’s just a bit here and there.

This graph is still the policy of the state:

That lower line is the effective tax rate on the median taxpayer. The blue line is the rate on the top 1%, and the red line is just thrown in there to show there is no relationship between taxes and unemployment.

The message overall from the legislature is that the cities and towns be damned. There seems no willingness to acknowledge that the fiscal crisis in the cities is largely the result of state policies. Tremendous cuts in state aid in 2008-2010 to both the municipal and education sides of city and town budgets brought fiscal havoc everywhere, and last week we had the spectacle of Lisa Baldelli-Hunt, a representative from Woonsocket, begging her colleagues in the legislature not to allow Woonsocket to fix the problems caused by her colleagues. Oddly enough, they complied, and now we have two more cities half a step from joining Central Falls in bankruptcy.

The sad fact is that by and large the people in charge of our cities and towns have actually been more fiscally responsible than legislators in the General Assembly, but they have less power, and so the Assembly leadership can pretend otherwise.

That’s quite a claim, isn’t it?  How to back it up?  How about this: as of 1990, Rhode Island cities and towns collected about $1.3 billion, between state aid, property taxes and various municipal fees. In 2008 — before the worst of the state aid cuts — they took in a bit less than $3 billion. This does not count the car tax payments from the state, which only offset taxes that towns would have collected from their residents. If you’re keeping score, that’s growth of about 1.9% per year — after correcting for inflation. This is troubling, but it’s not necessarily evidence of mismanagement. Inflation measures the price of goods and a few services, while towns spend their money on services and a few goods.

So how best to measure this if not against the inflation rate?  If you want a yardstick with which to measure a service-oriented enterprise like a town, how about a private-sector service like Federal Express? Fedex is fiercely competitive, I hear, and non-union, to boot. How did they do?  In 1990, it cost $11 to send an overnight letter across the country, and today it’s about $25.50 for the same service. After correcting for inflation, that’s up about 2% a year.

What about the state?  After accounting for inflation in the same way, the state’s general revenue has gone up 2.4% per year since 1990, and overall expenses are up even more. (That’s the structural deficit and the rise in state debt you’re smelling.)

So who is being more responsible with tax dollars?  The General Assembly, with members like Baldelli-Hunt who give lectures to municipalities, or the towns, who have controlled costs not only better than the state, but better than Fedex. But it’s the towns who get cut while the state basks in the adulation of business leaders who praise legislators for their tax cuts.

The main message of this budget bill is continuity. This is a budget motivated by policy choices virtually identical to the ones of the previous year, the year before that, the year before that, and so on. The idea is to squeak through another year with minimal pain to everyone, especially the wealthy. But it was to a large extent that very set of policies that brought us to the status quo: high unemployment, bankrupt cities, ever-rising tuitions at the state colleges, and lower taxes on rich people.

Do you like the way things are going around here?  Hope you do, because the legislature is voting this week to give you more of the same.

Better Government, or Just Cheaper Government?


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One of the great things about sophistry is that in any argument there is always enough dust around to throw in people’s eyes. Whatever the argument, the dirt at your feet is always at hand.

One of the great things about intellectual honesty is that you don’t take positions without multiple sources of support. It helps you see through the dust, too.

A week ago I wrote about how spending under Obama has not been nearly as profligate as is widely thought. Marc Comtois, one of the dedicated soldiers of the right who daily lays waste to armies of straw men over at Anchor Rising, thinks he’s found a nut, and complains that an article I used in support of that essay had been amply refuted. (You can find his links in the comments over there.)

What he doesn’t get is that those refutations are just dust. One can go into the weeds of the refutations to show that they are just as tendentious as the original article they critique, but why bother? Even if you pretend the article I cited was all wet, there is ample other support for the assertion that if you really care about responsible spending, you shouldn’t vote for people who promise cheaper government.

So, for example, if you don’t like Mr. Nutting and marketwatch.com, how about the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities?  Here’s what they say:

“By themselves, in fact, the Bush tax cuts and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan will account for almost half of the $20 trillion in debt that, under current policies, the nation will owe by 2019. The stimulus law and financial rescues will account for less than 10 percent of the debt at that time. “

Oh, wait. You say CBPP is a partisan organization. Well then how about the Cato Institute?  Its director, the late Bill Niskanen had a reputation for unyielding libertarianism, and also a reputation for intellectual honesty, part of what has made Cato a source of actually useful data over the years. He wrote an article some years ago pointing out that the “Starve the Beast” strategy of cutting taxes to force spending cuts did not work. In short, Republicans made deficits bigger and Democrats made them smaller. (Original article, recent follow-up.)   I wrote a follow-up to Niskanen’s original article pointing out that the situation was even worse than he wrote (page 2 at the link).

In other words, pretty much any way you turn, evidence says that if you care about responsible spending, vote for the people who don’t focus on spending. Vote for the people who are talking about what government should do — they’re the ones who care enough about the enterprise to do it responsibly. And yes, any given article or set of numbers can be showered with dust, obscuring its meaning. But dust is for brushing aside.

Now, all that said, what do I think about this?  In basic economics classes, we’re taught that the Great Depression was ended by demand-side spending — the spending necessary to fight a World War was of the scale necessary to bring our nation out of the economic funk of the 1930s. I believe that 50 years from now, students in basic economics classes will ask impertinent questions of their professors when they wonder why, with that example to go by, the world acted in precisely the opposite way when faced with the challenges of the Bush depression. The fact is that the last three years have seen ample confirmation of the theory behind Keynesian stimulus, but it’s all been in the wrong direction. We’re doing the opposite of stimulus, so we get the opposite of prosperity.

Which is all to say that I’m not defending the Obama austerity. I’m simply stating the fact that if you want responsible spending, the record — stretching over decades — says that voting for people who simply promise to make government cheaper is the wrong way to get it.

President Obama and the Imaginary Spending Binge


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Recently, I did something I shouldn’t have done, and I’d like to confess here.

Someone I don’t know wrote me a nice note about some things I have written and some banking issues I’m working on (more on this someday). In the process of the note, he described himself as moderate Republican, “fiscally conservative and socially liberal.”  This, it turns out, is one of my buttons because it implies that usually liberals aren’t fiscally conservative.

The idea that liberals are spendthrift is little more than an insult that has stuck over time due to incessant repetition rather than evidence. It wasn’t liberals who brought our nation to the brink of financial ruin in 2008. It wasn’t liberals who doubled Rhode Island’s debt 2003-2009 for no good reason. It wasn’t liberals who created the fiscal crisis that has bankrupted one Rhode Island city and threatens several more. In all of these cases, it was either soi-disant fiscal conservatives or crony insiders who did all of it and I, for one, am completely sick of having to feel apologetic about my policy preferences. Medicaid is a money-saving program, as is welfare, early childhood education programs, environmental protection, and a lot more like those. The fact is that every progressive I’ve ever had a policy conversation with should be described as fiscally conservative, and yet the stereotypes persist, due to lazy reporters and politicians who benefit by perpetuating it.

So I was pleased to notice this article yesterday that pointed out the grim reality.  You know that Obama spending binge you read about, when he came charging into office with a mandate and a Democratic Congress?  Never happened. The article points out that on an annualized basis, spending under Obama is up about 0.4% per year. Of course it’s true that the 2009 fiscal year included Obama’s stimulus package, even though he took office part way through that year, with the budget already passed. But even if you count the stimulus, spending is up 1.4% per year under this president. Compare that to 7.3% per year in Bush’s first term, and 8.1% per year in his second.

The article has a great bar chart comparing the fiscal records of the last few Presidents. Because I think he’s unjustly maligned, I checked out Carter’s numbers, too, and after adjusting for inflation, spending increased less under his administration than under Reagan’s.

Why is the federal deficit such a huge problem?  Because of tax and spending decisions made under George W. Bush. Why are cities and towns in Rhode Island either bankrupt or flirting with it?  Because of spending decisions made under Don Carcieri. Obviously Congress and the General Assembly have had a lot to do with this, too, but it wasn’t liberals in Congress who voted for the Bush tax cuts, the Medicare drug benefit, or even the Iraq War resolution. And it wasn’t liberals who doubled the state’s debt (mostly without voter approval), loaned $75 million to Curt Schilling, and came up with all the different tax cuts for rich people passed over the past 15 years. Some liberal members of the General Assembly cast votes for budgets containing those tax cuts, but that’s the way this Assembly is run, and many have supported floor amendments to the budget to overcome those cuts. (Of course the current Speaker of the House has been known to describe himself as liberal, but the public record hardly supports that, and I notice he’s stopped doing that, at least to the reporters whose work I read.)

Is there spending I support that isn’t getting done?  Of course there is. I support actually doing maintenance on our assets — because it’s cheaper than not doing it. I support health care reform — because it’s cheaper. I support early childhood education — because it’s cheaper. I support a cleaner environment — because it’s cheaper. I support taxing enough so our governments don’t require short-term borrowing — because it’s cheaper. Get the picture?

Obviously this isn’t the only reason to spend money. Helping support the poor and disabled is not necessarily cheaper than letting them die on the streets, but bodies lying about would damage the feng shui of our cities. Government has a role in counter-cyclical spending, to keep the economy moving during a downturn. You actually can make cost-benefit arguments about both of these, but they rest on shakier numbers, so why not just go with the alleviating human suffering angle?  Parks and beaches are cool, historically the arts have never thrived without government patronage, and I wouldn’t try to justify the Smithsonian on cost/benefit grounds, either. But overall the picture of spendthrift liberals is little more than a libel, perpetuated because fulfills some rough conceptual framework, and because some people imagine that being fiscally conservative means you don’t have to pay for stuff.

Which is all to say that I apologize to my correspondent for snapping at him for what was otherwise a perfectly pleasant note.

Tax Debate: Back to Future for Business Community


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Back in June 2009, there was a strong push for the state to make changes to the tax structure. Organizing from the grassroots was highlighting the inequity of what was then called the “flat tax.” Boring you with all the details now isn’t the point, but reminding you of the rhetoric from the business community is.

On June 12, 2009, leaders of the business community, including Alex Taylor of FGXI (Foster Grant sunglasses), John Muggeridge of Fidelity, and Mark Higgins, dean of the Business School at URI, penned an op-ed in The Providence Journal, pleading with the leadership of the General Assembly to stay to the course and not abandon the flat tax.  (The Journal archive will not let me link to the story.)

The businessmen describe Rhode Island at an “economic crossroads.” Our “significantly higher” unemployment rate (at the time,  a seasonally adjusted 10.9 %) and our “dropping” economy  are, if we follow the crossroad metaphor, down one path, and prosperity, jobs, and a better business climate are down the other path. The key, according to the businessmen, is to not tinker with the flat tax.  In their words :  “Now it’s time for state leaders to give the cure time to work.”

According to the last available data, Rhode Island’s seasonally adjusted unemployment rate was 11.2%.

I think it is crucial to revisit this 2009 op-ed from these leaders in the business community now in 2012 as we are debating a proposal to once again revisit our tax structure in Rhode Island. And once again, the business community is asking the General Assembly to “give the cure time to work.” Writing in another op-ed column for the Journal, R. Kelly Sheridan, legislative counsel for the Greater Providence Chamber of Commerce, said “It would extremely unwise to dismantle the 2010 reform before the first returns are evaluated.” Sound familiar?

The real key from the 2009 op-ed from the business community leaders is how the view the original tax reform. It is very clear from the rhetoric there is a direct correlation between tax cuts for the wealthy and job creation for the working class. They write “With it (the flat tax), private-sector business leaders can make decisions regarding the location of their facilities on the basis of workforce and real-estate availability, not on the variables of the personal-income-tax structure.”  Again, according to RIDLT, unemployment in Rhode Island was 5.1% in June of 2006.

The economic strategies advocated by the business community simply have not worked for Rhode Island.  For years now their only answer to critics of their approach has been “just give it more time.”  But during that time more jobs are lost, more businesses close, and, ironically, taxes increase on working and middle class people at the local level in the form of property taxes and fees.  All the while vital public services are cut.  There has to be a better way because the business community’s cure for what ills Rhode Island seems certainly worse than the disease.

Tea Party Pledge: ‘Forget the Needy, Help the Greedy


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A fellow named Frank Sloan sent me this pretty funny video this morning that takes a lyrical and humorous look at anti-tax pledges and the theory of austerity. Check it out:

Stokes, Schilling Take Hits but Carcieri Is to Blame


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While Keith Stokes might be the one to have lost his job and Curt Schilling might lose his business, the person most responsible for the 38 Studios financial fiasco is former Governor Don Carcieri.

The CEO governor billed himself as having the business background necessary to boost the economy and create new jobs. But as it turned out, Carcieri was the worst steward of the state’s fiscal situation in a generation or more.

He’ll now be forever remembered as the one who wanted the now-infamous guaranteed gamble/guaranteed loan to 38 Studios which seems almost guaranteed to fail. And this comes on the heels of Rhode Island finally recognizing that his aid cuts to cities and towns simply pushed the burden onto local property taxes, an added expense that the poorest cities in the state couldn’t withstand.

Carcieri’s credibility is literally vanishing before Rhode Island’s eyes.

Almost as soon as mayors and media pundits started to blame Carcieri’s cuts for the financial struggles of our highly distressed cities, his swan song and biggest economic achievement, the dreaded 38 Studios deal, seems likely to enter the annals of fiduciary disasters.

The last guy to cause Rhode Island so much fiscal pain was Joe Mollicone, and he only made off with $13 million. Carcieri’s got that beat more than five times over. In fact, Carcieri’s ill-fated decision to invest nearly $100 million in an ex-baseball player’s ability to develop video games could cost the state about a quarter of what it saved on pension reform this year.

Speaking of which, there are those who blame Carcieri for exacerbating the pension problems in Rhode Island, too. When he laid off state workers, he drastically reduced the number of people paying into the retirement system while more people were retiring than ever.

One has to wonder what Carcieri was thinking – I mean, I can’t imagine he would have made this loan when he was working in the private sector at Old Stone Bank so why did he do so when he was working for the public sector? Was he star struck by Schilling? Is he a secret video game junkie? Did he actually think this was a good deal for the state? Of course hindsight is 20/20, but it seems the only thing that makes sense is that Schilling sold him snake oil.

Ironically enough, prior to the 38 Studios debacle, Carcieri’s biggest public blunder was having the Narragansett Indians beat up for not paying taxes on cigarettes they were selling while opposing their efforts to develop a casino. But a casino would have generated twice the number of jobs as 38 Studios and the taxes the smoke shop owed paled in comparison to what Carcieri invested in 38 Studios.

It’s all evidence that CEO’s don’t necessarily make for good government leaders. The two jobs just aren’t the same. Carcieri was a great executive (and he’s a really nice guy) but he was a disaster as a governor. It will be interesting to see if he remains a visible part of Mitt Romney’s presidential campaign. Romney, another CEO governor, had the good sense to at least act like a moderate while he was the governor of Massachusetts. Carcieri never seemed to realize that politics is the art of the possible, not of the ideological.

Who Pays for Tax Cuts to the Rich? The Poor


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A correspondent tells me that last week there was a meeting over at University Heights where some residents got bad news about their rent. University Heights was built in the 1960s as a mixed development, split about half and half between market rate apartments and subsidized apartments, available to poor people and families. It’s had quite a history since then, including a period in the early 1990s when it was owned by the tenants’ association.

The recession of the early 1990s brought that dream to an end, and Rhode Island Housing became the owner. In 2006, they sold the project to Fairfield Residential, securing a promise that the affordable units (175 of them) would remain below market rent for forty years.

Now there are a couple of things you have to understand about the practice of affordable housing. One is that almost all the housing out there built under the title “affordable” has a term, at the expiration of which it converts to “market rate” housing. The term might be for 20 years, 40 years, or whatever, but after that, the landlord can rent it for whatever they can get. Sometimes the affordability is extracted from the landlord with a promise of rent subsidies. Other times it’s made in exchange for lower acquisition cost, low-rate financing, or some other way to save money on the project. For an older project like University Heights, most of these ways are not possible, since the project was built long ago. This leaves rent subsidies as the only practical option.

Last week, though, RI Housing announced to some distressed tenants that the apartments they live in have to be transferred to another, less generous subsidy program. Essentially the agency cannot afford to keep the subsidies at the level they had been, so in 2014, the rents for 48 of the apartments will rise substantially.

Why can’t RI Housing afford to keep the more generous subsidy?  Well, in the winter of 2008, as Governor Carcieri looked to the end of the year, there was a looming shortfall. Not only was it the second year of the “flat” tax cutting into revenues, but the coming recession’s bite was already being felt in sales tax collections, too. Rather than admit that the state couldn’t afford the tax cuts under the current conditions, the Governor looked around and noticed $26 million on the balance sheet of RI Housing. So he scooped it out of the housing agency and into the general fund, in order to balance the state’s budget that year.

Why was there a deficit in the winter of 2008?  Partly because of the recession, but also because some of the tax cuts for rich people turned out to be too big. The historic tax credit was too popular, and the renovation of the Masonic Temple hotel used them heavily. The tax credit program was ended that year, because so many credits were outstanding. The data can’t tell us exactly how much these cuts cost, but the income tax receipts that year came in $23 million less than predicted. Personal income in the state didn’t begin to fall until months later, so it’s hard to attribute the loss of income tax collections to the faltering economy.

The $26 million lifted from RI Housing was to fill a small part of a budget hole due in no small part to income tax cuts for rich people. But it wasn’t lying in RI Housing’s accounts unused. It was money intended for the purchase of housing, for subsidizing rents, and for the construction of new units. In other words, it was intended for the benefit of poor people, but Governor Carcieri — and the willing General Assembly leadership — redirected it for the benefit of rich ones. Can there be a clearer example of our state’s priorities over the past decades?


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