Has slavery really ended?


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“Churches can be a place where
judgment, shame and contempt
[for families with felons]
are felt most acutely.”
Michelle Alexander

Time for a pop quiz question. Ready? In what year did the U.S. end slavery?

Most agree it’s 1865. Some historians disagree. Their answer: 1942.

True, the Triangle Trade’s enrichment of slave shippers ended with the Civil War. Tragically, however, legally coerced work continued. Some southern states were sly. Police falsely imprisoned blacks, and judges ordered lengthy sentences at hard labor.

“Convict leasing” was legalized. Douglas Blackmon describes this practice as “a system in which armies of free men, guilty of no crimes and entitled by law to freedom, were compelled to labor without compensation, were repeatedly bought and sold, and were forced to do the bidding of white masters through the regular application of extraordinary physical coercion.”

The penal system became the new slavery.

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Still, the answer to our black-history-month query may not be 1942. Ready for a shocker? Enslavement of blacks exists today.

The War on Drugs intensified in the 1980s. In just two decades, those jailed for drug offenses increased ninefold. The Director for National Drug Control Policy, retired General Barry McCaffrey, referred to this imprisonment system as a “drug gulag.”

Mass incarceration is aggressively focused on communities of color. Despite blacks and whites having similar drug usage rates, a 1999 Human Rights Watch report states, “Black men are admitted to state prison on drug charges at a rate that is 13.4 times greater than that of white men.” Indeed, black men imprisoned, on parole and probation now exceed all men enslaved in 1850.

Bondage for drug offenses is inflicted almost exclusively on black and brown men. Whites are usually ‘off the hook.’ Even when arrested, whites are more often given alternatives to jail. When jailed, whites’ average sentences are 16.3 percent shorter than blacks.

Enormous numbers of black bodies are placed in bondage, their prison labor extracted, for non-violent drug offenses. Isn’t this a new system of slavery? Isn’t this massive discrimination also subjecting prisoners’ families—parents, spouses and children—to excruciating emotional and financial bondage?

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As a permanent undercaste, the black community also suffers wage slavery. Whites’ average household income is 68.5 percent higher than blacks—and the black unemployment rate is twice that of whites. This severely depressed income continually increases economic inequality: Average white families now have thirteen times the assets of average black families.

It gets worse: Black prisoners’ sentences continue after release.

Imagine leaving prison. Determined to lead a good life, you plan to go to college—but you’re barred from getting a federal loan. Or you need a job but, if a black man, only five percent of employers will even grant you an interview. You may be desperate for public housing assistance. You can’t get it. By law, you probably can’t receive any public benefits—including food stamps if your kids are hungry. With all these cruel barriers, what choices remain? Can we see why ex-cons often return to prison?

Again, this discrimination primarily decimates blacks.

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So who should correct these many forms of racialized financial rape? Why not the white community which perpetrates and often benefits from black bondage?

The first step is education: More fact-packed articles detailing the destructive impacts of racism can be found at www.quoflections.org\race.

Second, share these injustices with friends and family.

Third, let’s seek legislation ending the War on Drugs (really, the War on Black Men). Let’s eradicate laws discriminating against ex-felons. Let’s legalize a living wage. Also, our nation has the wealthiest white community in history, primarily due to centuries of labor stolen or cheated from African Americans. In the name of justice, we who are white can advocate for long-overdue reparations to be invested in neglected black communities.

Oh, and our pop quiz answer: Even in 2016, slavery continues on a massive scale.

Mass incarceration creates a permanent underclass


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Black man being arrested

“The country’s poverty rate would
have been more than 20 percent
lower between 1980 and 2004
without mass incarceration.”
Villanova University study

Like most U.S. adults, I have violated the nation’s drug laws.

The year was 1971. A freshman at the University of Michigan’s Dearborn campus, I began smoking marijuana with two of my three roommates. As police did not arrest drug offenders on campus, I never worried about being jailed.

Not so for Clifford Runoalds, an African American who was arrested for failure to cooperate with prosecutors. They wanted him to testify against a defendant in the infamous Hearne, Texas “drug bust” of 2000. A rogue police task force arrested 28 residents on the word of only one informant, on drugs, who lied about his African-American neighbors.

Runoalds was innocent. The drug deals never happened. Still, he was jailed for a month before prosecutors released him. As Michelle Alexander explains in her extraordinary book, The New Jim Crow, Runoalds was technically free—but his life was decimated. Jail time resulted in the loss of his job, his car, his apartment and his furniture.

Moreover, Runoalds was grieving the death of his eighteen-month-old daughter. Handcuffed at her funeral, which was about to begin, police rejected his pleas to say goodbye to his daughter.

Black man being arrested

Runoalds is not alone. Systemic discrimination begins with traffic stops. National data indicates blacks and Latinos are three times more likely to be searched than whites. Pedestrian stop-and-frisk is far worse. The New York Police Department frisked 545,000 people in 2008: 85 percent were black; eight percent were white.

Prosecutors and judges amplify this discrimination. According to Human Rights Watch, at least fifteen states sentenced black drug offenders at 20 to 57 times the rate of white drug offenders. In addition, the U.S. Sentencing Commission documented that, from 2007 to 2011, blacks received sentences 19.5 percent longer than whites.

Pic of black prisoners

The Bureau of Justice Statistics projected that one in three black males born in 2001 would be sent to prison during their lifetimes; for Latinos, one in six; for whites, one in seventeen.

The War on Drugs is an excuse for mass incarceration of black and brown people. SWAT teams do not descend on college campuses. Police do not target the homes of white suburbanites. No, they target poor minority neighborhoods. But as Alexander’s extensive documentation indicates, “The notion that most illegal drug use and sales happens in the ghetto is pure fiction.”

SWAT team

Poor minorities are swept up into the criminal justice system in numbers whites will never face. Those arrested are often unable to pay bail. So they languish in a cage. Faced with many months or perhaps years in jail awaiting trial, even innocent people accept unjust plea bargains. Many serve long sentences on probation—just one misstep from prison.

In addition to 2.3 million incarcerated, more than 7 million people are currently on probation or parole, many for drug or other nonviolent offenses. The fact that minorities are vastly overrepresented in this system means, as Alexander emphasizes, they constitute a new caste, a permanent underclass.

Under Jim Crow, separate but “equal” treatment was legal. This systemic racism supposedly ended in 1954 with the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka decision. A new Jim Crow has arisen, however, with discriminatory effects even more powerful than the blatant racism of an earlier era.

Challenges to the system’s racism is now barred by court decisions. Alexander concludes, “The legal rules adopted by the Supreme Court guarantee that those who find themselves locked up and permanently locked out due to the drug war are overwhelmingly black and brown.”

Like many young white men, I smoked marijuana. Unlike massive numbers of young black men, few of us with white skin lost our freedom and our families. We did not lose our jobs, our apartments, our cars. Nor should we—but neither should drug users of color.

“Addiction is a Disease. Recovery is Possible.” campaign launches today


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DSC_9493The Departments of Health (HEALTH), Behavioral Healthcare, Developmental Disabilities and Hospitals (BHDDH) and the Anchor Recovery Community Center held a press conference today to announce the launch of a new media campaign, “Addiction is a Disease. Recovery is Possible.

The ads cover television, radio, billboards and the sides of buses. There is a website. The powerful ads feature eight local men and women who tell their stories of addiction and recovery. Though many share their personal stories of addiction, one woman, Elise, speaks from the point of view of a mother who lost two sons to overdose.

Holly Cekula
Holly Cekala

Holly Cekala, executive director of RICAREs (the group that staged a “Die-In” outside the State House earlier this week) pointed out the wide range of ages, races and economic level of those in recovery and told me that the community she serves, and is a part of, is the most diverse community there is. Addiction, it seems, does not discriminate.

Anchoring the event and introducing the speakers was Jim Gillen, Director of Recovery Services at the Providence Center / Anchor Community Center. Gillen has been in long term recovery since 1998 and “As a result, my life is banging, let me tell you,” he said to the audience, “It’s the reason that I’m employable, it’s the reason that I pay taxes, that I drive with a license and insurance… and I vote.”

Dr. Michael Fine, director of HEALTH, said that the point of this campaign is to let “every single Rhode islander know that addiction is a disease.” This is a “campaign to bring Rhode Islanders together.”

There were 232 overdose deaths in Rhode Island last year. People have already died this year. “With each death,” says Dr. Fine, “a piece of Rhode Island dies.”

Dr. Fine revealed that another aspect of this campaign is designed to raise awareness among doctors and others with the power to prescribe opiates about their responsibility in curbing this epidemic, as well as bringing more accountability to the pharmacies that fill the prescriptions. “We need to change our prescribing behavior,” said Dr. Fine.

Linda Mahoney of BHDDH sees this campaign as a means of combating the stigma that addiction carries. She commended the eight people appearing in the ads for having the courage to face this stigma head on in an effort to change the hearts and minds of the wider community. It takes courage, said Mahoney, “to come out professionally and publicly and say, ‘I know I was sick. I got better and there is still work to do.’”

“The idea is to overcome stigma, to treat addiction as a disease like any other disease,” said Mahoney.

Jonathan, one of the eight featured in the ads, started with a joke, “When I was told that this campaign would mean having my face plastered on the side of a bus, I said that this wouldn’t be the first time I was plastered on a bus.” But he soon turned serious. His was a story of addiction that lead to crime and estrangement from friends and family.

It ultimately led to his death, but he was saved by an injection of Narcan. Waking up in the hospital, Jonathan’s first thought was to score more drugs, but he learned that there were people out there who “loved me more than I loved myself.”

Jonathan has been in recovery for 19 months. He is repairing his relationship with his family, has a job and is paying the debts he accrued during his addiction. Still, addiction haunts him. On Wednesday he attended a funeral for a 22-year old friend, one of the first overdose deaths in 2015.

Elise spoke next. She is a nurse who has worked in recovery since 1998. Her son Paul died at the age of 22 in 2004, and her son Teddy died at age 30 in 2010. “Who would have thought it would happen to me?” Elise asked, “You can’t have your blinders on.”

‘We can’t arrest ourselves out of this problem,” said Dr. Fine during the question and answer session, observing that addiction is a medical, not law enforcement problem. Jim Gillen, wrapping up the event, seemed to concur. “We may have lost the war on drugs,” he said, “but we will win the war on addiction.”

Below are all eight videos produced for the campaign.

Patreon

ProJo fails to identify marijuana special interest


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reefer-madnessThe Providence Journal op/ed page ran two opposing letters to the editor this morning regarding marijuana legalization but only identified one writer as an advocate with a special interest – even though the unidentified writer is paid through a federal grant to advocate specifically against marijuana.

In one letter, Jim Vincent was well labeled as being the executive director of the Providence branch of the NAACP in which he wrote, “Marijuana prohibition has not prevented use or abuse. More disturbingly, enforcement has disproportionately focused on low income and minority communities.”

However, Debby Richards Perugini, who wrote a blistering critique of a ProJo news story, calling it one-sided journalism, was not identified as working for The BAY Team,” Barrington’s Drug Free Coalition,” according to its web site.

Perugrini’s public Facebook profile lists her as being a “project coordinator” for The Bay Team. A Barrington Patch article from 2012 says she was hired specifically to campaign against marijuana. According to the article: “Meet Debby Perugini — Barrington’s new anti-marijuana use project coordinator. Perugini joined the staff of The BAY Team – the town’s substance abuse prevention coalition — on Monday, Jan. 9.”

The letters seem intended to run in tandem: both were initially published online on Feb. 24 and both were published in print today. It’s unclear whether Perugini failed to identify herself as an advocate or if the ProJo op/ed page made an editorial decision to not label her as such. (I’ve reached out to both parties and will update this post if and when I hear back from them.)

In general, Perugini is entitled to express her opinions. In her letter, she claims that one of the medical marijuana centers was “recently advertising marijuana for non-medical use” which would be a crime. If this isn’t true  (and I don’t think it is) it could be libel and she’s not entitled to express libelous opinions. Neither is the Providence Journal, for that matter. But she and the ProJo op/ed page are certainly entitled to make vague references to tobacco industry lies and insinuate that taxing and regulating marijuana will cause more people to buy it illegally.

But Rhode Islanders are entitled to know who is expressing these opinions and why – especially given that, according to the Patch article, Perugini is being funded by federal taxes for her efforts. It says:

“Perugini will be paid out of a federal block grant to the state department of behavioral healthcare, development disabilities and hospitals. The annual award is $75,000 for the next three to five years. Barrington is one of eight towns to get this money for substance abuse-prevention, primarily because Rhode Island ranks first in its marijuana use, especially in the 12-17 and 18-25 age groups.”

So a Barrington mom is getting federal tax dollars to write inflammatory and reactionary letters to the editor on an issue the Providence NAACP says is unfairly affecting poor and minority inner city residents. And the Providence Journal op/ed page is labeling one as a special interest but not the other.

Welcome to how the war on drugs works. Or the New Jim Crow. It all depends on whether your a parent from Barrington trying to shield teens from marijuana or an inner city advocate fighting against latent racism.