Movie Review: BEST OF ENEMIES


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MV5BMjA0MzA1ODA5NF5BMl5BanBnXkFtZTgwMDc3OTU5NTE@._V1_SX214_AL_The new documentary BEST OF ENEMIES (dirs. Morgan Neville, Robert Gordon) is one of those films that is both intellectually stimulating and wickedly entertaining, a picture that makes one laugh out loud multiple times while also causing serious thought. Rarely do we see such fare, which is why I highly recommend it.

BEST OF ENEMIES is now playing at the Cable Car Cinema & Cafe.

The film is set in 1968, a year remembered by those who lived it as the beginning of the end of so many great things. Martin Luther King Jr. and Bobby Kennedy were both gunned down, there were riots and protests in the streets, and Lyndon Johnson had scuttled his administration with a Vietnam policy that was described as genocidal by those who knew the truth about our actions in Southeast Asia. And all the while, ABC, the third-place network on television, had decided to try something different in their coverage of the Republican and Democratic National Conventions.

Instead of following the lead of NBC and CBS, with their gavel-to-gavel coverage of the proceedings, they decided to bring in two of the leading intellectuals of the day to engage in a series of brief debates following a montage of highlights from the day’s events. On the left was author Gore Vidal, scion of a populist Democratic senator, the creator of such scandalous works as Myra Breckinridge and the screenplay of the X-rated CALIGULA, he was open about his love affairs with men and espoused a libertine worldview combined with liberal politics that generated some of the best American political prose of his generation. To the right was William F. Buckley, Jr., the editor and founder of the hard-right magazine National Review, a man who had taken up conservative politics and transformed a movement of crotchety kooks and racists into the political force that elevated Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan to the heights of power while consolidating the Grand Old Party by hacking off the left wing of that political body. Both men were well-spoken, well-born, well-educated intellectuals at the peak of their powers. What followed was an epic, multi-evening intellectual wrestling match, the likes of which had never been seen before on television.

The film is excellent because it functions on two levels. On the first, it is a stellar narrative, retelling one of the most important moments in twentieth century American politics. The 1968 election was the first instance when Americans began to vote based on identity politics issues as opposed to class solidarity, as seen by the successful implementation of Richard Nixon’s Southern Strategy that year. It was the first time that dog-whistle politicking took on any sort of real force in the voting booth, with Nixon’s repeated harping on about ‘law and order’ really serving as code for white animus towards the newly-desegregated black population. It was the first election since World War II that the contest for the executive office served as a referendum on an ongoing conflict, a wasteful and stupid war that had none of the support at home or abroad that the Greatest Generation had found two decades before.

And it was also the first time that the political conventions were broadcast in color, bringing me to my second point. Not only is the film a history lesson, it is a love poem to the days of rabbit ear antennas, switching the channel by touching an actual dial, and having only three networks and PBS to watch, within a decade HBO and Ted Turner would begin to develop the early stirrings of what became cable television. This is a film about the way that Americans are told about the news of the day, how it is delivered, and why we think the way we do about these events. It has all the wisdom of a communications class about newsroom production and makes clear what we have lost with the ability to choose from multiple networks that cater to our socio-political whims. As I have said elsewhere, this was perhaps the last election that had some legitimacy to it, now all we have are stage-managed rock concerts with primaries that function in a fashion closer to American Idol.

The film’s thesis is an admirable one where the filmmakers argue, rightly, in my view, that this was the place that gave birth, perhaps accidentally, to the yelling-and-screaming format of television news we deal with today, populated by the O’Reillys, the Maddows, and the other hucksters who serve up saccharine-flavored slop we are expected to take for socio-political analysis. I say accidentally because it is quite clear from the start that Buckley was totally oblivious about what to expect from Vidal, who rehearsed his lines backstage, did enormous research on his opponent beforehand, and carried himself as a television star as opposed to a political scientist while in the ring. And I also say accidentally because, had Vidal known what kind of monster he was creating by stage acting the way he did, he might very well have never accepted the invitation to appear. For the rest of his life, Vidal would return again and again to the theme of how ridiculous the American political process had become. He decided to become an expatriate and work from his home in Italy in part because he had no stomach for the crassness, the shallowness, and the buffoonery that essentially defined American politics from 1968 onwards. But he never was able to come to the conclusion that he was partly to blame for getting our civic dialogue to that point.

With another election upon us, it is clear that the electorate is as divided as it was in 1968, if not more so. On the one hand, we have a Republican primary loaded with certified lunatics who are getting upstaged by, of all people, a blithering idiot land developer whose entire career has been based around making financial failure look profitable. The Democrats are no better, insistent on crowning Queen Hillary despite the fact that people would rather vote for a box of cereal than her. The film concludes that Vidal won the battle with Buckley, which is not giving away anything surprising. But what is surprising is that it was Buckley who, in the long term, won the war. We now live in a state of affairs where the Democrats behave like Richard Nixon, pro-choice, pro-union, pro-war, and environmentally-mindful to a degree. By contrast, Vidal, whose politics were populist New Deal Democratic stances, seems like a card-carrying Communist next to an Obama or Clinton. That kind of dramatic irony is something you could describe as made for television.

Mother Teresa demands you die suffering


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MotherTeresa_094When Mother Teresa appeared on Firing Line in conversation with conservative pundit William F. Buckley Jr., she told the following story in response to Buckley’s question, “Why did God permit pain?”

“Once I met a lady who was in terrible, terrible pain of cancer and I told her, ‘This is but the kiss of Jesus, a sign that you have come so close to Jesus on the cross that he can kiss you.’ And the lady, though she was in great pain, she joined her hands together and said, ‘Mother Teresa, please tell Jesus to stop kissing me.’”

Mother Teresa, the audience and Buckley all laughed at this story, reveling in the suffering that their God had inflicted on this woman. For Mother Teresa and her adoring followers, suffering is seen as a purifying gift. To them, the suffering of others has become fetishized, the pain filled deaths of our loved ones a spectacle through which God reveals himself.

Those who do not believe in a God that doles out the gift of soul cleansing suffering reject the terrible “mercies” of Mother Teresa, yet our rejection of her wisdom does little to deter her followers from imposing their views on our lives, dictating how we are expected to live our lives and die our deaths.

During last week’s House hearing on the Lila Manfield Sapinsley Compassionate Care Act, a bill that would allow those facing a terminal illness filled with suffering and loss of dignity to end their lives, opposition was almost entirely organized by the Catholic Church and Barth E. Bracy of RI Right to Life.

Bracy admitted to organizing the opposition to this bill when he said to the committee, “We’ve submitted written testimony from many of the people who have testified, we submitted 23 copies around four o’clock…” Some testifying against the bill also regularly testify with Bracy on reproductive rights issues.

Representative Arthur Corvese, a conservative Catholic social warrior famous for the Corvese amendment, an eleventh hour addendum to the now defunct “civil unions” bill that essentially allowed anyone to discriminate against couples who joined in civil unions based on their religious beliefs, was quick to tell Bracy, “I think it’s obvious, Barth, you and I go back a long way, that this bill and others like it across the country are basically nothing more than the philosophical outgrowth of the continuing culture of death that began in 1972. Where abortion kills the young these bills provide a rationale to kill off the old.”

Too often it seems as if Corvese sees his job, legislating in the General Assembly, as little more than a way to impose his Catholic theology upon the entire state. This is a Catholic theology that sees suffering as something to be embraced, not avoided.

Mother Teresa saw suffering as a way to bring the terminally ill closer to God. “It depends, sometimes, what is in their own hearts. If they pray, I think [suffering] is very easy to accept because the proof of prayer is always a clean heart. And a clean heart can see God…”

Father Christopher Mahar, Rector of the Seminary of Our Lady of Providence, seems to agree with Mother Teresa, saying that, “…at the end of life, there are many beautiful choices to make. Choices to reconcile with loved ones, choices to reconcile with God and prepare for eternal life, if one believes in that.”

Representative Robert Lancia was inspired by Mahar’s comments to ask about Pope John Paul II, who, at the end of his life, says Lancia, “could have chosen to end his life.” This is an odd claim, given that assisted suicide is legally forbidden in Italy and that the Catholic Church is against death with dignity legislation worldwide. Of course, Lancia was really seeking to give Mahar a chance to expound on Catholic theology in regards to assisted suicide.

Mahar brought up Pope John Paul II’s encyclical Fides et Ratio. According to Mahar, John Paul II was “always a proponent of caring for people not just based on religious principles, but also upon reason.” This is a bit disingenuous, since what John Paul said is that reason, by itself, is incomplete without faith. In other words, reason by itself is not sufficient, religious faith is a requirement.

This is a religious idea, not shared by everyone. Even many of those who embrace the idea of the necessity of faith do not believe that it follows that suffering must be endured and death must always come naturally. This is not even the belief of all Catholics. 52 percent of Catholics polled in Colorado support death with dignity laws like the one under consideration in Rhode Island.

“I was just so impressed by Pope John Paul and how he ended his life,” said Representative Lancia, embracing the story of his Pope’s heroic ordeal, “It was such a positive. When he could have ended his life but didn’t, he went through the suffering and ended in a positive, dignified way.”

“If you come to our house here in Washington,” said Mother Teresa to William Buckley in 1989, “You would be surprised to see on the suffering faces the beautiful smiles. Through the terrible suffering they are content.”

Maybe for the believers, Mother Teresa’s words ring true.

But what of the rest of us?

 

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