Mr. Fisher Goes To Smith Hill


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So, any of you that follow me on Twitter, or have the distinguished honor of being my “friend” on Facebook, probably already know that Feb. 26 was my first day as a beat reporter in the Rhode Island General Assembly for the fine web publication that you are now reading. You also probably know that I am a candidate for mayor in the great city of Woonsocket.

I wanted to offer a glimpse into my mind on this most auspicious of days, so I offer you this.

February 26, 2013

An eerie quiet on the rotunda
Precedes the cacaphony
Of legislative gears grinding

Echoes resonate
Off of stone floors and walls

A bell rings, it seems
For an eternity

Legislators, young and old
Begin shuffling in from enclaves
On the outer rim
Of the marble monolith

To a room, once cool and dry
That begins to steam
With body heat and breath

Flesh is pressed
Smiles and pats on the back
Exchanged ceremoniously

Lobbyists in suits mill about
Some look uncomfortable
Others, from birth, never without

Pages line the wall
Like dominoes
Ready to fall

Paper is shuffled
And passed
And read

Some, in depth
Some scanned with
Eyes half-dead

Brows furrow
Tension and relief
Tension and release

The sound of a triple thunderclap
Shoots through the chamber
Once, twice, thrice!

The House will now come to order

Puff, Puff, Pass: Pot Bill Hits House Judiciary


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If the R.I. General Assembly is a mirror of the ratio of proponents and opponents of the bill that testified at the hearing, the bill will pass by a four-to-one margin.

Proponents included some you might not expect, former police officers, addiction researchers, and parents. Todd Sandahl, a North Providence father of two teenage daughters and self-described conservative said, “Prohibition will end. Why wait another 10 years? We have the solution right here,” referring to Ajello’s bill.

Opponents of the bill were exactly who you’d expect. Representatives of the State Police, parents, drug counselors, and Woonsocket Police Chief Thomas Carey, representing the Police Chiefs of R.I.

Ajello gave compelling testimony in favor of her bill.

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The benefits to the state of marijuana law reform are many. Decreased access by minors, increased tax revenue for the state, and a significant relief of the burden on our judicial system due to eliminating marijuana related prosecutions.

Even in the face of wave after wave of testimony outlining how regulating marijuana would actually reduce access by minors, Committee member Doreen Costa, Rhode Island’s own version of Helen Lovejoy from The Simpsons, asked many questions of the proponents of the bill, which were all some form of Lovejoy’s catchphrase, “Won’t somebody think of the children?”

Also testifying was Robert Capecchi from the Marijuana Policy Project. Here’s a video of Robert explaining why we need reform now.

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With so many benefits to our state, both monetary and social, offered by the legalization, taxation, and regulation of marijuana, it’s hard to imagine the General Assembly bogarting the bill, but then again, this is Rhode Island.

The Eternal Struggle: House Rules


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As it turns out, what most would think is the most mundane of duties of the R.I. House of Representatives – setting their own rules – is a fascinating exercise in recognizing who holds power, and those who seek to break the existing power structure and/or make that power structure more accountable and transparent.

For those who don’t know, any public bill submitted to  R.I. House  invariably moves to a committee. While the bill is in committee, committee members  review the bills and offer what are called SUB A’s, in legislative parlance. These SUB A’s usually involve minor changes in language, or the striking and/or replacement of text. Once the bill is amended, the committee votes to move the bill to the floor of the House. When the bill reaches the floor, members can offer what they call floor amendments. These amendments, which also usually involve minor changes in language, or the striking and/or replacement of text, are subject to a straight up or down vote as to whether to be included in the bill.

At first glance, the House Rules bill submitted to the floor by Deputy Majority leaders Arthur Corvese and Samuel Azzinaro seems like pretty standard legislation. After all, they are just setting the rules by which they are governed, right? Again, a pretty straightforward bill, including language that would dictate that no bill should be brought before the House after 10:30 p.m. on any given legislative day, unless the Majority leader and Minority leader agree, or a majority of the members vote, to suspend the rule.

The real drama, and struggle to hold at bay those who hold nearly unchecked power in Rhode Island, comes when the members of the Minority (Republicans) seek to add floor amendments to the bill.

According to the existing rules of the House, a bill that is submitted is subject to 5 possible votes by the members.

  1. A motion to report the bill or resolution to the House with a recommendation of passage
  2. A motion to report the bill or resolution as amended, or in substitute form, to the  House with a recommendation of passage
  3. A motion to report the bill or resolution to the House without recommendation
  4. A motion to report the bill or resolution to the House with a recommendation of no passage
  5. A motion to report the bill or resolution to the House with a recommendation that it be held for further study

On February 26th, 5 floor amendments to the Majority sponsored House rules bill were proposed by the House Minority.

One by Representative Spencer Dickinson, which was withdrawn immediately after introduction.

One by Minority Leader Brian Newberry, which would have disallowed the House to vote to hold bills introduced on the floor for further study, instead making the members hold an up-or-down vote on any bill currently on the floor.

A compromise amendment by Rep. Doreen Costa, which would have set the cutoff for new bills introduced to the floor at 11:00 p.m., splitting the difference between the  original 11:30 cutoff and the proposed 10:30 cutoff.

Two amendments submitted by Rep. J. Patrick O’Neill, one to eliminate the suspension of  any rule by agreement of the Majority and Minority leaders, and requiring a two-thirds majority vote to suspend, and one to publish electronically( i.e. on the web) any bill in it’s exact form to be voted on at least 24 hours before the vote.

Minority leader Newberry took exception to the original bill’s language concerning the suspension of rules by agreement of the Majority and Minority leaders saying, “This puts too much power in the hands of the Leaders.” Rep. Nicholas Matiello countered by saying that regardless of who the leaders might be, the bill, “…leads to efficiency.”

In defending his amendment to eliminate the ‘Held for further study’ vote, Newberry said, “Every bill that comes to this floor deserves an up or down vote.” Corvese insisted that, “Just as important as the bills we pass, are the bills that we kill.”

Newberry rightfully pointed out  that, even without the vote to hold a bill for further study, the sponsor can pull the bill at any time. “This held for further study, more often than not, is used to avoid a vote on an unpopular bill.”

While defending Rep. O’Neill’s amendment to require 24 hour public notice on the exact language of a bill to be voted on, Newberry said, “Sometimes we get these copies, and they’re still warm from the copier.”

Things degraded a bit at this point, and Rep. Helio Melo took a personal swipe at Newberry saying, “Maybe your copy is hot because you just show up to vote.” He claimed that, regardless of the time between finalizing a bills language and voting, the public is informed because, “They can watch the proceedings on Channel 15,” forgetting to add, ‘unless they don’t have cable TV.’

All of the floor amendments were voted down, and the bill passed as submitted.

According to Common Cause RI’s  John Marion, the state’s go-to guy on open government and fair elections, “Today , what we saw was the difference between substance and symbolism.”

“The Majority offered the symbolic 10:30 curfew, which would only come in to play on a couple of nights during the session. Both Newberry’s proposal to eliminate the ‘held for further study’ vote, and O’Neill’s 24 hour public notice on the final language of a bill before a vote would come into play nearly every day of the session.”

Sorry, RI Future readers, House Democrats came down on the wrong side of open government and public notice on this one. Unfortunately, these rules are enacted through the 2014 session.

Correction: In the initial version of this article, I had confused the SUB A’s, which are only submitted to committees, and the floor amendments, which are submitted on the floor on the day that the bill is being heard by the full house. I was informed of this mistake by Rep. Newberry, who agreed with the tone and thrust of the article, and the main sponsor Rep. Corvese, who didn’t disagree with the tone or thrust, he simply told me that I, “… have no idea what a SUB A is.” John Marion from Common Cause RI must have thought it was ok, because he retweeted a link almost as soon as it hit the web.

The changes have been made, and I apologize but, cut me some slack. It was my first day on the job.

Cutting The Gas Tax Throws RIPTA Under The Bus


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Last week, Senator Walter Felag, Jr. (D-Dist.10) introduced legislation that would reduce Rhode Island’s gasoline tax by 5 cents per gallon. The legislation, he said,  would allow gas stations near the Massachusetts border to be more competitive with their neighbors to the north and east.

While Rhode Island’s motorists and gas station owners may rejoice, this legislation is a proverbial kick in the teeth to those of us who depend on buses to get where were going.

As most of us know, the Rhode Island Public Transit Authority (RIPTA) is funded in large part by a percentage of revenue collected from the tax levied on the purchase of gasoline by retailers, who then pass that tax on to you, the consumer.

This funding formula is widely regarded as unsustainable, because as the price of gasoline goes up – as it generally tends to do –  people travel less by passenger vehicle and buy less gasoline by, oh… I don’t know, let’s say riding the bus. As more folks opt for public transit and reduce their consumption of near-4 dollar petrol, that part of RIPTA’s revenue stream – like all fossil fuels eventually will – dries up, and without drastically increasing fares for our state’s public transit system,  RIPTA is left holding the high-density polyethylene bag. Unfortunately, without the added revenue from the gas tax, that bag is not stuffed with money.

Put simply, when RIPTA ridership goes up, RIPTA revenue goes down.

The General Assembly had the opportunity to rectify the unsustainability of this funding formula way back in, now let’s see if I can remember, oh, yeah… last session, after Representative Jeremiah “Jay” O’Grady (D – Dist. 46) introduced the Transportation and Debt Reduction Act of 2011. This bill would have provided – through increased fees for vehicle registrations and drivers licenses – a stable funding formula not only for RIPTA, but the Department of Transportation, as well, eliminating the need for both agencies to issue further bonds and increase the expanding public debt of the state. Unfortunately, only half of the bill was passed.

But how can they pass half a bill, you might ask?

Well, the bill passed pretty much as written, with one small exception. Any language relating to funding our public transit system was stripped from the bill entirely. The General  Assembly decided to kick the can down the single-passenger vehicle choked road once again, and wait for yet another transit study to tell them what they already know.

Here’s Rep. O’Grady explaining his original bill. Video courtesy ecoRI News.

So, this year, when RIPTA comes calling for the share of the gas tax to which they are legally entitled, there will be fewer dollars in the bank to pay them.

Senator Felag can claim all day long that this bill is about market competitiveness but, at the end of the day, it is just reinforcing the car culture in Rhode Island, and telling the tens of thousands of Rhode Islanders that depend on our public transit system that they just aren’t as important as the few dozen gas station owners whose stations are within 5 miles of the Massachusetts border.

Why I Am Running


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The first question that most folks ask me when I tell them that I’m running for mayor of Woonsocket is, “Are you crazy or just a glutton for punishment?”

Well, watching the degradation of our once thriving city certainly drives me nuts, but I don’t think I’m a masochist, so, I guess that that’s a yes and a no.

First, I love Woonsocket, and I am proud to have been raised and live here.

Our government – almost by its very nature – is a very reactionary beast

Now, I’m not saying that every problem we face is foreseeable, the disappearance of $10 million from Woonsocket’s School Budget that precipitated the activation of the Woonsocket Budget Commission being a prime example of this, but if we fail to plan for foreseeable problems, we will have fewer resources available to deal with the unforeseeable issues when they materialize. Our leaders definitely need to think on their feet, but it it important to not get caught flat-footed on easily recognized future issues. It is more important than ever for our leaders to have a vision for the future of our municipalities and state, and a plan that is guided by the voice of the people.

Voter participation in Woonsocket is atrocious

This, I believe, is due to many factors, but  I will outline two of them here.

One, the biggest – some may say only – voting bloc in Woonsocket is the elderly. Our parents and grandparents are clearly still very invested in the political process, but it seems that our youth and minority populations have given up on the political process, and who can blame them? You can only be marginalized for so long before you become disenfranchised. Our leaders have, quite frankly, pandered to the elderly population at the cost of every other potential voter in Woonsocket. If the youth and minority population wants to be heard and have their concerns addressed, the only option is to speak up at city council and school committee meetings, and at the polls. At the end of the day, whether you’re young or old, black or white, liberal or conservative, I think we can agree that what we want is a safe, prosperous community that attracts good families and businesses, and allows them to thrive and succeed.

Two, nothing seems to change for the better, no matter who we elect.

This fact has stopped the participation of some of the staunchest advocates of our political process. How often have we heard the refrain, “Why vote when nothing ever changes?” I think that this is largely due to the ideological approaches to government by both of the major parties. The left wants to raise taxes, the right wants to cut spending and services. In Woonsocket’s case, both things are happening.

Now, I’m no economist, but if taxes go up, there should be a corresponding increase in services, and if services are cut, taxes should go down. Woonsocket  seems to be in a Twilight Zone episode where taxes and services are inversely proportional. That said, I believe that we can certainly be more prudent and efficient in how we spend the little revenue that we do have, but, like any business owner will tell you, you don’t have to sell more widgets to make more money, you should first reduce your overhead.

What we need in a leader

We need a leader  that will break the mold of the old-school approaches to solving financial crisises, which are clearly not working. One only has to look to the City of Braddock, Pennsylvania and Mayor John Fetterman to see examples of how new approaches can revitalize failing cities and towns.

We need a leader that can reinvigorate our young people, and in a city that was built by immigrants, we definitely need to embrace and include those growing populations in the process.One of the biggest strengths of this city, state, and country is our diversity of cultures, creeds, and ideologies. We need to capitalize on that.

We need a leader that has a plan, but that plan needs to be guided by what the residents of Woonsocket want to see in their city and government. I’ll add that, just because someone doesn’t vote – or doesn’t vote for you – doesn’t mean that they are not constituents. To that end, I will begin a listening tour of the city in March  to hear the concerns and ideas of citizens and business owners alike.

There is a lot of negativity about Woonsocket, from within and without. We need to recognize our successes and potentials and put much more focus on those.

Most importantly, we, as citizens, must realize that the successes and failures of our cities, towns, states, and countries do not rest solely on the backs of our elected leaders. We are just as responsible for every outcome, good or bad. For better or worse, we are all in this together, so let’s come together and start watching our neighbors backs.

I urge all Woonsocket residents that have given up on or never participated the process to register to vote, because this November, you will see a very different mayoral candidate on the ballot.

For updates on the campaign, you can follow my blog, like my facebook page, and follow me on Twitter @DAFisherRI.

What’s Your Vote Worth? Depends on the Candidate

Now that the election is behind us, let’s take a look at the combined expenditures in Rhode Island’s Congressional races. We all know that a lot of money gets spent on federal elections — according to the Federal Election Commission, the total expenditures for Rhode Island’s Congressional races this year was a whopping $9,760,162 — but the more shocking revelation comes when one breaks down the disbursements on a dollar-per-vote basis; or what is your vote worth?

This year’s House races had an interesting ripple in the otherwise mundane process of making the selection between what many Rhode Islanders consider to be the lesser of two evils. Both races had an Independent candidate — David Vogel and Abel Collins in Districts 1 and 2, respectively.

Vogel and Collins ran very different campaigns than their major-party opponents, and to a large degree, ran very different campaigns from one another.

On the one hand, Vogel ran a campaign exclusively on public and media appearances and was actively NOT soliciting contributions, even from individuals. Despite spending less than $200 on his campaign, Vogel managed to pull 6.1 percent of the vote.

Collins, on the other hand, ran a more traditional campaign, seeking endorsements, making media buys, canvassing communities, and soliciting contributions from individuals and local businesses. After all was said and done, Collins raised and spent about $25,000, and locked up 9.1 percent of the vote.

Both Vogel and Collins were most undemocratically censored from their respective televised debates by an “editorial decision” by then General Manager of WPRI/FOX Providence, Jay Howell. Howell has since been promoted to Vice-president of regional television by the local Fox affiliate’s parent company, the out-of-state and region owned LIN Media. The decision to censor Vogel and Collins from their respective debates was made before WPRI/FOX Providence had any polling data.

The Collins campaign was outspent by incumbent Democrat Jim Langevin and Republican challenger Michael Riley by nearly 40-to-1 and 33-to-1, respectively.

In District 1, the disparity in campaign spending was even more shocking. Incumbent Democrat David Cicilline and Republican Challenger Brendan Doherty outspent Vogel by orders of magnitude. Cicilline spent 9,928 times what Vogel spent, and Doherty clocked in at 5428 times Vogel’s expenditures.

In the District 2 U.S. Senate race, incumbent Democrat Sheldon Whitehouse spent a total of $3,198,879 or $11.82 per vote, and Republican B. Barrett Hinckley, III spent a total of $1,159,016 or $7.93 per vote.

At the same rate of spending, Vogel and Collins could have arguably taken their races by spending $1,735 and $153,655, respectively.

One would think that the Independent candidates for Congress relative success on a shoestring — or in Vogel’s case, an almost nonexistent budget — would prick up the ears of the Democratic and  Republican parties, and beg the questions, “Why are we spending $10 million every two years in Rhode Island to get our candidates into office,” and, “How the hell  did Vogel and Collins even manage to get any votes on these budgets?”

The two-part answer is simple.

First, Rhode Islanders are smart. Smart enough to realize that, a vote for an entrenched Democrat or a trickle-down, small government Republican is essentially a vote for the status quo, with which an increasing segment of the population — say, oh, I don’t know… about 99 percent — is not happy.

Second, a campaign and platform that offers actual solutions to real problems — rather than false economic platitudes and lip service to the middle class — resonates with the public. People know that something has to give in the U.S., and the offering of  a real option in these races — in the form a third candidate — would seem to be for what the public is clamoring.

Don’t hold your breath waiting for these candidates and parties to change their spending habits. In the end, it is much easier for the entrenched parties and candidates to throw a boatload of money at a campaign than it is to actually come up with resonant policies and platforms, or become the leaders in Washington that Rhode Island deserves.

These numbers may fluctuate in the next few days. On Election Day T+8,The Board of Elections has yet to tally all of the votes in these races. Updates will be made accordingly.

(Editors note: Dave Fisher managed the Abel Collins campaign for the last six weeks of the election.)

Vote For an Independent, Spoilers Are a Myth


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“It’s hard to spoil something that is already spoiled”

Abel Collins uttered these words on a recent edition of RIPR’s Political Roundtable, and they ring truer today than at any other time in our history.

The “spoiler” argument by the lever-voting Democrats in Rhode Island is patently false, and this is an attempt to disabuse my Democrat friends of this notion. Maybe, if the entrenched Democrats in office actually served their constituents effectively, they would have no such worries about a “spoiler.” In any case, there don’t seem to be enough staunch Republicans in District 2 to make Mike Riley competitive, and he hasn’t really courted the Independent vote in any significant way.

Most point to the candidacy of Ralph Nader for the Green Party in 2000 as proof-positive that a third-party candidate can “steal” enough votes from the Democrats, thereby catapulting a Republican — George W. Bush in Nader’s case, and Mike Riley in Abel Collins’ case — into office.

Let’s look at the “Nader put George Bush into office” misconception.

In 2000 — on the heels of eight of the most prosperous years in modern history under Bill Clinton — it would have seemed that Al Gore was a shoe-in for the White House. After all, who could argue with a continuation of the Clinton policies that precipitated such a boom in prosperity?

The Republicans, as they have been known to do, nominated one of their own to run against this record of prosperity on a purely ideological platform. George W. Bush ran on a platform of “compassionate conservatism” and frankly, this platform — which, in Bush’s first month in office, was exposed as a dirty conglomeration of skewed facts and outright lies — effectively cut Gore’s legs out from under him, especially during the debates in which I can remember Mr. Gore more than a few times uttering the words, “I agree with Mr. Bush.” Gore failed repeatedly in the 2000 Presidential race to differentiate himself from the “compassionate conservative.”

Now, Gore may be a smart fellow, and even an effective legislator, but his personality — or lack thereof — was a big part of why he lost the election. Clearly, few people found his laconic, lispy Tennessee drawl charming enough to generate any enthusiasm around the candidate. Bush took full advantage of this, and played up his affable frat-boy “Guy you want to have a beer with” image. As a friend of mine put it, “Al Gore couldn’t campaign his way out of a wet paper bag.” Nowhere was this more evident than in Gore’s home state of Tennessee, which he lost. No presidential candidate has ever taken the White House while losing his home state.

Remember the charges of ballot tampering in swing states like Ohio and Florida? This tampering — though never officially substantiated — arguably gave more votes to Dubya than Nader “stole” from Gore. The dirty trickster Karl Rove engineered this tampering and the subsequent contesting of ballots in these states by well-placed Republican operatives, including Florida’s then Secretary of State, Katherine Harris.

Let’s not forget the Supreme Court decision that shutdown a manual recount of ballots in some of Florida’s most hotly contested precincts. The recount, and subsequent Supreme Court decision, vaulted the term “hanging chads” into the American lexicon and spawned the heavy metal band of the same name.

The controversy over the awarding of Florida’s 25 electoral votes, the subsequent recount process in that state, and the unusual event of the winning candidate having received fewer popular votes than the runner-up, marked only the fourth election in U.S. History in which the eventual winner failed to win a plurality of the popular vote. Later research showed that by the standards requested by the Gore campaign in their contest brief or by the partial statewide recount set by the Florida Supreme Court, Bush would have likely won the recount anyway. However, the same research indicates that had the statewide recount included all uncounted votes — overvotes and undervotes— as seems probable based on later statements by the judge overseeing the recount and supported by faxes made public in November, 2001, Gore would have won the election.

Let’s also not forget that despite Nader’s “stolen” votes and poll tampering by right wing operatives,  Al Gore actually won the popular vote by just under a half million votes, which should give any American pause— Republican or Democrat — concerning the Electoral College and how we elect the leader of the free world.

Given this, the 2.74 percent of the popular vote that went to Ralph Nader is a moot point. A 2002 study by the Progressive Review found no correlation in pre-election polling numbers for Nader when compared to those for Gore. In other words, most of the changes in pre-election polling reflect movement between Bush and Gore rather than Gore and Nader, and they concluded from this that Nader was not responsible for Gore’s loss.

Furthermore, after attempting to lay the blame for Gore’s loss at the feet of the Greens and Ralph Nader, did the Democrats alter their platform and positions in an attempt to garner the votes that Nader “stole”? No, they didn’t, and they paid for it again in the 2004 Presidential election which — by hook or by crook — George W. Bush won handily over John Kerry, without the presence of a “spoiler” from a third party in the race.

Those of you who have made my acquaintance know that I am no cock-eyed optimist. Most would say I’m a skeptic, bordering on cynic. I have seen the slow decline of this state and country accelerate under the “leadership” of Republicans and Democrats alike.

Healthcare and education have become unaffordable to most of us. The rate at which our climate is changing has surpassed even the worst-case scenario predictions. Our food supply is being tinkered with through genetic modification. Fewer families move from poverty into the middle-class, more wealth is concentrated in the 1 percent, and none of it “trickles down” to those in need. The so-called “job creators” continue to sit on their wealth, rather than reinvest in their businesses, and take advantage of tax breaks, loopholes, and subsidies that weaken the economy of the country that afforded them the opportunity to rise to economic prominence in the first place.

I have often said that the only difference between Republicans and Democrats in the national arena is that Republicans want to drive the bus toward Armageddon with the gas pedal on the floor; Democrats are willing to obey the speed limit. No matter which party controls our government, the fact remains, the bus is headed in the wrong direction.

The only regret that I have in taking on the management of Abel Collins’ campaign for the last 6 weeks of the election cycle is this: I cannot vote for him. I live in District 1, but rest assured that the Independent candidate for the House seat in my district, David Vogel, will be getting at least one vote from the city of Woonsocket.

The question that Democrats in both of Rhode Island’s Congressional Districts face is not, “Do we vote for a Democrat who offers lip service to his constituents, then votes solely on party lines, strictly out of fear of a Republican taking the seat?”; Democrats who, in the case of Jim Langevin, are pro-life, pro-war, pro-censorship, pro-Tar sands oil, and pro-invasion of privacy.

The real question is this: “Do we vote for an Independent candidate that more accurately represents our party’s and country’s ideals even though he doesn’t have a capital D next to his name?”

I urge all self-defined Democrats statewide — especially those who are registered to vote, but haven’t in the last few elections due to disgust, disillusionment, or disenfranchisement — to consider this question and go to the polls on Tuesday, not out of fear, but out of hope and confidence that the only wasted vote is the vote cast for a candidate that you don’t believe has your best interests and the best interests of Rhode Island at heart.

In short, do we, as Democrats, vote for Democrats or democracy?

If you need to be convinced of Abel Collins’ passion, compassion, and understanding of the problems this country faces please view the video that is embedded on the home page of RI Future.

RI Small Businesses: Beware of ALEC’s Minions


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Jon Brien recently announced that he would be running a write-in campaign to retain his seat in Rhode Island’s House of Representatives.

At a press conference to announce the egotistical continuation of his campaign on September 20, Brien was surrounded by owners of local business including Pepin Lumber, The Burrito Company, and American Beauty Signworks. This is pretty ironic, given his involvement in the ultra-conservative American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC).

ALEC is an organization that promulgates legislation written by, and to the benefit of, giant corporations, like Wal-Mart, Home Depot, and hundreds of others, the vast majority of which make no bones about the fact that the expansion of their operations inherently drives small, local businesses out-of-business.

Why these business owners would choose to support a candidate that is involved in an organization that is actively trying to decrease their market share is beyond comprehension.

Brien is much more than just a member of ALEC, he serves on its board of directors. He and Republican state Senator Francis Maher, Jr. serve as ALEC’s co-chairs in Rhode Island.

The majority of business owners and citizens in Woonsocket — whether they support Brien or the winner of the primary, Stephen Casey — would agree that our taxes are too high, but that statement invariably has an unspoken addendum, which is, “Our taxes are too high in relation to the services provided in return.

Brien can rail against the tax rate all he wants, but where and when has he ever demanded a proportionate increase in city and state services in return for those high rates? He hasn’t, and that’s because he is a small-government neo-conservative masquerading as a Democrat.

I would urge all small business owners in Rhode Island to be wary of supporting candidates that are in any way associated with ALEC. The last thing this state needs is an influx of big-box stores and corporations — or legislation that favors them over the small businesses that contribute to the character, richness, and the local economy of our great state. They may set up shop here, but the jobs they create are usually low-paying, providing few or no benefits to their employees, and their corporate profits often wind up out-of-state, and in many cases, overseas.

Sour Grapes: Jon Brien is Wrong for Woonsocket

Just nine days after a narrow defeat to local firefighter Stephen Casey in September’s Democratic primary, Woonsocket representative Jon Brien announced — without a whiff of humility — that he would be running a write-in campaign to retain his seat in the General Assembly.

Brien claimed that administrative errors by the Board of Canvassers sent voters to the wrong polls on primary day, and that this caused many of his supporters to show up at the wrong polls — and out of frustration — did not cast their votes.

While this may be true, it speaks to two pertinent points.

First, Brien has not generated any palpable enthusiasm in the electorate — or in his base for that matter.

If after being told that they were at the wrong poll, these folks weren’t willing to get to their proper polling place — most of which are less than a five or ten minute drive from any other polling place in the city — to support their chosen candidate, they either thought that Brien would cruise to victory by a wide margin or, more likely, the voters in Woonsocket have begun to see through the thinly veiled Republican in Democrat’s clothing.

Second, in such a close race — Casey took the primary by 52 votes — if this was happening to Brien’s supporters, it was happening to those who turned up at the polls to support his opponent at the same rate.

It may be hard for Brien to believe, but maybe — just maybe — Casey’s supporters had a little more resolve when faced with an “administrative error” because they actually felt strongly that their candidate was the man for the job, and Brien’s would-be supporters resigned themselves to, “Whatever, maybe we need a change, anyway.”

Brien also claimed that low voter turnout contributed to his political demise.

This is patently false. In fact, the Casey/ Brien race brought more voters to the primary polls in District 50 — 1,392 to be exact — than the three-way race in the 2010 midterm primary, which drew only 1,105 voters in the district.

What we have here, my fellow Villa Novans, is a severe case of sour grapes.

Brien has gotten a taste of power, and he is loath to surrender it; all the more reason to support Stephen Casey.

I have met both of these men, and I can say Steve Casey is a man who has strong opinions, but chooses his words and actions carefully. As a firefighter, he understands that one cannot go off half-cocked, rushing into situations of which he does not know the full gravity.

Brien, on the other hand, is an abrasive loudmouth who shoots from the hip, consequences be damned. His approach to politics only alienates other legislators and citizens, and a pig-headed, uncompromising representative to the state legislature is the last thing our great city needs given our tenuous financial and social situation.

Dave Fisher, a Woonsocket resident and the ecoRI.org editor, will be posting about why Jon Brien should not be reelected every Monday up until the election … but hopefully not after.


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