Where are the down-ballot Republicans?

Eliminating the master lever was supposed to assist the RI Republican Party (and strengthen RI’s democracy) by assisting in one of the most important things a party needs: candidate recruitment. The problem, as it was posed, was that the prevalence of the master lever basically acted as a deterrent for potential Republican candidates for the General Assembly; why put in the effort of running if loyal Democrats, voting for president or US senator or governor at the top of the ticket, would simply pull the master lever and obliterate down-ballot Republicans? Eliminating the option would allow Republican candidates to run without fear of such occurrences, thereby assisting efforts to recruit quality candidates.

The only issue is that the candidates haven’t materialized. Here’s the graph of seats (Republicans in red, independents in grey) contested by Republicans since legislative downsizing ahead of the 2002 elections:

Graph of Seats contested by Republicans and Democrats
Sam G Howard; Sources: RI Board of Elections, RI Secretary of State

This year, Republicans will contest 40 seats in the legislature. If they won all of them, they would barely break the Democratic supermajority in the Senate, and still fail to do so in the House. Keep in mind, 40 would be about twice as many districts as they have won, ever. There are only about 20 districts across the state that Republicans have ever won. Winning 20 districts would actually make this the most successful year the Republicans have ever had since the General Assembly reached its current size in 2002.*

Simply put, the Republican candidates necessary to make their party a functioning opposition haven’t materialized. And it’s noticeable to me that Republican recruitment issues have grown worse since 2010, when a Republican wave election empowered Republicans nationwide and gave them majorities in both chambers of the U.S. Congress.

The grey line is candidates running as Independents, and the point to notice here is that they have increased the number of seats contested over time. And Independents in Rhode Island often caucus with the Republican Party in the State House (e.g., Blake Filippi) or are already Republicans (e.g., perennial Providence candidate Luis Vargas who volunteered for the RI Republican Party). Not all, mind you, but many would’ve been Republicans.

Notably, these developments (the increasing difficulty of the Republicans to recruit candidates, and the increasing number of Independents) have happened pretty much independently of the master lever’s existence.

But these are just seats. What about the number of candidates? If Republicans have only ever been competitive in about 20 districts, then this could undercount candidates in safe Republican seats.

RI GA Contested Seats and Number of Candidates
Party Seats Contested Qualified Candidates
Democratic 108 138
Republican 40 43
Independent 31 35

As you can see, Republicans did fairly well in distributing their candidates for seats; as did the Independents (more remarkable because no one is organizing them). Meanwhile, the Democrats have more than enough candidates to contest all 113 General Assembly seats, but didn’t contest five of them: House Districts 30 (Incumbent: Giarusso – R), 36 (Incumbent: Filippi – I), and 48 (Incumbent: Newberry – R) and Senate Districts 35 (Incumbent: Gee – R) and 38 (Incumbent: Algiere – R).

Democrats’ recruitment advantage continues unabated. In fact, just on the numbers, Democrats could split into three parties that could each match Republican recruitment abilities.

The problem was never going to be the master lever for Republicans. The problem remains (as it has been since 2006) their party’s toxicity to a state that overwhelmingly supports Democratic policies. And even one of the most liberal state Republican Parties can’t overcome that obstacle – especially with Donald Trump on the top of the ticket. At this point, I think Republican hopes for growing their caucus (or even keep it the same size) this election is that the commentary on RI Future here is true: Clinton really is so unpopular that liberals will stay home and they can pick up low-turnout seats. The problem is that the people who dislike Clinton tend to be Republicans, and the people who dislike her as much as Trump aren’t really that big, certain in their choice, or even likely to be Democratic partisans.

Now, am I going to say RI Republicans will be massacred this year? No. I do not have a great track record there. But looking at past presidential elections and RI GA results, I’m going to guess the Democrats should win 100 seats and Republicans should win 12 seats. In each off-year election, Democrats have picked up 96 or 95 seats, and in each presidential year election they’ve picked up 99-102 seats.

The big question for me is what effect Trump will have. RI Republican office-holders have fairly closely embraced their presidential nominee, and nominees can have an effect down the ballot even to state legislatures. Trump seems more of an anathema to the average RI voter than a generic Republican, so theoretically, he could do serious damage to what remains of the RI Republican Party since the Bush years caused the liberal Republican to go extinct.

 

 

* An earlier version of this post inadvertently implied that Republicans have never been successful in GA races, that’s obviously not the case.

The tension of the American third party


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jill steinBecause I grew up in Rhode Island, am below the age of 30, and am a liberal, a lot of my friends this election season have abandoned following Bernie Sanders into the Democratic Party (however briefly) and instead pledged their support to Jill Stein, the Green Party candidate for President.

This strikes me as poorly thought-out. While I can understand that in Rhode Island, the majority of voters are likely to vote Democratic, and thus many feel that it’s not a risk to vote Green (and are likely right) this is a problem of a collective action like voting: we only know the outcome when we know the outcome. Polling can tell us a probability of how our votes will be divided, but often that information is erroneously reported. Everyone works blindly, in a sort of prisoner’s dilemma; if enough people vote a certain way, they could throw the election to a person who would would be even worse.

This has been a factor in U.S. Presidential elections for a long time. Starting in 1828, Henry Clay and John Crawford made the results of that election inconclusive, Martin Van Buren could’ve prevented Lewis Cass from becoming President in 1848, Millard Fillmore likely spoiled the election for John Fremont in 1856, in 1912 William H. Taft spoiled it for Teddy Roosevelt (or possibly vice versa), in 1968 George Wallace arguably did in Hubert Humphrey, just as Ross Perot might’ve done to George H. W. Bush in 1992, and in 2000 Ralph Nader helped make George W. Bush president.

All of these took place in specific circumstances. 1828 was a breakdown of the dominance of the Democratic-Republican Party, and the emergence of true political parties in the United States. 1848 saw the rise of an explicitly anti-slavery party with a former president at its head, whereas in 1856 the former president was leading a nativist party that sought to ignore the issue of slavery. Taft and Roosevelt were both the sitting and the previous president, striving against one another as the Progressive movement sought to move out from merely being a cross-party group. 1968 was the breakdown of the New Deal coalition and the “party switch” that transferred segregationist white southerners into the Republican Party. And 1992 and 2000 were eras of relative prosperity where the presidency simply wasn’t too important.

Majorly, the thing to notice is that except for recently, almost all of these featured establishment politicians making plays for power. Only Perot and Nader are exceptional in lacking political office on that list, and the impact of their parties have been negligible. Clay helped establish the Whigs soon after 1828, Van Buren’s Free Soilers joined the Whigs to become the Republican Party within a decade, Fillmore’s American Party was already on the decline in 1856 after having achieved control of the U.S. House, but was absorbed into the Republicans. The Progressive movement basically had all three major candidates in support of its goals in 1912. Wallace’s pro-segregation supporters have been dog-whistled to for the last fifty years until Donald Trump put down the whistle and starting yelling things at the top of his lungs.

Meanwhile, Perot and Nader’s efforts have come to naught. The Reform Party is spent, and 16 years later, the Green Party is as much of a joke as it’s ever been. Their efforts for the presidency are not turning points in American political history, but rather quixotic ends to otherwise fine careers.

Now, I’ve been highly focused on presidential elections, and I think this highlights the issue of third parties. In the way things are structured in most states, third parties simultaneously must contest the highest possible office. This constantly forces them into the position of spoiler for other candidates more likely to win, making voters resistant to casting their ballot for the third party. This Duverger’s law in action – a system like the United States’, with plurality voting and single-member districts, forces there to be mainly two parties.

What’s the current most successful third party in the United States? It’s not the Greens or the Libertarian Party. It’s the Vermont Progressive Party. The Progressives there have two things going for them: fusion balloting, which allows candidates to run as both a Progressive and a Democrat, and multi-member districts, which means there’s a level of proportionality in how many seats a party gets based on its vote in the districts. Also, there are fairly relaxed rules to establish a political party. It’s a highly local party that was mainly established to support Bernie Sanders as mayor of Burlington, VT; the party’s main power base continues to be located there.

The other major thing the Vermont Progressives have is that they don’t need to contest major offices. As a result, they can persist beyond being a personality-driven organization. And let’s face it, third parties are mostly vehicles for specific individuals’ megalomania.

Take Rhode Island. I have long said that the Moderate Party lacks an identity beyond being the party of Ken Block or Bob Healey. With the former abandoning it, and the latter deceased, it’s now got to find someone new to be its standard-bearer for governor. It’s forced into this position because RI’s ballot access laws require a political party to win more than 5% of the vote for governor or president every four years, depending on when you collected ballots.

This is intentional, and it prevents third parties from spending resources in more easily-winnable races, such as at the school committee level or town council. It means a third party has to exhaust a lot of manpower or cash on a big race it can’t win to achieve ballot access every four years, or else face being dissolved. So they lose, they might cost someone else the election, and drive potential supporters away. Meanwhile, they are unable to conduct meaningful candidate recruitment, unable to attract potential candidates because they appear frivolous, and unable to establish any sort of meaningful governing record.

This drives an incentive to simply be some individual’s ego trip. And that’s exactly what’s happening in the Green Party and its nominee Jill Stein.

You might think this is hypocritical to focus on Stein’s ego when this is an election of egos. But let’s be frank: Stein’s ego far outstrips her actual accomplishments. Her highest office to date is Lexington Town Meeting Representative. And yet, she says her aim is to win “at least a plurality” of votes in November (anything more than a plurality would be a majority). Her current Real Clear Politics polling average is 3.8%.

No other presidential candidate with ballot access to a potential majority of electoral votes is this delusional. Donald Trump actually won a major party’s nomination, despite his ego making him think lying about his success is the same as “sacrifice.” Gary Johnson actually has run a state as a governor – and won reelection. And there’s a strong case that Hilary Clinton is as egotistical as anyone, but then again, she’s earned it. We can definitely criticize her arrogance, but she actually has been U.S. senator and secretary of state. She actually has had to craft and shepherd policy that effected millions of people’s lives. And more importantly, she actually has a political organization that can support and help pass her agenda should she reach the White House. Trump has the latter, and Johnson has done the former, but Stein can’t claim either.

No third party will take the presidency this way. The only way so-called third parties have ever managed to do so is by stepping over the bodies of their predecessors. The next major party of the United States won’t be from the edges of the political system; it will follow Clay and Van Buren, and Lincoln – it will arise from the heart of the establishment, lead by a figures who were once partisans in some deceased major party.

There are, at least, political movements that understand that change happens through political power, not at its fringes. Say what you like about the Progressive Democrats and the Working Families Party – at least they are attempting to shift the dynamics locally of one of the parties, and with a greater potential for impact than all the Greens put together.

FBI or ransomware? You be the judge


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DSC_9419 MacBethLost in the aftermath of the budget was this gem (start at around 2:54; for fun, pay attention to Reps. Shekarchi and Morin reactions) from last Friday’s House debate over Budget Article 1. In it, Rep. Karen MacBeth claims that the FBI temporarily seized control of her home computer for reasons unknown.

Now, I’m not a seasoned law enforcement professional, but given a lot of ink has been spilled over the ability of government to monitor Internet activity without much oversight, it seemed suspicious that the FBI would notify someone if they were hacking a computer. It seems to me that if you’re looking for documentation of wrongdoing, you’d get a warrant or request it from a possibly cooperative source like MacBeth. And if you didn’t want MacBeth or anyone to know, you’d get permission to do it secretly.

So I did what I usually do in cases like this, I searched “the FBI has taken over my computer” online. And I found this little piece of malware (more specifically, ransomware) known as “Reveton” or “the Moneypak Virus” from a number of articles from one to two years ago. Basically, it’s something you accidentally download from either a bad website or email and then locks your computer until you pay. The ransomware poses as the FBI, or if you’re in another country, that nation’s police or cybersecurity force. The genuine FBI has been warning people about this virus for a while.

Now, the details of Rep. MacBeth’s encounter with someone claiming to be the FBI hacking her computer doesn’t quite match up with what’s described in the above links, and from her summation of the events, we don’t get a detailed picture of what happened. Perhaps it really was the FBI. Or perhaps, (and in my view, more likely) this was an iteration of the older piece of malware; since it’s shown to be pretty adaptable.

If it’s the latter, I hope the Speaker asks himself why he made her House Oversight Chair. Frankly, I’d look for a healthy level of skepticism on the part of the Oversight Committee Chair.

P.S. A number of articles note that this virus could be stopped by having up-to-date antivirus software. If you’re a cheapskate like me, there are plenty of free alternatives. And yes, Mac users, that means you too! You get viruses as well, so protect yourself before you wreck yourself.

RI House provided argument against home rule


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GallisonOf great concern last Thursday night for some members of the Rhode Island House of Representatives was the potential of there being something like 39 different minimum wage laws. Again and again, representatives warned of economic disaster if the City of Providence passed a law mandating $15 an hour for hotel workers; and so in response they took away the ability of all cities and towns to pass minimum wage ordinances. It was as naked a revocation of power as has ever been seen in Rhode Island.

Some argued that there shouldn’t be different wages for different jobs. But the budget contained no action to close the tipped wage loophole in Rhode Island. In the minds of those voting for the article, it’s wrong to raise wages for a select few above the state minimum wage, but it’s perfectly fine to pay people less than the state minimum wage.

More to the point, in their repeated invocations of “39 different…” the state’s representatives continually argued against the very existence of the cities and towns that they supposedly represent. Why have “39 different” permitting processes? Why have “39 different” different zoning systems and approval processes? Why have “39 different” school systems (yes, I know in reality there are less)? The possibility of confusing contradictions between jurisdictions never seemed to bother the House of Representatives at any point prior to this moment. As far as I know, not a single candidate ran against the complex maze of towns and cities we have.

Indeed, why even bother having the charade of “39 different” governments, considering how detrimental that could be to business? That’s quite a lot of officials to lobby and donate to. Rhode Island could be far more competitive if they only had to donate to the leadership of, say, 113 people divided into two chambers. Although it might cause damage to Rhode Island’s lobbyist businesses if there was a sudden reduction in the number of government officials to wine and dine.

Now, in practice, there are a number of economically fine counties about the size of Rhode Island in terms of geography and population that have dozens of governments more than Rhode Island. It ultimately goes to show that it’s not the amount of governments that matter, but rather the quality of them. And the quality of Rhode Island’s state government is so low that should anyone seriously suggest moving to a city-state style of government, with the General Assembly in charge of everything, there’d probably be a mass revolt.

That thought should’ve given pause to lawmakers on Thursday night, and a week before that when Rep. Raymond Gallison added the provision to the budget. While the Assembly cries constantly about not wanting to meddle in the affairs of business, meddling in the affairs of its people appears entirely acceptable.

Rhode Island Graphic Design Challenge: Oops, you forgot Block Island


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In the course of my job, I spend a lot of time with budding graphic designers, marketing students, and the like. Often, they’ve received some Rhode Island-centric assignment that will include a logo. Drawing a logo that represents Rhode Island can be relatively difficult if you’ve given it some thought. The anchor can be too official, given that it appears across State departments and branches. The quahog is indistinguishable from any other clam to the average person. So what does that leave us with? Well, the tried and true method is a silhouette of Rhode Island.

So it’s fair to say I’ve seen a lot of silhouettes of Rhode Island. And my feedback is almost rote now. “Where’s Block Island?”

To be fair to many of those who send the silhouettes to me, Block Island isn’t nestled as close as the other islands. But it’s roughly 75% larger than Prudence Island (and about 12x more populated) and Prudence almost always appears in a Rhode Island silhouette – albeit, often with a new landbridge between it and Patience Island.

But what would this article be without examples? The most glaring examples tend to come from Rhode Island’s political community. Here’s the Rhode Island Democratic Party’s logo (which eliminates not just the typical biggies of Block Island and Prudence, but also Jamestown’s island home of Conanicut):

RIDemocrats

Here’s the late Anchor Rising logo:

Anchor Rising Logo

And in case you missed it up at the top of the page, RI Future’s current logo:

rifuture logo

Over time, I’ve gotten into an ongoing Twitter back-and-forth with @Blockislandinfo about their missing island, and it’s yielded gems like this one:

That’s from GrowSmart RI’s Power of Place summit, which was all about Rhode Island.

That said, I’ve seen some examples of including Block Island. For all of its faults as a logo, the RI Welcome Back Center‘s logo at least contains Block Island. Foolproof Brewery also uses an RI silhouette that includes Block Island to show where in the state it’s brewed:

BlixlkeIMAEOyLa

And that example shows that you can include Block Island and still make a design that looks good, even if you’re restricted by having to make a circular one. And this is important, because there was once talk of secession on our small southern island. Maps matter, and Rhode Island is small enough already without ignoring bits of it – especially important tourism-generating bits.

P.S. Some other odd configurations of the Rhode Island silhouette I’ve seen: Rhode Island as a single landmass sans B.I., Rhode Island missing all islands (and thus missing the “Rhode Island” part of it), and Rhode Island including Bristol County, MA.

If you see any more examples of odd Rhode Island silhouettes, feel free to tweet me (@SamGHoward) or post them in the comments below.

When does the right to petition become lobbying?


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Candidate for Democratic nominee for Secretary of State Guillaume de Ramel in The Providence Journal 5/26/14 (emphasis added):

Rhode Island’s special distinction for “limited activity” lobbyists has created A gray area in the law prone to causing confusion or even unintentional noncompliance. Anyone who lobbies state government should be registered with the secretary of state’s office, regardless of how little he or she does so.

Article I, Section 21 of the Rhode Island State Constitution (emphasis added):

Section 21. Right to assembly — Redress of grievances — Freedom of speech. — The citizens have a right in a peaceable manner to assembly for their common good, and to apply to those invested with the powers of government, for redress of grievances, or for other purposes, by petition, address, or remonstrance. No law abridging the freedom of speech shall be enacted.

de ramelPlenty of organizations make calls to action to legislators’ constituents, asking them to write or call or meet with their representatives to request action on a specific issue. By definition, that’s lobbying. Change.org has even made it as simple as simply putting your name, email, and address in a form and hitting “submit” – no more action is required from the person doing the lobbying. So, are these people supposed to register as lobbyists?

To be fair to de Ramel, even the current Secretary of State’s “Am I a Lobbyist” page is pretty unclear on such people – which of the five exemptions do they fall under? Some will probably argue that there’s a precedent for dealing with those people, and in practice they’re never going to be effected by lobbying laws. But if such a grey area exists (in practice), that highlights the problems with the current system; and what de Ramel’s proposing.

The simpler and more elegant solution that I’ve heard proposed is to simply required state officials to keep lists of everyone they meet with or are contacted by and make those public. That would probably inconvenience officials to some extent (which is probably why such a proposal has zero chance of passing the legislature), but transparency is kind of inconvenient, isn’t it? And it’s probably a bit better than hunting down constituents for requesting their legislator vote this way or that on a gun control bill.

Toward a Loyal Opposition in Rhode Island


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Political oppositionData shows us that Rhode Island has one of the least polarized legislatures in the country. It is governed by a centrist consensus that fails to please policy demanders on the wings. Yet those demands from the wings are essential to maintaining the consensus – politicians can portray themselves as fighting against so-called “special interests” from whichever side is useful.

The sudden ascent of Speaker Nicholas Mattiello shows us how dominant the Rhode Island consensus is; a Democratic speaker was elected with the majority support of the Republican caucus. Within the Democratic caucus, the opposition (equivalent to 16% of the vote) was equally split between the alternative candidate and abstention. Some of Mattiello’s erstwhile opponents even turned their coats and voted for him when it was apparent they could not win. Defeated opponent Rep. Blazejewski described the decision by saying that “…egos shouldn’t get in the way. We have to elect a new leadership team and move forward with all of the problems facing our state.”

And yet, despite saying his rise was a “sea change” in how the House was to be governed and calling for unity, Mattiello’s ascension fit previous patterns – a majority leader takes the speakership. Those who oppose him are cast into the wilderness, those who support him are rewarded with the spoils of victory. Perhaps that those sharing the spoils were marked with Rs as well as Ds was not so typical, but it’s been done before.

This is the consensus that governs Rhode Island politics and creates a government that swerves from right to left on fanciful whims. This is a consensus that either co-opts or isolates those who would oppose it. This is the consensus that creates a de facto one-party system and cripples Rhode Island’s government from taking more than a piecemeal and ineffective approach to change. Thus a “Rhode Map” is issued that addresses an imaginary problem rather than the real one, tax cuts are passed without an honest plan for how they’ll increase economic activity – or how the State will leverage their issuance, and minor electoral tweaks made that will fail to make a real impact on building a flourishing participatory democracy.

Somewhere along the way, I’ve read that a democracy with a single-party system isn’t really a democracy. While I leave it to others to debate whether Rhode Island is more oligarchy than democracy, I think the problem lies in the lack of an organized and disciplined opposition. Right now, Rhode Island’s government is similar to Britain’s in the early 19th century, dominated by factions who rapidly change allegiances based on their interests. Until a real opposition is constructed, I do not foresee much in the way of real change happening in Rhode Island.

The old, unsuccessful way to build an opposition has been to construct an alternate party. Robert Healey’s Cool Moose Party in the 90s has vanished and the Green Party and the Libertarian Party are unsuccessful in getting anywhere. Ken Block’s Moderate Party proved that with enough cash the media will listen, but the project of building a centrist party when the Republican Party already occupies a centrist position was really nothing more than a re-branding of the Republicans that proved to be a spoiler in the 2010 elections. Block has since succumbed to the reality that the Republican brand is still the better one than the Moderate brand.

And they are brands, symbols to differentiate one political organization from the other. The party organizations themselves are extraordinarily weak in Rhode Island. Does anyone truly believe that it matters very much whether a Bill Lynch, Ed Pacheco, or David Caprio “runs” the Democratic Party? Even less can be said for the impact of Ken McKays, Mark Zaccarias, or Mark Smileys on the direction of the Republican Party. Success in Rhode Island’s political environment depends on associating yourself with the Democratic brand, and these days it seems even House Republicans understand that.

The current state of Rhode Island’s political system has given rise to a network of organizations that generally support the candidates of the Democratic Party; a national brand that is extremely popular within the state. In place of the old machine method of politics, politicians must now build a coalition from the organizations within the network, gain support of activists, and successfully win voters. It is a significant boon to start with the popularity of the Democratic brand.

The old way of organizing an opposition was to start without the benefit brand. That’s like shooting yourself in the foot when you set out to win a marathon. A real opposition must take a page out of the past and form a “Loyal Opposition”. Just as there is a Democratic government, there must be a Democratic opposition to this government. This isn’t about egos, this is about solving our state’s problems by providing a genuine alternative from a genuine opposition.

That opposition must also come from the left. The Moderate project supposed an opposition could be built in the center, while ignoring that both Democrats and Republicans already occupy that space. From the broad support the Democratic Party enjoys, we know that its values are supported. The current consensus pays, at best, lip service to those values. There is simply more room for opposition at the Democratic left.

I’m not alone in realizing this. What Rhode Island needs is an independent political organization that will organize and rally an opposition – endorsing and supporting candidates in primaries and the general election. It fits in with current trends within the Left. It fits in with historical trends. The Working Families Party is using this strategy with a not inconsiderable amount of success.

This is a project which is the building of a substitute political party. It’s not a small order, it’s not a short-term thing, and it’s not a goal for the weak-willed. But for Rhode Island’s democracy and Democrats (both small d and big D) to flourish, it must be done.

Conservatives and progressives both wrong on ideology of RI General Assembly


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state house francis st lawnI take a pretty dim view of the way most of RI’s political commentators describe the situation at the General Assembly. On the left, you tend to hear the argument that conservatives within the Democrats have at least veto power over the Democratic agenda (and often it’s claimed conservatives control the GA) and these conservatives need to be overthrown. On the right, you’ll hear the argument that X number of years of ultra-liberal rule have doomed this state. Both of these narratives are simplistic and wrong.

The problem is both of these arguments rely on nothing more than feelings. That’s mainly because we lack any sort of data at all when it comes to the political positioning of state legislatures.

Luckily for us, political science professors Boris Shor and Nolan McCarty have not only addressed this lack of data, but they’ve made it free for anyone with a spreadsheet program (which is literally anyone with a computer) to use. The caveat is that it only runs from 1993 to 2011, and not all of it is complete. It also measures the median legislator.

So where does the RI General Assembly fall in this data? Well, first draw a vertical number line where -2 is far left and 2 is far right. Keep that in mind when you examine the graph below:

Graph of RI Polarization
(via Samuel G. Howard)

The Republicans turned right from 2008 to 2011. This seems to be because the 2008 elections knocked out some Republicans, and the 2010 elections brought more right wing candidates into the fold. But the interesting part about this graph is that while the Senate Democrats went more left following 2008, the House Democrats turned right.

The other thing this graph points out is that among state legislatures, the Republican Party in the RI General Assembly is essentially dead center. Meanwhile the Democrats are center-left. Among other things, this points out the Moderate Party was always going to be a waste of time. RI’s general assembly isn’t being pulled between two poles of left and right, but between center and center-left.

Now, before everyone leaps to the comments to proclaim how stupid liberals are, let’s pause a moment and compare the caucuses to their counterparts in other states. We have two options here. We can use the most recent data that Shor and McCarty provide – which ranges from 2006 to 2011 depending on the state OR we can use 2006 across the board, which is where we have complete data for all legislatures. I’ll use both, and you can decide which you prefer. Note that Nebraska has no House of Representatives, and Pennsylvania’s most recent data is missing its Senate.

For the most recent data:

  • RI House Dems are 31/49 most liberal (NV, GA, NC, PA, UT, TN, IN, SD, AK, WV, ND, MS, AL, LA, OK, KY, AR to right)
  • RI House GOP are 46/49 most conservative (CT, MA, HI, NY to left)
  • 3rd least polarized House (LA, KY less polarized)
  • RI Senate Dems are 34/49 most liberal (MO, SC, TN, AL, TX, DE, KY, IN, SD, NE, MS, ND, WV, AR, LA, OK to right) PA: missing data
  • RI Senate GOP are 45/49 most liberal (VT, CT, NJ, MA, NY to left) PA: missing data
  • 4th least polarized Senate (LA, DE, WV less polarized)

For the 2006 data:

  • RI House Dems 30/49 most liberal (KS, NV, NC, PA, GA, IN, WY, UT, TN, SC, AK, WV, SD, ND, AL, OK, LA, KY, MS, AR to right)
  • RI House GOP 48/49 most conservative (NY to left)
  • 3rd least polarized House (LA, KY less polarized)
  • RI Senate Dems are 35/50 most liberal (SC, TN, KY, DE, SD, IN, MS, TX, ND, WV, AL, AR, LA, NE, OK to right)
  • RI Senate GOP are 49/50 most conservative (NY to left)
  • Least Polarized Senate

So what does that tell us? Well, that among Democratic state caucuses, RI Democrats sit in the right wing. Certainly, among Northeastern Democrats, RI Democrats are noticeably right wing. However, they’re still left of center. It’s because of the GA’s Republican caucuses that RI’s legislature (among all members) is one of the most centrist and least polarized legislatures in the country. I know I’m out on a limb here, but this is what the data’s demonstrating.

This is a state of affairs that disappoints both left and right and wins no accolades from anyone. Activists on both sides will call for their leaders to move towards the wings, and they’re likely to be successful in doing so.

Let’s jump track and look at the findings of Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett in The Spirit Level, which found that while Vermont and New Hampshire pursued two very different agendas (one on the left and the other on the right), they’ve arrived at roughly the same outcomes for their people. That’s ultimately what the General Assembly is judged on: the outcomes of the state. And I know people will dislike this, but some of it is simply beyond our control. Republicans in RI were lucky enough to preside over a period of industrialization, cheap labor, and prosperity from the mid 1800s to the early 1900s. Democrats in RI were lucky enough to preside over the broadening of that prosperity and the deepening of that industrialization, and unfortunate enough to preside over its collapse as well.

A lot of that wasn’t because of government policy, but because of events and technological advances no one would’ve foreseen. How a government creates or fosters broad prosperity is less important than that it does so. And it could very well be its own centrism that’s hamstringing the General Assembly from taking any action of importance for the economy.

The warped politics of a 38 Studios default


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38_Studios_LogoRhode Island’s politics are often pretty messy. But with the 38 Studios bonds, they party lines are crystal-clear. There’s a pro-default party and there’s an anti-default party.

I’m am clearly on the anti-default party. I think it tends to be a more coherent; it’s solely about protecting Rhode Island’s credit rating. There’s a lot of bull about “protecting bondholders” and backing Wall Street, but I think the anti-default party couldn’t care less about protecting Wall Street wankers and are thinking that in the event we ever need to borrow again (which is a pretty common -and popular- request of voters on Election Day), we should do so with the best interest rates possible.

The pro-default party is less coherent. My favorite argument so far is the belief in the kinda-smart investor, as proposed by Justin Katz:

What if the state of Rhode Island went out to sell general obligation bonds and set its own terms for the debt?  Maybe Moody’s and S&P would call the bonds junk, but that would simply be a lie.  Backed by the full faith and credit of the state, with the express approval of the voters, the bonds would be as good and as safe a bet as if 38 Studios had never happened.

Are we to believe that the state couldn’t find enough investors who are sufficiently savvy to identify how badly rated the bonds are and to ignore the agencies?

Here’s the thing – the investors Katz has proposed are savvy enough to ignore the credit ratings of the bonds, yet not savvy enough to realize they stand to gain far more by getting the high-interest yield that junk bonds provide. Why buy these bonds when the interest could be much higher? I should walk my abuse of them for saying this, but the investors in the 38 Studios bonds were actually pretty smart. No matter what happens, they get their cash back. By the way, here’s the 10 companies who hold 90% of the bonds.

The left-wing pro-defaulters are more about refusing to dance to the whims of the credit ratings agencies and Wall Street – though I think it also assumes Katz’s magic investors as well. And while I think the impulse to defy Wall Street is admirable, we lack the economy, the population size, and the power to do so.

I’ve arrived at the same conclusion as Bob Plain, conservatives don’t actually care what happens in a default. But this applies to all of RI’s conservatives, Democrat and Republican. Either way a default plays out, it’s a win for them. If there are no substantial penalties, then they were right. If they’re wrong, then the inability of Rhode Island to effectively borrow achieves a long-standing goal for the “starve the beast” crowd. RI budgets couldn’t rely on any borrowing. A greater share of the budget going to service on interest payments means less money spent on social services – which means drastic cuts to programs and government payrolls.

Pro-defaulters are fond of saying the anti-defaulters are kowtowing to Wall Street, but the kind of budget RI would have to implement across the state should there be a default would undoubtedly make conservatives and the credit ratings agencies leap for joy. We’d probably see a budget that did more and more to favor the rich while cutting assistance to the poor. And we only need to look at Greece or Spain for the types of austerity Wall Street would like to see imposed on us.

However, pro- and anti-default are not the only type of political parties we have here in Rhode Island. That’s part of what makes 38 Studios so unique, it was a bipartisan screw-up. It was hatched by a Republican governor, a Republican businessman. It was enabled by a Democratic-led General Assembly. A Republican-led EDC signed off on it. And an independent administration failed to provide proper oversight.

The man who seems to have the cards in his hands right now is Speaker of the House Nicholas Mattiello. The question is how serious Mattiello is about his bipartisan budget. If Republicans follow House Minority leader Brian Newberry’s old advice of using 38 Studios against Democrats in 2014, they’ll have to vote against any budget containing service on the 38 Studios debt. Otherwise, they’ll undercut the argument that Democrats’ responsibility for 38 Studios has led to these straits. Right now they have a pretty decent narrative of “Democrats are in charge right now, so 38 Studios belongs to the Democrats.” They vote for service, they lose the ability to say that.

Mattiello (and Newberry) also has to realize that 38 Studios is a really good argument against incumbents; especially any incumbent who voted for giving the EDC the money it used for the 38 Studios deal. At this point, incumbents have already weathered one campaign with 38 Studios looming over their heads, but a default would really be bad. The status quo of payment for 38 Studios is painful for the state, but bearable. Default would be a massive blow to Rhode Island. It might spur a large-scale primary challenge to Democratic candidates, and rally independent and Republican candidates for the general election.

Since even with that, it’s likely Democrats will hang on to power, implementing a Wall Street-spurred austerity budget would shift more momentum to the Republicans. Regardless of the economic policies of the opposition party, voters tend to vote them in. I think a best-case scenario for Republicans would be ending the veto-proof majority of Democrats; given the strong partisan preference of RI voters for Democrats and the RI Republican Party’s own ineffectiveness.  But with a Republican governor, that might well be enough to implement their policy preferences, especially if bolstered by support from the conservative faction of Democrats.

So defaulting on 38 Studios isn’t just bad policy for the state; for the Democratic Party it’s also bad politics. I’d hope the Democrats realize this, and take their lumps from 38 Studios.

38 Studios sucks, but we need to pay the bill


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MoodysLet me ad some very insightful commentary on the whole 38 Studios saga: it sucks.

It sucks that much of the legislature feels they were conned into providing the cash for the deal. It sucks that Don Carcieri would recruit Schilling to bring his company here. It sucks that anyone in the then-EDC would believe it was a worthwhile deal. It sucks that we’d invest so much money in a long-shot product. It sucks that 38 Studios collapsed, mainly due to sucky management. It sucks that there was little oversight from the state on 38 Studios, despite being a major investor. It sucks that we’re repaying the investors who were already insured in case of 38 Studios’ failure. It sucks that the state used a “moral obligation” bond rather than a “general obligation” bond to provide the money, and to circumvent voters. It sucks that all of Rhode Island’s credit is being threatened by ratings agencies if the General Assembly chooses to default on the repayment. It sucks that the ratings agencies are ignoring the law that’s very clear that we don’t have to repay.

But with all that out of the way, let me tell you that it doesn’t matter how much it sucks. What matters is that it’s happened. Commentators and politicians can cry and moan about the unreasonableness of this all; about how the ratings agencies are being unnecessarily punitive, about how the bond yields took into account the chance of default, about how the investors will get all their money back through insurance, etc., etc. All of that is crying over spilt milk. Now it’s up to us to act like adults and clean it up.

In the complaints against repayment, you can see a lot of how people wish things were. Unfortunately, Rhode Island doesn’t exist in a land of make believe. It exists in the here and now. At the end of the day S&P, Moody’s, and Fitch (the big three credit ratings agencies) don’t play by the rules Rhode Island sets. These are the same agencies that were vital in enabling the existence of toxic assets that fueled the Great Recession and got away scott free. These are agencies that determine the borrowing ability of sovereign nations. Rhode Island, which lacks many of the tools sovereign nations have to blunt the damage from traumatic downgrades of our bonds, cannot go up against them and win.

Were we perhaps the state of New York, and could make life miserable for the ratings agencies, I would be more bullish about our chances of taking them on. If RI was the United States of America, which is impervious to ratings agencies at the moment, I would say go ahead and ignore them.

But we’re not. The very same people calling for us to default are the same people who go around decrying our flaws. They’re the ones ignoring that the ratings agencies can make or break us. It’s awful that we have to kowtow to the whims of these idiots, and the idiot investors who put money into the 38 Studios bonds. But these are the idiots that set the rules for Rhode Island, not the other way around.

To those of you looking to right this injury, I say “forget it, Rhode Island. It’s Wall Street.” The best we can do is bow to circumstance, lick our wounds, and ensure that this can never, ever, happen again.

Rare dramatic corruption distracts from real issues


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corruption3Gov. DiPrete dumpster-diving for his bribe, Mayor Cianci convicted for running a corrupt criminal enterprise, and a myriad of law enforcement agencies raiding Speaker Fox’s office. It’s easy for any of RI’s even casual political observers to rattle off a handful of dramatic events of convictions for or allegations of corruption. Among the exhortations to abolish the option to cast a vote for a single party (the “master lever”) was a suggestion that corrupt practices damage economic growth and that such practices would limit business growth in the state.

Color me skeptical. The problems of corruption tend to come when it overwhelms the reliability of basic government function. When it takes a greased palm to move services to act, this is a problem of corruption. When government is slow to act due to backlog or how it functions isn’t clear aren’t problems due corruption, but with bureaucracy and the unutterable phrase of a “too small budget.”

When marquee political names go down under a cloud of corruption, it sticks in the mind. So despite the inconclusiveness of various measures of political corruption in determining where Rhode Island ranks among states, we maintain a deep distrust of our government. And yet I’d gamble that only a small handful of Rhode Islanders have ever had to hand an official a bribe, and that if they have, there’s a high likelihood that official was charged with corruption at some point after.

I think that oftentimes we use “corruption” as a shorthand for all our frustrations with government and the political process. It is a word that encompasses our frustrations so well. It also makes it easier to prevent compromise. Facing an entrenched interest and a set of people who truly believe they are doing their best? Corruption. One cannot negotiate with corrupt forces; they must be utterly destroyed.

Thus when I see the usual suspects crowing over abolishing the master lever receiving a unanimously affirmative vote in the House as though it heralds the dawn of a new era I can do little but shake my head. Does anyone seriously think that removing a simple though confusing voting mechanism will really alter the balance of power in Rhode Island? Why is this energy not focused on better achievements, such as reducing the influence of money in our elections, fostering greater democratic participation, or even simply increasing the ability of constituents to access their representatives?

It’s far easier to focus on sideshows that don’t require much reflection about the government we truly want or require consensus-building. One thing the recent Gallup poll on trust in state governments noticed is that less-populous states are more trusting than more-populous states. I think that’s too simplistic; I think it is that more urbanized states are less trusting than less urbanized states. Rhode Island isn’t like other low-population states. As a highly-dense state population-wise, it’s virtually impossible for seriously corrupt practices to take place without the state’s media hearing of it. Contrast this with states where multiple small towns might be covered by a single reporter or news source and separated by vast geographical distances.

This also applies to the “you gotta know a guy” theory. That theory is brought up especially by people who do not, in fact, know a guy. Due to Rhode Island’s urbanized nature, the vast majority of people served by the state’s bureaucrats don’t know them. It’s a reasonably basic sociological principle that faceless bureaucracy breeds alienation; and undoubtedly Rhode Islanders feel alienated. Contrast that with a small town, where the local bureaucrat might be your childhood friend and knows everyone on sight. It’s much harder to feel alienated from them; it’s also far easier to forgive their transgressions.

But reducing alienation is not half as sexy an issue as “fighting corruption.” For one, it requires thoughtful investment in government and its employees; not a high priority for our fair-weather government reformers. And it offers none of the drama. No one is ever dragged out in handcuffs for alienating the citizenry. Target 12 and the I-Team don’t focus on callous government employees and process. “Bureaucratic processes confuse, frustrate citizenry” isn’t a Pulitzer-winning story.

To me, the hoopla over the master lever signals the lack of seriousness among so-called “leaders” for addressing problems within Rhode Island’s government. It’s a shallow issue for shallow people; up there with tossing loads of cash at 38 Studios (or any other corporation looking for a handout) or cutting taxes of the already-wealthy.

Pro-convention reasons against a constitutional convention: Balance of power


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Chartist Meeting
Chartist Meeting
Great Chartist Meeting, London 1848

The March 29 conference on the convention was perhaps the whitest crowd I’ve ever been in in my life. And I’m not exaggerating there. That to me is demonstrative of what’s going on in the debate about the convention.

Let’s stop and remind ourselves that constitutions do not change how power is distributed in a state. They merely change the rules by which that power is fought for. Since the Bloodless Revolution, the state’s power has been mostly distributed to an alliance of white middle-class men (both blue and white collar) in the Democratic Party.

But one of things that makes the Bloodless Revolution important is that it removed the last power structures supporting the old elite; the middle- and upper-class WASP males of the Republican Party that had previously dominated Rhode Island politics since its founding. In its heyday, that alliance was vicious in its hold on power, and seriously corrupt, winning us the “for sale, and cheap” moniker its successors are fond of repeating. Today, it often sounds anti-democratic in its approach to the regular Rhode Island voter.

Both alliances have been extremely privileged by their long grasps on power in the state. And much of the Pro-convention rhetoric isn’t about empowering the traditionally marginalized. Thus, one of the conference panel’s seven white men can ignore the very real evidence to the contrary and claim that there isn’t much appetite to restrict civil liberties in Rhode Island.

No, much of the Pro-convention rhetoric seems to be about increasing the power of the old elite, even if it’s not explicitly advocated (and you’d be foolish too explicitly advocate for that). Ethics control has the potential to root out ethical misconduct that will reflect poorly on established political power. A line-item veto will increase the power of the Governor’s office, one of the few veto points in RI that the Republicans have had any chance at controlling.

This is what I suspect will ultimately doom the chances of the convention. In a battle for political power between two over-privileged groups, the average Rhode Islander is the loser. By outright dismissing the needs and fears of the sub-dominant groups in Rhode Island (women, immigrants, non-whites, the poor) the Pro-convention side appears tone-deaf and out-of-touch.

I worry that even those who believe in good faith in a convention are ignoring the power dynamics that are inherent in any political system. We put great stock in the Constitutional Convention that brought forth the US Constitution, but we forget that its drafters would be abhorred at the extension of the vote we see today. Elbridge Gerry (whom the “gerrymander” is named after) warned that “The evils we experience flow from the excess of democracy.” Edmund Randolph supported him by saying “…that in tracing these evils to their origin every man had found it in the turbulence and follies of democracy.”

In our dealing with own constitutional convention we need to shun such thoughts. If the same people who wonder aloud whether Rhode Islanders who don’t reach some arbitrary level of “intelligence” ought to be able to vote then turn around and call for a convention it is clearly not because they have found some faith in the voters of this state. If the same people who call voters idiots for electing incumbents over and over again are supportive of a constitutional convention it is not because they suddenly believe in the ability of the people to select their own representatives. It is because they sense an opportunity. And their opportunity will come at the expense of the people.

Pro-convention reasons against a constitutional convention: Status quo bias


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Chartist Meeting
Chartist Meeting
Great Chartist Meeting, London 1848

One of the most common refrains I hear from Pro-convention people is the need for a line-item veto for the governor’s office. Others argue for the need to re-assert the Ethics Commission oversight over the General Assembly. And maybe it’s just me, but I do not foresee voters citing these as their top concerns when it comes to whether to hold a convention or not. On one hand we have the possible de facto outlawing of abortion in Rhode Island. On the other, the governor gets to decide which parts of the budget he’ll strike down.

Maybe if a governor ever bothered to veto the budget, the case for line-item could be stronger. Certainly, forcing an override is a dramatic turn of events. Had Chafee vetoed the budget last year, it’s possible the House leadership might’ve collapsed as the Sakonnet River Bridge tolls controversy exploded. Instead he signed the budget, and the facade of tranquility in the House survived until the Five Days in March.

But this is precisely the point; Rhode Island only thinks about hypotheticals in relation to how things are now. Call it a sort of status quo bias. What many in the Pro-convention camp are calling for weak sauce reforms to the current state of affairs. Thus, we suggest that the governor gain the line-item veto, but fail to call into question whether a governor is even required in Rhode Island. The drum is beaten for eliminating the ballot’s straight party option, but we never ask ourselves whether first-past-the-post is the best voting system we should have.

A more recently trumpeted problem in the state is the lack of trust Rhode Islanders have in their government. The line-item veto does not restore trust. Ethics oversight might boost trust, but it is unlikely to change the lack of transparency in state government. Furthermore, none of the commonly proposed structural changes increases civic participation in government. The Pro-convention movement needs to pause and consider what reforms will genuinely make the citizenry of this state more active and involved in our democracy. Half-assed modifications of the current system are going to be rightfully ignored.

Pro-convention reasons against a constitutional convention: The ‘unlimited’ convention


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Chartist Meeting
Chartist Meeting
Great Chartist Meeting, London 1848

One of the major stumbling blocks to supporting a constitutional convention is the fact that it’s an “unlimited” convention.

It’s important, as Prof. Robert Williams of Rutgers University told the March 29 Conference, to remember that state constitutions don’t function like the US Constitution. The US Constitution grants power to the federal government, whereas state constitutions restrict the powers of the state governments.

But all constitutions also lay out the civil liberties their citizens can expect. And both functions of the constitution are up for review. Of the 14 amendments to come out of the 1986 convention, about six pertained to civil liberties in some manner.

This is an important reason to fear the risk of the convention. Even if all the delegates campaign solely on the structural part of constitutional change, there’s nothing stopping them from throwing in civil liberties amendments as well. In all likelihood, these amendments won’t increase civil liberties, but rather weaken them for non-dominant groups; women, recent immigrants, racial/ethnic minorities, and the incarcerated.

One suggestion offered by Prof. Williams was to have a “limited” convention. It’s possible to write an amendment to the state constitution that allows a convention to be called that can only focus on structural issues of government. However, that would require a popular, grassroots effort to force the General Assembly to do so. Engaging in that effort would demonstrate good faith that Pro-convention side is responsive to the concerns of the Anti-covention side. That could do a lot to win support for a future convention.

Pro-convention reasons against a constitutional convention: Why now?


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Chartist Meeting
Chartist Meeting
Great Chartist Meeting, London 1848

The reason the debate about a constitutional convention is happening now is because RI is constitutionally obligated to do so. The 2014 election will mark 10 years since Rhode Islanders were last asked to have a convention. Since 1984, they’ve rejected it at each election. It’s unclear how they’ll vote this time.

To some extent, the pro-convention side has been portraying this as the last chance we’ll have for the next ten years. It’s imperative that we fix our problems through a constitutional convention, and that it be done by 2016. And while that’s a good case if you assume nothing else changes, it’s a weak reason to have a convention.

  • This is the first of a four-part series on a potential constitutional convention and why we should not have one this year. Read more later this week.

Legislators have the power to place the convention question on the ballot at any election. There’s many reasons why they will not, but a pretty obvious one is that there’s no constituent pressure to do so. And if there’s no constituent pressure, that means there isn’t a popular demand.

That’s a serious problem. While the convention might be the desire of outsider reformers who can’t get changes through the General Assembly, it’s not something they’re willing to push the General Assembly to do. Without that prior pressure and popular support, the pro-convention side looks less genuine in their desire to hold a convention to improve government and more like political opportunists taking advantage of a required process.

Regrouping and lobbying the General Assembly to place the convention on the ballot has numerous advantages. First, it helps build organizational capacity, which will be useful later for ensuring a serious reform faction among the delegates. Second, it enlists support before the question is required to be asked, forcing media coverage and public interest to happen before the year the question is placed on the ballot. Even if the effort is stymied for ten years, a concerted campaign will make the public far more receptive to a convention then if they’d been ignored.

March Madness: Genuine, bonafide politics in RI House of Reps


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Rep. Michael Marcello, House Oversight Cmte Chair
Rep. Nicholas Mattiello, House Majority Leader
Rep. Nicholas Mattiello, House Majority Leader (via RI House of Reps)

The orderly transition of Harwood>Murphy>Fox has meant an astounding amount of discipline on the part of the RI House’s Democratic caucus. That discipline has been enforced in unsavory ways; the loss of committee chairs and seats, the holding up of bills, loss of party endorsement in primary races. But punishment for defying party leadership is to be expected, especially if you’re to have a functioning political party.

The ability of the RI Democrats to build a sprawling coalition from across the political spectrum and maintain control of it is no small feat. In another country, or under another political system, it would’ve fallen to pieces long ago. But in RI, USA, that discipline has held. The party’s dirty laundry is dealt with in private, not aired out in public where it could do political damage. This discipline has created a monolith of a Democratic caucus, one that papered over their differences.

We can look back at the failed budget amendment last year as a place where that discipline was breaking down. Even without Friday’s dramatic storming of the speaker’s office, it’s unclear just how long that discipline would’ve held. Regardless of how Gordon Fox left the speaker’s chair, the transition might’ve been bloodier than he’d hoped. When the news broke that law enforcement was raiding both his office and his house, you could almost hear long-dull knives being sharpened.

Rep. Michael Marcello, House Oversight Cmte Chair
Rep. Michael Marcello, House Oversight Cmte Chair (via RI House of Reps)

A disorderly transition is going to unmask the politics within the Rhode Island House of Representatives. According to the House Republican caucus, there are three Democratic factions; one led by Majority Leader Nick Mattiello, which might be termed the “establishment-conservative” faction. Another is claimed to be led by Oversight Committee Chair Mike Marcello; though majority whips Ucci and Blazejewksi are usually mentioned as among its brain trust. In Marcello’s words, this is the “dramatic change” faction. And finally, says Rep. Trillo in The Providence Journal, an “independent uncommitted” group. Whether that third group swings their backing behind a third candidate, or one of the frontrunners is unclear.

Come Tuesday, barring an early-spring blizzard interfering with the vote, we’ll finally see where the faultlines in the House Democratic faction actually are. We won’t be reading tea leaves of votes, or parsing over conjecture from the punditry. The names will align with one group or another, and we’ll see where everyone stands. If that vote is close enough and the dissenters don’t surrender, there could be a huge battle over the budget. That battle could spill into the 2014 elections, and onwards into 2015. That might be a horrifying prospect, but this is how our politics is actually supposed to work. It’s been too monolithic for too long. Now, that monolith is in ruins.

 

P.S. In a low-information environment like this, the media plays an outsized role. The whip count is being done in private and in one-on-one conversations. It behooves any faction to project an appearance of confidence of victory, in the hopes that indecisive reps will pick what they think is a winning side. That’s why we have two factions claiming to have the votes. One or both may be lying, or one or both may genuinely believe they have the votes. Maintain skepticism of such claims. Even after the new speaker is installed, it’s unlikely we’ll know the truth.

Conservatives shouldn’t scapegoat their losing streak


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General Assembly Races (02-12)

Justin Katz is really out in right field with this post. He starts off by making a decent point:

Even if every Rhode Islander disagreed with a person’s policy suggestions, that doesn’t mean that those suggestions are wrong or are not the wisest thing that the state could do, in a particular instance.

That’s right, though too often this can fall into a Jeremiah-wannabe trap, where someone expresses their unpopular opinion, is criticized, and essentially says “just you wait and see.” They can feel vindicated by the criticism, rather than addressing it. Here, Katz is responding to a point (as he perceives it) that the failure of Republican and conservative candidates in the state proves that conservatives are wrong.

I don’t actually think that’s the full argument. I believe the argument is that people generally vote for what they feel is best for them, and that if Republicans were putting forward policy proposals that appealed to the people of Rhode Island, they’d see victory. Anyhow, Katz comforts himself with:

a poll that Bryant University’s Hassenfeld Institute released, this week, finding that 82% of Rhode Islanders would grade their legislators negatively for effectiveness.

That’s not really true;  the pollster (Fleming & Associates) finds that 43% of polled Rhode Islanders graded their state elected leaders negatively for effectiveness. 39% said “just fair.” The poll groups those answers together to create the “negative rating” that was widely reported. Except “just fair” might be read as the neutral opinion; weighting the poll in the affirmative (the addition of maybe an “abysmal” option could’ve balanced the poll, as well as given more information on those who chose “poor”). I understand it’s standard to lump the negative and neutral ratings together, but I can’t find a decent explanation as to why it’s done. We also need to consider what constitutes an “elected leader;” is it all elected officials or just legislative leadership and the governor? Finally, the poll sample has double the representation of the elderly as actually live in Rhode Island, which is going to make the results more conservative.

I’m in agreement with Marc Comtois on this, the results of the Hassenfeld Institute poll “really don’t tell us anything new.

Katz then comes up with this gem:

the poll results only reinforce what could be inferred from the low turnout for elections.

So, this is the sort of opinionated thing that isn’t backed by data. If you look at page 385 (page 383 in the PDF) of the Official RI 2012 Countbook, you can find the eligible voter turnout going back to 1988. Averaged together, that gives us 61.77% for the 13 elections. That’s not high, but it’s far above the average for the United States from the same time period, which is 48.86%. The low point is the 49% turnout in 2010, a year when Democrats were demoralized, both nationally and locally. If you’re into that sort of thing, here’s a chart plotting turnout by year, and against the OECD average (which decayed 11 points from 1980 to the elections held before April 2011).

Voter Turnout (1988-2012)
(via Samuel G. Howard)

Katz might feel that turnout is low (and will no doubt point to the recent Woonsocket special election), but that’s not true. It’s consistently higher than the national average, and not appreciably tied to the national mood (it may be tied to the Democratic Party mood). Rhode Island could certainly boost turnout by rolling back voter ID, increasing poll operation hours, redesigning the ballot, instituting robust early voting, and/or instituting compulsory voting; but somehow I don’t see Katz leaping to advocate for any of that. In fact, decreased turnout helps the Republican Party, because Republicans win when Democrats don’t vote (see 2010).

Katz is right that policies aren’t proved correct by election results. But elections are where policies get debated and given mandates. In a given RI general election, anywhere from around a fifth to two-fifths of General Assembly seats aren’t contested; and those that are contested aren’t necessarily contested by a Republican. Suppose we accept two positions: 1) Rhode Islanders are fed up with their state government, and 2) Republicans will be the primary beneficiaries of that discontent (by no means assured). The problem is that Republicans can’t field enough candidates to capitalize on that. Here’s a graph illustrating that problem:

General Assembly Races (02-12)
(via Samuel G. Howard)

Democrats field roughly the same number candidates each year, leaving around four seats uncontested. The number of Republican candidates leapfrogs wildly, but we can make this rule of thumb: if the Republicans run more candidates they have a greater likelihood of winning more seats. Former Chairman Mark Zaccaria’s strategy of “quality over quantity” was disastrous, especially in a presidential election year. When Republicans don’t run, they can’t win, and cede the General Assembly to Democratic Party by default. Every year they leave votes on the table, votes that could tell them where their support is, what policies they advocate are popular, and what paths might advance their goals. Instead of realizing this, Katz puts the final cherry on top:

The emerging question — which is beginning to cross the threshold from private conversations to public speculation — is whether we’re living under a legitimate representative democracy.  It sure does seem as if the public is tuned out and hopeless, sensing that nothing can be changed through civic processes.

Not only is this bullshit, this is dangerous bullshit. This is the kind of rhetoric that seeks to illegitimate elections before they happen. It’s along the lines of the belief in voter fraud that people hold; a federal investigation found three instances of mail ballot procedure violations but no fraud. Because the right can’t win in this state because of a myriad of factors (its own incompetence, the power of incumbency, the unpopularity of its positions, etc.) then surely it must be because the public isn’t listening and/or because the government is illegitimate or somehow rigging the system.

That’s not what’s happening in Rhode Island. The Democratic Party is winning a majority of voters who show up, and the Republicans are losing. Quite possibly this is because the majority of Rhode Islanders are Democrats or Democratic partisans. But the lesson for conservatives like Katz is this: just because you consistently lose elections doesn’t make the rightfully elected government illegitimate.

Do we consume news or a narrative when it comes to foreign affairs?


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thailand mapLike many this past week, I watched the results of the Euromaidan movement in Ukraine with some fascination. A street movement seemed to oust a pro-Kremlin stooge, succeeding in bringing about rapid change to a country. It’s fascinating to watch.

Also in the international news about protests was Venezuela, where an opposition leader was taken into custody on the charge of inciting violence and American diplomats were expelled.

Strangely missing has been any news about Thailand, and its protests.

First, all of these protests are far more nuanced and complicated than is being portrayed to us. Mark Ames (himself a controversial figure) has a good article detailing the complications among the Ukrainian anti-government forces. The American embassy has this to say about the arrested Venezuelan opposition leader: “He is often described as arrogant, vindictive, and power-hungry…” And Thailand has its own issues, as anti-government protesters call for the suspension of democracy and the government may very well be corrupt.

But it’s intriguing that the first two gain national media attention and the last doesn’t. All three have had violence. All three movement pit a street protest against the government. All three seem to protest similar issues about the economy and clean-government. So why doesn’t Thailand matter in the American press?

Because there’s no enemy there. The Ukraine and Venezuela can be packaged into neat pro-West and anti-American forces. The president of the Ukraine is portrayed as Russian president Vladimir Putin’s stooge. Therefore, we should support the anti-government forces who gave Putin a black eye (especially because they just beat us in the Winter Olympics). Meanwhile, the government of Venezuela is the successor to Hugo Chavez’s government. And Chavez was bad because he was a socialist and Latin American socialists are always bad and dictators; unless they happen to run Brazil. So support the anti-government protesters there.

But Thailand? There’s no American strategic interest there. This is not an issue of Chinese puppetry or of a dictator getting ousted. Do we root for the pro-monarchist forces when our own country was born in republican fires? Do we support the democratic government when it is stung by accusations of corruption, especially since we rightly value government that’s above board?

Since the end of the Cold War, we might describe America as a superhero in search of supervillain. After all, it’s no fun when Superman goes around beating up regular criminals; the fight’s so unfair he just looks like a bully. For a brief moment, we thought the threat of terrorism was a good fit. But as John Green reminds us, “never go to war with a noun, you’ll always lose.

So, like hackneyed comic book writers, we’ve returned on our old nemeses of international socialism and the Russians. Both are pale shadows of their former glories. And it’s not clear what we’ll accomplish here with out attention on Eastern Europe and South America. Perhaps one more country enters the European sphere (something we routinely deride as unstable and ineffective); maybe Russia gets deprived of a Black Sea base. In South America, one socialist falls (a very iffy maybe), while another has already won a landslide. Left-wing and socialist democratically-elected governments control 11 out 12 South American countries, many of which are hostile to American interests. That’s a far-cry from the heyday of the Cold War, when right-wing military dictators ran the majority of South America.

We should ask ourselves a simple question. Are we consuming the news or are we consuming the narrative? One presents us facts and things that happened, giving us the tools we need to understand it without giving us a view on it. The other presents facts in a package to be interpreted in the manner the presenter desires us to.

RI political pundits: chained to a cave and shouting at shadows


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My second year writing (occasionally) for RI Future has probably made a cynic out of me.

The problem with politics is that it necessarily has to make an emotional appeal out of rational arguments. And that’s not to castigate that, that’s simply reality. You can trot out facts, figures, well-reasoned logic, and a thousand points of data; but without that gut punch, you can’t win. Anger, or fear, are often the most effective.

Combine that with righteousness and you have a heady mixture. A politician must always be righteous, right up until the moment they must be penitent; but that only happens when some undeniable wrongdoing has been brought to light. There is no room for mulling things over, for admitting mistakes while you’re still assailable. The nature of politics (to some extent driven by media) treats measured consideration as weakness.

OdysseusIn the Iliad, my favorite character is always Odysseus. Odysseus is the character who collects all his thoughts and then gives an answer when questioned. This is in stark contrast to his fellow leaders Agamemnon and Achilles, who are constantly feuding. We have a surplus of Agamemnons and Achilleses, but precious few Odysseuses.

In contemporary Rhode Island politics, there is precious little space for nuance. Thus as we race for the governor’s office, we ask who has The Plan for reinvigorating our economy? Do we expect four budgets to somehow turn back the tide in this extended downturn? Or to erase our manufacturing collapse? The Governor is not some sort of ambivalent god who can protect our economy when we demand it. For that matter, neither is the General Assembly

We’re too focused on get-rich-quick schemes; and when we’re not proposing those, we’re claiming something that takes a lot of work can be done easily. We want to have all the positive indicators of other places; low employment, low crime, healthy people, clean and responsive government; but we don’t want to put in the time and money it takes to build those things. We want it cheap, and preferably we want to do it with as little change as possible.

Rhode Island’s pundits, like myself, are perhaps the worst. In the Sanskrit word it comes from, it’s supposed to mean “learned.” But I think of us as like the people in Plato’s Cave; watching shadows dancing upon the wall and proclaiming our interpretations as reality. But the pronouncements I read daily from opinionated people of all stripes rarely match the place I grew up in. A place of diversity and yet a true melting pot in the old sense; a single culture forged from many others. A place of decrepit and failing brick and concrete; yet with sinews of marble and cobblestone. I think of Rhode Islanders who have grimly read and heard of our doom for half a century or so, and wonder what they must think. Is there relief from it all? Or do we just grimace, ignore it, and keep going?

But when we cast everyone into heroes and villains, we must always be the hero striving to keep the villain from damning us all. That’s a terrible thing in politics. There aren’t fairy tales where the villain and hero reached a reasonable compromise and all parties walked away feeling decent about what they got. It’s easier, far easier, to think of the other person as evil. But the desire to do evil is rarely in anyone. Most of us are far more invested in our own righteousness.

There are a lot of would-be heroes out there now, heading towards the campaign season. Some of them are would-be Jeremiahs, convinced they’re speaking The Truth to the masses who just refuse to listen. Others are without a doubt egoists, who just want to be seen and accumulate as much power and influence as possible. Some might be over-inflated, convinced they have a ton of influence without really having much of anything. They’ll plot out plans and platforms, explain why they’re the force of good and their opponents are fighting to make us fail. And eventually one of them will get elected, and then eventually the economy will turn around, and they’ll declare victory without having done too much.

I often have heard it said that native Rhode Islanders are the most pessimistic about our state. But I find that hard to believe. If they truly are, then they must be mad for insisting on remaining here. The economy’s poor, and the weather sucks. I don’t think a bunch of outsiders who have decided to rest up here for awhile are going to save our state for us. It’s going to be the people who remain here through hurricanes and blizzards, economic downturns and mass layoffs and pension cuts.

What makes a Rhode Islander to me? A Rhode Islander can spend all day castigating the state and still love it deeply as they go to sleep. It doesn’t matter why they love it, it’s that they do. That’s what counts.

Democracy 3 Reviewed


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Democracy 3 cause and effects
Screenshot of Democracy 3 (via Positech Games)

I was the President of the United States. I was working hard to end homelessness, stop vigilante mobs from taking the law into their own hands, and reduce our out-of-control deficit. And then a black power movement assassinated me. And that’s how my first game of Democracy 3 ended.

Democracy 3 is Positech Games’ extraordinarily deep political simulation. On the face of it, it’s exceedingly simple. You play the chief executive of a nation (America, Canada, the UK, France, Germany and possibly a sixth who I’ve forgotten). You expend political capital to address crises, appease voters, and pursue your own policy goals.

Of course, it’s far more complex than all that. Take the vigilante mobs, for instance. Of the two games I played, both America and Germany had vigilantes applying justice due to high crime rates. Crime in Democracy 3 is affected by a number of different variables just like in real life. The difference is that in real life, you don’t necessarily know what those variable are. But say you realize that poverty is one of biggest factors. Well, poverty is being effected by a number of other issues and policies; such as GDP and unemployment and well, there’s a global economic crisis happening. Often, in your quest to solve a single crisis, you end up working on a number of other issues in the hope that you can reduce that as well.

The solutions are varied. In my far more successful game as Germany, I managed to address the nationwide problem of alcohol abuse by both raising the drinking age to 21 and by legalizing cannabis. Those weren’t the only policy solutions, but they were the most direct (it also allowed me to tax cannabis to help me expand my budget surplus). That was after I’d subdued crime by pumping money into the police force and intelligence service and by creating a generous welfare state on top of that. I eventually ended poverty and crime altogether.

As far as interface goes, Democracy 3 is a charthound’s wet dream. There are more graphs and flowcharts here than you’d expect to find in an Excel spreadsheet, and virtually everything that’s clickable leads to another graph of some sort. However, that means you don’t get a map like in Rome III or Crusader Kings 2. Or even a character sprite. You, your opponents, the country and the voters exist in the abstract (although you can focus group voters and see how your political rivals are doing).

Everything is done with political capital, which you accumulate each turn based on the skills of your cabinet ministers. Ministers have their own desires for positions on your cabinet, vary in their loyalty to you, and also have different levels of effectiveness. Fail to keep your ministers happy and you could find yourself with a resignation on your hands, causing a massive decrease in your popularity. This will also be bad because it’s likely to have reduced the amount of political capital you have, making you less able to deal with a crisis.

I wouldn’t call Democracy 3 an “accurate” political simulator. But it is an enjoyable one. At the very least, it pushes the player to shunt aside their idealistic views to solve the problems of the here and now. Once those problems are solved, you can set about pursuing your own policy goals. Of course, a crisis can bubble up without you noticing (racial tensions exploded into race riots in my Germany because immigration had increased dramatically as the country’s economic situation improved). Then it becomes a question about whether you want to spend the money to fix it the way you believe in, or whether you’ll take the cheapest option out.

Who knows, maybe you’ll get re-elected with 90% of the vote.

Democracy 3 is available at 50% off for the next three days on Steam.


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