Up Against a Wall with 6/10


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BgZZr1iCQAAMPOB (1)Mayor Jorge Elorza appeared with his team from Providence Planning to present a draft proposal for the 6/10 Connector Monday night. The plan took the form of a parkway.

The looming context of the meeting was Governor Gina Raimondo’s September 7th announcement to rebuild the highway as-is. Though the bridges in question remain open to car and truck traffic, Gov. Raimondo and Rhode Island Department of Transportation Director Peter Alviti have maintained that the condition of the bridges creates an emergency situation in which the planning process must be severely curtailed. On the 7th, Director Alviti stated that the surface boulevard was “dead”. [It seems like this would be well known, but for full disclosure, that boulevard proposal came through the group Moving Together Providence, of which I am one founding member].

If there had been any hopes that the City of Providence would reignite the boulevard proposal, it did not happen Monday. The parkway plan honed very close to the design of a highway. The city’s plan made a number of changes to the RIDOT proposal that improved neighborhood connectivity through biking and walking access.

I’m going to take off my objective journalist hat and comment on some things I liked and did not like, as well as some things I continue to have questions about, as we move forward.

Good: Reclaiming Land

While the parkway continues to take up an extraordinary 240’ of width, the city’s plan nonetheless reduces the footprint in places to half of what the highway would be. This has allowed the city to claim fifty of the seventy acres originally expected to be developable under the surface boulevard proposal.

The Providence proposal reclaims significant land in Olneyville, with a phase two proposal to extend DePasquale Square into about half of the 13 acres of Federal Hill that were lost to the Dean Street exit/entrance ramps.

Good: Creating new connections for Smaller Streets like Magnolia and Tobey

As a former resident of Tobey Street, one of my favorite proposals was changing the Tobey Street on-ramp into a bridge connecting Federal Hill to Olneyville. Street grid connections like this are a good idea.

Bad: Continued Use of Traffic Pseudo-Science

Traffic engineers who are in any way honest understand that it does not make sense to do traffic counts on a road and then plan capacity for that roadway accordingly. Numerous highways have been removed and seen a significant part of the traffic that uses those highways disappear, and this is such a common occurrence that it is now a routine understanding. Given the political context of pressure from RIDOT to reify traffic counts, the City of Providence Planning Department did the logical thing, which was to base its various proposals on projections about how many cars would be on 6/10. This is going to make many of the otherwise reasonable proposals less livable. It’s a shame to see the boulevard proposal die on the western half of the roadway that inspired Cheonggyecheon.

Good: Preserved Space for Enhanced Amtrak and MBTA Upgrades

While Amtrak continues to look into whether to reorient the highly-traveled Northeast Corridor through Worcester instead of Providence, the Planning Department’s proposal to keep land open for enhanced rail travel is an important part of the economic and quality-of-life picture.

Bad: Stroad Design for Connecting Streets

The images used for connecting streets were four lane roads with anemic looking bike lanes alongside them. Urban streets should be two lanes, with even the most traffic-oriented streets getting two lanes with a turn lane. The bike lanes put in these proposals are anemically narrow (Dutch infrastructure goes for 4 meters to allow bikes to pass one another) and is without separation. These streets need a road diet.

Bad: Bait-and-Switch on the Roundabout

BgZZr1iCQAAMPOBThe Providence Planning proposal made use of a widely circulated image of a raised roundabout in the Netherlands, which serves bicycles crossing a Dutch highway. Problematically, this image was intended to go besides a proposal for a raised car roundabout to connect Routes 6 East and West and Route 10.

Roundabouts are not inherently a bad idea, but the use of this Dutch image is misleading. (Surface) roundabouts are an economical and safe way to connect roads that are high volume. (Would a raised roundabout that of course has many structures holding it up be cost-effective? That remains to be seen). They cost less than signalized intersections and usually allow more steady flow of traffic, causing them to be the default treatment in some states. Smaller roundabouts like the one carried out in Poynton, UK can be used in such a way as to create more pedestrian friendly areas while moving a surprisingly large number of vehicles. Larger roundabouts like those seen on Parisian boulevards can also carry a lot of traffic, but are being greatly curtailed as Paris attempts to revitalize the pedestrian connections around its major squares.  Dutch bike design takes pedestrian and bike crossings away from roundabouts, while using them as a connection for cars.

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In short, the roundabout should be understood as what it is: part of the parkway (which is really just a word for a scenic highway). The other connections need to put bike, pedestrians, and transit in the forefront.

Bad: No Real RIPTA Vision

While Providence Planning presented its efforts to remove cars from Olneyville Square via the raised roundabout as a way of improving through-flow of RIPTA buses, this follows the same induced demand logic that other traffic congestion schemes follow. Making a more direct connection between 10 N and 6 W will definitely take cars out of Olneyville immediately, but the pattern is that within a very short time traffic will fill that space and find equilibrium. So plans to create transit improvements need to acknowledge that. One way to improve transit-flow and make Olneyville more business friendly would be to disallow car through-traffic (allowing cars to visit and park at the edge, but pedestrianizing the center of the square is an idea that has its origins with Jef Nickerson of GCPVD). Having designated areas of the square for bus travel would then allow for better transit flow, though Providence Planning should be cognizant of the dos and don’ts about pedestrian spaces.

There also should be Bus Rapid Transit on the boulevard itself. I’ve pointed out in the past that while BRT does have some costs associated with it, a lot of the biggest costs going along with the RIDOT BRT proposal were added lanes for the BRT, and skyway bridges to connect pedestrians to center stations on a highway. A parkway continues to be a road designed with high speeds in mind, and I’m not certain how BRT could be best handled on a roadway like this, but I think it should be explored.

Getting Mugged by RIDOT

Two television stations and two newspapers asked me what I thought of the plan, and I compared it to a mugging. The Rhode Island Department of Transportation has very transparently used safety concerns about the Huntington Bridge to torpedo normal rules of process for deciding what to do with the highway. Essentially, Providence Planning has its back against the wall, and RIDOT is saying, “Your money, or your life?” Given that very limiting context, what Providence produced was a reasonable compromise that I can live with, in the same way that I accept other unpleasant realities forced upon me. I think the plan is leaps and bounds ahead of RIDOT’s proposal, but that’s not setting a high bar.

Willy Wonka leads the way on the 6/10 Connector


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Peter Alviti, RIDOT director, testifying in favor of Rhode Works
Peter Alviti, RIDOT director, testifying in favor of Rhode Works. (Photo by Elisha Aldrich)

Director Peter Alviti of RIDOT recently stated his own version of reality about the 6/10 Connector when he said that, “Hypothetical plans or other scenarios could be explored in the world of theory, but in the world of reality we are facing we now need to address this structurally deficient problem.”

Alviti’s words are dismissive of basic commuting and engineering realities. It’s not really clear why spending $5-6 million to temporarily brace the Huntington Bridge would be unacceptable since it would open up time to discuss plans that may save the state hundreds of millions of dollars on the 6/10 Connector. Be that as it may, Alviti’s insistence that boulevard experts across the country are fanciful imagineers got me thinking about the most recently departed icon of imagination. As the City of Providence fights back against RIDOT, it’s going to have to take a page from the book of Willy Wonka. And no, not the Johnny Depp version, the real thing.

Every child loves Willy Wonka and the Chocolate Factory but it takes adult eyes to see one of the key lessons of the movie. My uncle pointed out to me growing up that what’s funniest to adults about the Gene Wilder representation of Wonka is that he never seems to raise his voice when the time is appropriate. This was obvious to my uncle, the father of four girls, because as a parent he understood how ineffective Wonka was being, and read that it was intentional. 

Help. Police. Murder.

Kevin Proft, whose excellent pieces in Eco RI have put me to shame month after month for their fine-toothed journalistic detail on 6/10, deserves credit again for his excellent piece juxtaposing the various statements of RIDOT Director Peter Alviti has made before and after the supposed “emergency” that Gov. Raimondo announced Sept. 7th. But deep inside this sharp critique of Raimondo and Alviti is an important statement about Mayor Jorge Elorza as well:

Mayor Jorge Elorza and the city are pushing back, lightly. The mayor agreed to be at the governor’s press conference, and was commended twice by Raimondo for his support of her decision.

“I want to thank all of the mayors who have come together today in support of this. Mayor Elorza … it’s been a pleasure to work with you,” the governor said at the start of her remarks.

It’s unclear how supportive the mayor actually is. In his own remarks at the Sept. 7 press conference, he noted the importance of safe infrastructure, but said public safety doesn’t need to come at the expense of the city’s needs.

“While we know the bridge must be addressed in short order, we remain enthusiastic about the opportunity to collaborate with the state on the options to enhance and improve the 6-10 corridor as a whole,” Elorza said. “RIDOT, the city, and the community have all articulated a larger goal for this project including enhanced mobility options, improving the quality of place and quality of life in and around the corridor, and opening up new areas of economic development and jobs.

“We can invest these dollars in a way that ensures the safety of this roadway and also enhances the livability of this entire corridor. It’s our responsibility to advocate for the smartest investment of these dollars.”

Mayor Elorza can’t ride this fence for long. Though everyone agrees that he supports the boulevard, what counts is not just the words that are said, but the tone and manner in which they’re said. 

Eventually Wonka finds his voice.

It’s all there, black and white. Clear as crystal. You STOLE Fizzie Lifting Drinks. You bumped into the ceiling which now has to be washed and sterilized, and so you get NOTHING. YOU LOSE. GOOD DAY, SIR.”

We’re at a delicate place, and theatrics matters. Governor Raimondo doesn’t have the facts behind her, and nor does Director Alviti. There is no reason why stabilizing the Huntington Bridge entails curtailing the rights of Providence residents to participate fully in the public process and see their vision built. But facts don’t matter. Theater does. The mayor needs to learn from the late Gene Wilder and put a bit more magic in his step.

Mayor Elorza has been taking on a lot of issues. He’s fighting hard on Liquified Natural Gas, and just unveiled an ambitious plan to fight the root causes of poverty and homelessness near Kennedy Plaza. These deserve praise. 

But it’s time to do the same on 6/10. If not, we’ll be stuck with this design for 75-100 years, and no one reading this will be able to affect change in their lifetimes.

Mayor Elorza has been taking on a lot of issues. He’s fighting hard on Liquified Natural Gas, and just unveiled an ambitious plan to fight the root causes of poverty and homelessness near Kennedy Plaza. These deserve praise. 

But it’s time to do the same on 6/10. If not, we’ll be stuck with this design for 75-100 years, and no one reading this will be able to affect change in their lifetimes.

To quote Wonka: “We are the music makers, and we are the dreamers of dreams.” It might seem silly, but dreams have greater power to motivate people to action than facts. It’s time to make a stronger statement. Show some imagination! Call a press conference at the 6/10 Connector. But speak up.

ProJo 6/10 editorial wrong on basic facts


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ProjoThe Providence Journal editorial board posted a piece praising Governor Gina Raimondo for her decision to ignore the public process and the recommendations of national and local experts to fast-track the reconstruction of the 6/10 Connector.

The Projo is, as a journalistic entity, free to make whatever statements it wants on any issue. The problem with the Projo’s editorial is that it is wrong on basic facts that all parties agree to. Quoth the Projo:

Gov. Gina Raimondo, thus, did the right thing by responding boldly to new evidence that bridges along that stretch are in perilous condition, putting the public’s safety at risk. She announced Wednesday that the state must repair these crumbling structures as quickly as possible.

In doing so, she had to pull the plug on an extravagant $595-million state Department of Transportation plan to cap the highway and knit back together neighborhoods that have been disconnected for decades with a new surface boulevard. That plan would have taken longer and cost more than simply fixing the bridges.

Three plans have been considered during the 6/10 Connector public process: rebuilding the highway as-is, rebuilding the highway with a cap over it at certain crossings, and a surface boulevard. The “rebuild with a cap” option, though better described as a highway plan, has been labeled by the Rhode Island Department of Transportation (RIDOT) as a “highway-boulevard hybrid.” Hence the confusion.

Everyone agrees that the surface boulevard would be the cheapest option of the three. That option, as outlined by community group Fix the 6/10, would cut down the amount of infrastructure spending needed to complete the project, while restoring the grid to drivers:

Rebuilding a highway in the 6/10 corridor, especially if it involves a cap, will cost at least $600 million, hundreds of millions more than a surface alternative. A surface option will cost taxpayers much less, making resources available for other projects throughout the state. Further, the ongoing maintenance costs of the highway option will burden our children with billions of dollars of maintenance and replacement costs. A surface road option will also unlock dozens of taxable acres for development, improving the region’s fiscal health.

In a Cranston public forum on the 6/10 Connector, Eco RI news documented that RIDOT officials intentionally spun the capped highway option as best, holding information that would favor the surface boulevard close to their chest unless specifically grilled on it:

RIDOT officials routinely downplayed instances where the boulevard option compared favorably to the capped-highway idea. At the meeting in Olneyville, it wasn’t until ecoRI News asked about the relative costs of the options — more than an hour into the meeting — that RIDOT revealed the boulevard option would cost taxpayers less. The difference remains undetermined, as RIDOT hasn’t calculated the cost of the boulevard option.

If the Projo had made such an error in a news article, it would be a problem. But for an editorial whose thesis is that the governor is making the tough decisions needed to save money, mistaking two of the three options on the table for one another, and then getting the costs of the options wrong calls for a full retraction.

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On 6/10, Pichardo says people want ‘plan to reunite the neighborhoods’


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pichardoGovernor Gina Raimondo may have acted too hastily when she took off the table the idea of transforming the 6/10 connector into a boulevard, according to Providence state Senator Juan Pichardo.

“The people who live in these areas were counting on the plans to reconnect the neighborhoods after being divided for so long by the highway,” Pichardo said in a recent news release. “This is a decision that will have a major impact on the daily lives of many people, and I’m concerned that it was made too hastily.”

Pichardo’s press release referred to the boulevard proposal as the “plan to reunite the neighborhoods.”

He said, “The benefit this project would have on the people in these neighborhoods just cannot be calculated. It’s rare that a government proposal gets this kind of support from the community. This project would have gone a long way to making the city more inclusive, ending decades of disenfranchisement that have been brought about in these neighborhoods. It’s more than a little disconcerting that something so positive for the whole city could be so quickly and so arbitrarily dismissed at a moment’s notice.”

Transportation advocates have been pushing to transform the 6/10 connector, which is in desperate need of repairs, into a boulevard – as other American cities have done when highways that cut through urban neighborhoods have needed major repairs. Providence Mayor Jorge Elorza is supportive of this concept. RIDOT is not. Last week, Raimondo said the overpasses are in such dire need of repair that the state cannot wait to consider the boulevard idea.

“I truly hope the state will reconsider and take into consideration the concerns and desires of an entire community, instead of repeating the mistakes of decades past by recreating a citywide scar on the landscape that has such a negative impact on the lives of so many.”

While Gov. Raimondo made remarks at a recent RIC event signaling her openness to accept any proposal that was safe, affordable, and not a traffic problem, a later statement through a spokesperson doubled down on her commitment to rebuild the highway as-is, with the caveat of adding a bike lane (on a highway?), building an additional ramp (i.e., expanding the highway), or putting in Bus Rapid Transit (part of both the RIDOT and City of Providence proposals).

Providence Planning will continue to take public feedback at 610Connector@providenceri.gov.

Raimondo quietly reverses 6/10 decision, then backslides.


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Governor Raimondo seemed to quietly reverse herself on the 6/10 Connector, stating that her office was open to working with the City of Providence on any solution that was safe, did not worsen traffic, and was cost-effective. Through a staffer, Raimondo later denied that her statement constituted a reversal of policy. Rhode Islanders can continue to reach out participate in the outreach Providence Planning Dept. is doing. The department opposes rebuilding 6/10 as-is.

The (non?) reversal was more of a whimper than a bang, because it contained significant caveats. But those who see a sustainable future for the corridor should press the governor to stick to her commitments going forward.

Rhode Island Bicycle Coalition activist Alex Krogh-Grabbe asked the governor what she would do on 6/10 around 5:00.

Gov. Raimondo said that if the City of Providence completes its public forums within the 60 day time frame she has outlined, she will honor their plan, so long as it is affordable and does not create safety issues for the bridges by delaying work.

The governor also gave herself breathing room for the future in laying out a caveat around traffic management.

While RIDOT officials have described the 6/10 boulevard as a traffic impediment, it’s clear that it would not be. The famed Champs Elysées in Paris carries as many cars as 6/10, while also accommodating 500,000 pedestrians a day.

Even more impressively, the city of Seoul, South Korea removed a raised highway above the Cheongyecheon River. At 160,000 cars a day, the Cheongyecheon Freeway carried 60% more cars than the 6/10 Connector, but Seoul didn’t even replace it with a boulevard. They just created a river park.

The irony might be pressing as is, if it weren’t for the fact that Seoul officials sent observers to Providence before redesigning their highway, in order to see Waterplace Park– essentially the eastern edge of Route 6.

The reality is that traffic engineers have understood since the 1970s that urban highways create their own traffic mire, and that removing them does not worsen traffic congestion. The trick is getting RIDOT to admit this known fact. It’s hard to convince a person of something when their salary depends on them not understanding it.

Mayor Elorza will continue to take public feedback in order to aid his Planning Department in pushing for a boulevard. If you have something to share, please send your thoughts to 610connector@providenceri.gov.

Update:

Through spokesman Mike Raia, Raimondo’s office backed away from its statement to Krogh-Grabbe, saying it did not reverse its position on the need to repair overpasses on the 6/10 connector immediately, thus ending the debate on replacing it with a boulevard instead.

“She hasn’t backed away from her announcement, as RI Future is reporting,” said Raia. “This is a public safety decision. We are not considering a boulevard.”

Raia added:

“[The governor] announced three things:

“Move forward immediately with an in-kind replacement of the Huntington Ave bridge.

“Immediately start quarterly inspections of all the bridges.

“Reached an agreement with Mayor Elorza for his public input process to conclude quickly to allow RIDOT to issue RFPs by the end of the year.

“She said during the presser and again on Channel 10 that she is willing to consider modifications to a simple replace in kind for the remaining bridges as long as they do not cause any additional delay (these modifications might include a bike lane, BRT, a future project to connect 10N with 6W).”

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Raimondo’s office must take 6/10 position


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https://twitter.com/TransportPVD/status/770773009380638720?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw

The assembled crowd of 200 people at Tuesday night’s 6/10 Connector community meeting were unequivocal: no highway should be rebuilt along the corridor. It found a receptive if demur audience in Providence Planning Department and Mayor Jorge Elorza. RIDOT and Governor Gina Raimondo’s Office appear to be the only agencies backing the highway rebuild after the loss of a federal grant for the billion dollar project.

https://twitter.com/TransportPVD/status/770769768815132672

RI Future has been among several area publications that have called on Mayor Elorza to take a more direct stance on the project. While the mayor’s office has clearly favored a boulevard approach to 6/10, it hasn’t yet sought direct conflict with RIDOT or Governor Raimondo’s office. Following the rejection of a federal grant RIDOT intended to use towards part of the 6/10 corridor, statements from the agency have focused on the dire need to complete the highway rebuild with a minimum of public input. Read past coverage Tear It Down: Pictures of Our Potential 6/10 Future The Drivers’ Argument for the Boulevard On Tuesday night, Mayor Elorza did not seek direct conflict with the agency, but did refer to the 6/10 Connector as “really a Disconnector”, a sign of his preferences. In a Projo report leading up to the Providence meeting, RIDOT spokesperson Charles St. Martin bristled in his emailed response to questions on the project:

As we stated before, we cannot continue to postpone this work,” wrote DOT spokesman Charles St. Martin in an email. “Thanks to the passage of Rhodeworks, Rhode Island has $400 million in committed state and federal funding to draw from to address the Route 6-10 interchange. RIDOT is evaluating its options to tackle this problem and will soon present a recommendation for next steps. No decisions have been made at this time.”

This brings us to an important question: When is Gov. Raimondo’s office going to see the writing on the wall and redirect the agencies under her charge to better priorities? The assembled crowd was almost unanimous in its priorities. The process sat small groups at tables to outline ideas and present them. Each group, to the one, came up with some form or other of the following priorities:

  • New housing
  • Non-displacement of current residents while bringing in new residents
  • Better outreach & a more welcoming process for Latino residents
  • A full and complete bike and pedestrian network
  • More green space
  • Rapid transit to connect Providence within and without its city borders
  • No highway

The groups varied in how they phrased these goals, but each group essentially outlined the same things. Notable about the meeting was the presence of individuals from communities like Cranston, Pawtucket, and Central Falls, whose citizens might have been more inclined to favor a highway than those having one built next to them. But those from outside Providence also favored the boulevard option. Among the attendees was Cranston at-large city council candidate Kate Aubin, who has made removing the 6/10 Connector a central tenet of her candidacy.

https://twitter.com/TransportPVD/status/770764144735838208

While Aubin is running on a progressive ticket, conservative Rhode Islanders also attended, questioning the priority of rebuilding 6/10 as-is. Rhode Island Center for Freedom & Prosperity’s Lawrence Gilheeney tweeted:

More pointedly, Brian Bishop, of the taxpayers’ rights group OSTPA spoke to the unnecessary waste of rebuilding the highway, drawing the night’s first laughter and applause:

https://twitter.com/TransportPVD/status/770775028090613760

Bishop, who owns properties on the East Side as well as a farm in Coventry, said that he was a “car person” and that others “can handle the bikes,” a friendly jab at non-OSTPA member Hugo Bruggeman, who held the table’s priority list and spoke to bike infrastructure like his home in the Netherlands. Bishop described the highway “hybrid” that RIDOT has been pushing over the Providence Planning-preferred boulevard as “brought to you by the same people who want to rebuild it again.” The audience roared with laughter at RIDOT’s expense.

With federal grants figured into the mix, RIDOT’s hybrid-highway proposal would have cost upwards of 80% of toll funds. Without that funding, it’s quite possible that rebuilding the highway as-is could put all other state projects on the back burner. Conservatives like Bishop and liberals like Aubin equally question the validity of this priority, despite living outside the city.

Which brings us back to a pointed question: Who exactly does favor the 6/10 Connector as a highway, other than RIDOT and Gov. Raimondo’s office? As a more politically diverse coalition coalesces around opposition to the plan, Gov. Raimondo is going to have to make some decisions soon.

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Correction: A previous version of this article erroneously named Lawrence Gilheeney’s group the Rhode Island Center for Freedom & Progress. It is the Rhode Island Center for Freedom & Prosperity. No doubt a liberal Freudian slip on my part. . . :-) Corrected.

The Elorza challenge: PVD needs bike lanes


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Mayor Jorge Elorza bikes to work everyday, and takes part in frequent night rides with community members. By all accounts the mayor is supportive of bicycling. However, Providence has made next to no progress on bike infrastructure during the two years the mayor has been in office. This needs to change.

Providence has seen the mayor step up on some issues, and his vocal leadership has had an effect. Just recently, Mayor Elorza spoke eloquently to the harm of liquefied natural gas (LNG) power plants, a move which put him in direct contradiction with Governor Raimondo. This move came after the Sierra Club of Rhode Island challenged the mayor to speak up clearly on the issue. I am making the same request.

Where is the bike infrastructure, Mayor Elorza?

We cannot expect mass cycling to take root in Rhode Island without our core cities establishing bike routes that are suitable for eight year olds, 80 year olds, and everyone in between. If we’re going to provide routes that are safe for people in wheelchairs and rascals, we need bike routes, like what the Dutch and Danish have. Doing this can help us make more efficient use of our school bus funding, our sidewalk fundingour parking, and improve business outcomes for small business.

The mayor’s principle bike advancement– requiring that city street projects go through the Bike & Pedestrian Advisory Commission before being completed– is a good step in the right direction, but much less of a game-changer than a commitment to large-scale infrastructure change.

The mayor has pushed some reform. The city’s Bicycle and Pedestrian Advisory Commission currently receives advanced notice of city street projects, and its review of those projects has brought piecemeal changes to sections of street as they’re repaved. Many project reviews include only tiny sections of street, and nothing has yet been accomplished beyond paint, either through door-zone bike lanes, or even worse, sharrows. But this is not enough. To be frank, if Providence is not going to become a charming patch of shallow ocean in the next century, we need concerted action now.

What do community members demand? 

A demand is a challenge that comes as an honor only to those politicians who warrant it. Mayor Elorza has objectively not accomplished what needs to be accomplished in his first years of office, however, he has demonstrated himself to be someone who, with pressure, might accomplish those goals. Be honored, Mayor Elorza. You’re being called to the challenge.

The mayor must work to design a full network of protected bike lanes on the major arterials of the city. A starting point for this would be 50 miles of infrastructure, which we estimate would take only 3% of on-street parking to achieve.

The mayor must also work to create “bike boulevards”- routes that are low-traffic and low-speed, off of the major arterials. These are not substitutes for protected bike lanes, which are needed to reach jobs and shopping opportunities in commercial areas, but they are majorly important improvements to help make our neighborhoods safer for school children.

The mayor’s office has been supportive of remaking the 6/10 Connector as a boulevard, but as yet has not sought public conflict with RIDOT and the governor’s office about their intransigence to community needs. We need the mayor to pick this fight, in a direct way, just as he did on LNG. It’s understandable that the mayor wishes to advocate behind the scenes, but what will bring life to this issue is a top official speaking openly about the poor priorities RIDOT is putting forward. Without that, the 6/10 Connector continues to take a back-burner position in the news cycle. Speak up, mayor! Put the state government on notice!

These projects must be funded. The city’s $40 million bond includes transportation and non-transportation priorities, but among transportation priorities only 17% of funding is going to non-car priorities, mainly sidewalks. The city must spend in proportion to its population of non-car owners (22%), and it must make good use of those funds to make sure that biking is considered a high priority.

We’ve seen you act before, mayor. We have faith in you. Step it up! We need you to take action. The bike rides aren’t enough. We’re here to vote for you and to back you up when you are ready to do this.

It’s time.

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Can Joe Paolino learn to love the bus?


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Former Providence mayor Joseph Paolino’s media blitz around homelessness should be taken with a grain (or two, or three) of salt. In 2014, Paolino spoke with James Baar at The Projo (“The Seven Deadly Sins of Downtown Providence”, April 29, 2014)  to outline his angst over panhandling homeless people and low income bus riders, suggesting a set of recommendations that show the casino magnate and parking lot landlord’s true political center. As I pointed out at the time and more recently, what really stretches credulity about Paolino’s 2014 proposals wasn’t simply their blithe disregard for the poor, but the barking way that Paolino assumed the city could just take up major new financial liabilities without any realistic stream of money to pay for them. With such extravagant ideas as removing Kennedy Plaza entirely, building a giant underground garage under it, and doubling the size of Burnside Park– all while policing the area to get rid of “vagrants” and completely banning potholes (Just “Do it!” yelled Paolino through the voice of Baar), you would think the city must be swimming in money. The kind of money that could, of course, help resolve the root causes of homelessness.

The 2014 priorities listed by Paolino remain poor uses of city or state funding, but the former mayor’s softer tone on homelessness opens up an opportunity to hold his feet to the fire and demand some changes. Most recently, in an interview with The Projo’s Edward Fitzpatrick, Paolino says he wants the city to avoid the “Giuliani way” of removing homeless people, and look to root causes. Will Paolino stay true to his word?

Here are some things Paolino can back to show that he’s serious.

A parking lot tax, with a refund to housing costs

GCPVD’s map of downtown parking lots and garages shows that a parking lot tax is sorely needed. Some of the revenue from this tax could go directly to housing vouchers.

Paolino has large holdings in downtown parking lots. Essentially these are land speculation projects. It makes sense to hold onto prime land in the city, earning money off of commuters who park there, until a perfect skyscraper project comes along for those plots of land. Parking lots do pay property taxes, but because a surface lot is not valued highly, this gives speculators the best of all worlds– an easy short-term revenue stream, low taxes, and a lottery ticket that is likely to be worth a lot of money in the future.

I’ve argued in the past that putting a tax on surface parking would change the balance of this math. Land speculators like Paolino would be inclined to build something– anything– to hold the space until larger projects could come, instead of pimping parking lots. A developer may prefer a skyscraper, and in the long-run that may be the best thing for the city as well, but having rowhouses in the space while something else comes along means people have a place to live. As bigger projects form, the city could also require the continued tenancy of low income residents as part of mixed income development. This could itself help create more affordable housing. A tax on parking could and should also be refunded directly to properties adjacent to the parking, lowering the cost of business and residency in the city. Yet another way that this stream of revenue could considerably change the forecast for the poorest people would be if a portion of it was directly put towards housing vouchers for homeless individuals and families. Paolino has suggested that more money be put to shelters for homeless people, but what people truly need is permanent housing.

A parking lot tax would cost Paolino– he owns 11 lots. But if he’s serious about his statement that the business community needs to step up, endorsing this reform and pushing it through the business community would be one sincere step he could take.

Deregulation of single-family only zoning & parking minimums

Many Providence neighborhoods do not allow affordable housing, by law. The zoning code is full of arcane regulations designed to allow only what types of housing currently exist in a neighborhood. This is nothing like what happened in normal cities before the 1920s.

Providing affordable housing in Providence should partly be built around getting rid of some of these arcane rules.

This map, from Ward 2 (Councilman Sam Zurier’s district, on the East Side) shows the kind of inane specificity of zoning, which has to carve out exceptions to acknowledge the existence of some apartments or rowhouses. Much of this ward, zoned 1 or 1A, doesn’t allow non-single-family housing. 1A goes a step further, and requires minimum lot sizes, disallowing even more middle-class forms of single-family units for straight-up upper class ones. 1A is actually a fairly recent intensification of zoning that is only a few years old.

Parking minimums require that most residences have x number of parking spots per square foot of space. This both makes the housing itself more expensive, and also rules out building new housing on land that is taken up by parking.

Providence also has a number of neighborhoods that don’t allow anything but single-family homes. Sometimes these neighborhoods already have some houses that aren’t single-family, and they’ve been carved into the zoning as exceptions. The business community and city need to work together to eliminate zones like 1 & 1A, which don’t allow things like granny cottages, rowhouses, apartments, twins, duplexes, or triple-deckers. The business community and city also have to work together to end the practice of putting residency limits on students. Students bleed out into housing, making what affordable options that exist more expensive, and displacing people on the fringes of becoming homeless.

These are not issues that Paolino can be held accountable for, but in his new-found advocacy for the homeless, they should become centerpieces of policy change. Paolino should push zoning reform.

Transit at the center, not the fringes

While Paolino can’t be blamed for zoning, he can be held accountable for his long agitation against Kennedy Plaza as a bus hub. In 2014, as I stated, Paolino advocated for moving buses “to the fringes of the city” and getting rid of the bus hub entirely, to make it an underground parking garage.

People who become homeless often have serious problems that go beyond job access, but once they get on track, keeping a job is a very important stabilizing force. Transit is one of the most important ways to make sure that low-income people, who cannot afford cars, can have access to jobs.

I’ve had some online discussions with other transit advocates who point out that RIPTA should not be running all its routes through Kennedy Plaza. I agree with this criticism, and think we need an effort to put together a full network of bus routes like what Jarrett Walker designed in Houston, but I also think it’s clear this hasn’t been what Paolino meant in the past. Referring to buses as needing to be “at the fringes” is pretty clear about why the buses need to move– in this case, to take the sour image of poor people out of the downtown. Paolino’s business coalition needs to work to make transit a priority by spearheading efforts to give buses rights-of-way, improving frequencies of bus routes by funding RIPTA better, and updating the city’s poor pedestrian and bike layout to aid last-mile connections.

I’ve argued in the past that while there’s been a lot of action around maintaining free bus passes for elderly and disabled Rhode Islanders, that more attention needed to be put to making the bus system run efficiently and frequently (an argument I borrowed from Jarrett Walker as well). However, even in that piece, I argued that it was silly not to offer homeless people free rides on RIPTA. RIPTA has temporarily extended the free bus pass program pending funding, but business leaders like Paolino need to make RIPTA a long-term priority.

Supporting RIPTA, biking, and walking would be a big turnaround for Joe Paolino, but if he’s truly a reformed man with a vision to end the plight of the homeless, that would be what he needs to do.

And Scrooge was better than his word

I would be lying if I said that I trusted Joe Paolino’s softer messaging on panhandling in Kennedy Plaza. Over the years, many of Paolino’s priorities for the city have struck me as hostile to poor people and to non-drivers, couched in the kind of right-leaning identity politics one might associate more with Donald Trump than a former Democratic mayor of a blue-state city. But everyone can change. I will open my arms to Joe Paolino if he changes his ways. He needs to embrace the end of his parking empire as a way of speculating off of city land, support putting direct tax resources into more affordable housing, back zoning deregulation to stop the experiment of single-family-only neighborhoods, and back a robust RIPTA with bike and pedestrian infrastructure to support last-mile connections. His rhetoric has to move beyond temporary housing for homeless people, and towards permanent solutions.

As Charles Dickens would put it:

Scrooge was better than his word.  He did it all, and infinitely more; and to Tiny Tim, who did not die, he was a second father.  He became as good a friend, as good a master, and as good a man, as the good old city knew, or any other good old city, town, or borough, in the good old world.  Some people laughed to see the alteration in him, but he let them laugh, and little heeded them; for he was wise enough to know that nothing ever happened on this globe, for good, at which some people did not have their fill of laughter in the outset; and knowing that such as these would be blind anyway, he thought it quite as well that they should wrinkle up their eyes in grins, as have the malady in less attractive forms.  His own heart laughed: and that was quite enough for him.

God Bless Us Every One.

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The #MaybeHillary movement


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rs_1024x759-150709052426-1024.Donald-Trump-Hillary-Clinton-JR-70915_copy#NeverHillary is a bit too flippant to me. The point of an election is to pressure a candidate, and get results. We have gotten some movement in the right direction, thanks to Bernie Sanders. Still, for many voters, there are still significant reasons not to want to cast a vote for Hillary Clinton. Instead of yelling “Never Hillary!” let’s take a more nuanced stance. It’s time for #MaybeHillary.

The #MaybeHillary movement is open to the idea that voting for a lesser evil is sometimes the right thing to do, but also seeks to push that lesser evil candidate to the maximum that is possible within the political situation. People who say that that’s already been done are ignoring Hillary Clinton’s very right-leaning (and sometimes rightwing) foreign policy stance, and her tepid stances on climate change.

The #MaybeHillary movement is also open to considering the relative strength or weakness of a Republican challenger. It should be agreed that we can’t allow a rightwing Republican like Donald Trump into office, but part of that equation should be constantly fine-tuning our assessment of just how likely his election is. With Republicans fleeing Trump for Clinton or sometimes even Gary Johnson, there is increasingly an opening to push Clinton to make sure she keeps and extends her progressive message.

The #MaybeHillary movement is also one that supports the idea of flexible strategies to reflect the differences of various states. Yes, it’s true that voting is a collective action, as Samuel G. Howard states, but in 2012, Barack Obama held Rhode Island by 27 points. Jill Stein would have to take that support, without Donald Trump losing any votes at all to the Libertarians, in order to act as a spoiler. And in a world where the Green Party did well enough to take 27 points of an election– even in a blue state– the political conversation on the Wednesday after election day would be one to look forward to.

Saying #MaybeHillary means not being aggressive and nasty to people who are voting for Clinton, because in an election like this one, who can blame voters for not wanting Donald Trump? Saying #MaybeHillary means being open to switching to Clinton if she satisfies enough major progressive pledges (for me, the two I think are most sorely missing are her foreign policy and climate change positions, but you can fill in your own in the comments section). Saying #MaybeHillary means having the kind of conversation with voters that can energize them to press the candidate for more in a viable way. The #NeverHillary movement shuts down conversations, and so does shaming people for voting their consciences. Let’s get people activated around issues, hold Clinton accountable, and get what we need.

Develop a land tax to replace TSAs


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Jenna Karlin
Jenna Karlin

RI Future’s recent coverage of a tax stabilization agreement (or TSA) for Rising Sun Mills admirably pursues the idea of a fair tax system for all Providence residents. There’s a lot I agree with about this approach. At its roots, TSAs are an insider deal. But the logic behind TSAs makes a lot more sense than is obvious at a first glance. The goal for the city should be to establish a tax system that mirrors some of the features of TSAs, rather than carve out special agreements for the well-connected.

What is a TSA?

To begin with, what is a TSA? Tax stabilization can take many forms, but they’re usually agreements that require the owner of a property to pay the same taxes that were previously paid, though not more, in return for the property owner adding a new building or refurbishing an endangered one. (thus, a tax “stabilization”).

On the face of things, that arrangement sounds really unfair, but it makes more sense if you look at the costs that a building owner is supposed to cover with their taxes and think about how those costs change (or stay the same) after the refurbishment. An infill or renovation project in a city does not require a new sewer extension, but can be hooked up to existing lines. It does not require new streets. If it receives transit service, it’s usually on an existing line, and the new building will add ridership rather than adding miles of service area. A building being occupied may actually help to lower crime without more policing, and in any case it will be built within an existing police precinct. A building covered by an urban TSA will often be a solid building, perhaps even a historic renovation, that is intended to last a long time.

Contrast that to the typical suburban sprawl* project, like a Walmart. It will require acres of new land, and to function will need a sewer extension, gigantic new roads, or road and interchange expansions. It will add greatly to the surface runoff costs of the sewer system as well, with gigantic parking lots. Big box projects like Walmarts often demand transit service for their low-wage workers, but design everything about their facilities in order to defeat the efficiency of that service– after all, the customers and managers drive– delivering a transit service that costs a lot and delivers very little. Sometimes a single project will be the size of a small urban neighborhood, adding tremendous strain to traffic, and requiring a new police or fire precinct. For all the investment that is put into such a deal, the buildings the big box brings are meant to have a thirty year life cycle at most, and often the big box company will require land covenants that disallow competitors to move in if they should happen to leave the building (they often do leave the building, repeating this process).

Suburban projects look like a good deal because politicians won’t pay for all the additional costs that these projects bring. Those costs will accrue decades from now.

Urban and suburban communities both compete with each other to give away tax deals, and to be fair, urban TSAs are an insider deal just like any other. The politicians that prepare these deals don’t necessarily think about all the economic logic I presented above. The way they see it, the deal is about jobs for their ward. They care very little about the long-term effects. Urban TSAs happen to be a much better deal, but that’s not by design.

Fixing the TSA

Instead of creating TSAs for individual projects, we should make our tax system look a bit more like what a TSA tries to accomplish, but for everyone. A land tax should be a component of our tax system, used to offset a lower property tax. This isn’t exactly the same as a TSA. Under this arrangement, creating improvements to a property– adding buildings, fixing a roof– would still raise the value of the property and kick in more tax revenue from the property tax part of the tax model. But the land tax would stay the same– tied to the amount of land used and the resources consumed by that parcel.

Equity is a big concern under TSAs, not only for the fact that some can get a TSA and some can’t, but also because of the particular services that suffer in a city when not enough tax revenue is present. I would propose that the services paid for by the land and property tax sections of the tax code by bifurcated carefully. The land tax should pay for the things that resemble “pay for what you use” items– roads, sewers, transit, etc. The property tax should pay for things that we conceive of as “each according to their ability” services– libraries, schools, and other social services. By separating the budgets in this way, we ensure that when we tax a more valuable property, we’re tying that taxation to our ideal of sharing, rather than creating a slush fund to allow for wasteful infrastructure extensions.

Land taxes already exist in many places– my home state of Pennsylvania is one. They’re not a magic cure-all, and in order to fix our cities, we’re also going to have to stop subsidizing sprawl. Part of why I react to the criticism of TSAs is that the overwhelming nature of our subsidy mix is to ever-expanding consumption of undeveloped land for new strip malls or big boxes, cul-de-sacs and highways. The Rising Sun Mills project lost a tenant to Johnston because all the advantages of being in the suburbs– parking, big roads, etc.– are pre-paid features of life in America– while all the advantages of living in the city– walkability, community, and so on– are privatized goods to be bought and sold. We have to break that pattern. A land tax could be one step towards that.

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*”Suburban” is an ambiguous term, but here I mean suburbs that are totally car-oriented, cul-de-sac driven, post-1950s-style suburbs, rather than suburbs that have the form basically of a small walkable town that extends out from a city. Think Warwick or Johnston, rather than Bristol or Warren.

The Manchurian Candidate & urbanism


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One of the stranger comments I receive from time to time is that urbanism is a secret plot to take away people’s freedom. I get this more often from people on the right, but it’s also a component of left criticism of urbanism. The weird thing about this conspiracy theory is that it’s a tag-team, such that to respond to the critique of the right seems to open one up to conspiracies from the left, and visa-versa.

It’s a weird thing for people to believe, but I hear it often enough that it’s worth addressing.

A lot of things in urbanism are about markets (But. . . )

Trailer parks are one of the few types of working class housing that hasn’t been made illegal. They actually have a lot of urbanist features, like natural villages.

The right accuses urbanists of being nanny staters who want to take away people’s freedom (first they come for your guns, then they take your car!). Urbanists respond to this criticism by pointing out that if we didn’t have zoning that disallowed apartments, rowhouses, and so on, people would build those, and that if we didn’t have minimum lot sizes and parking requirements, people would build their properties differently. There are many other examples: subsidizing driving by expanding roads without a user-fee base to pay for the expansions, giving big tax write-offs to parking while giving smaller ones to transit (which many transit users can’t take anyway, since they’re low income), shunning parking meters in places where parking demand is high. The list goes on.

A component of the left goes, AH HA! I knew it! It is a trick to take away our freedom! It’s all about capitalism enslaving the working class!

No, that’s also not true.

Elfreth’s Alley is basic, working class housing from the 18th C. It’s not affordable or working class anymore. But could we build tiny streets like this with rowhouses again? Sure. It would be affordable, but we’ve made it illegal in many communities.

A person can be totally committed to high estate taxes, to graduated income taxes, to union democracy and density, and protection of women, people of color, LGBT workers, etc., and also think that the government shouldn’t distort the market around transportation towards driving. The two are separate issues. It’s not a Robin Hood mission to take from the bus riders and give to the people in the Honda Civics. People in Honda Civics may struggle too, but distorting the market for transportation is part of the reason struggling people are forced to buy and maintain jalopies. Fix the distortion, and also address income inequality.

It’s not a police state either

Red light cameras, toll gantries, smart cards, parking meters! It’s all an attempt to take away freedom through greater surveillance.

Or, not. . .

I’ll use red light cameras as my main example. The question to ask about red light camera use is, do you actually feel like people have a right to private driving? Not privacy for what’s in their cars: the conversations, the things they keep in their trunks or glove compartments. Not a right to be free of undue harassment without cause, racial profiling and so on. What I mean is, if someone runs a red light, and there’s cause to stop that person, do you think that their freedom is so broad as to mean that they shouldn’t get a ticket?

I think that’s crazy. And I do support the other types of freedom I mentioned above. Clearly if someone ran down the street with a gun we would stop them, without any assumption that they have a right to “private” pedestrian activity. Yet more people are killed each year by reckless driving than by guns. Certainly the movement of your vehicle in traffic is a public affair.

We shouldn’t use policing as a “gotchya.” Normal, thoughtful people speed on neighborhood streets if they’re designed for that purpose. In policing, less is more.

Secondly, even if red light cameras are appropriate in theory, should urbanism be about having red light cameras everywhere? I’d say not. In fact, there are a few places I’ve noticed them in Providence where I’d rather see them taken down. Waterman Street and Gano has a camera set up to catch drivers who jump the light. No doubt this was put in because there was danger at this intersection. But the better way to fix the intersection would be to redesign it, so that not jumping the light becomes more untuitive and natural. Waterman, for instance, has really wide lanes and is a double-lane one-way. It’s basically a recipe for speeding, and the drivers are caught at the light doing what speeding cars do: running reds (or perhaps, from the drivers’ perspective, yellows).

Other forms of police-state conspiracy theories abound about toll gantries, meter maids, smart cards for buses or parking meters, etc. And all of these are kind of absurd for similar reasons. It may be that government tracks us inappropriately, but that’s a problem of governance, not a technological problem. We use bank cards to pay for books or to buy pizza, too, but somehow using them to pay for a parking meter is Brave New World material.

Some kinds of urbanist interventions actually reduce over-policing. There’s a strong correlation between meter maids and lower crime, as well as between other urbanist tactics, like programming parks with activities or requiring ground floors of buildings to have windows facing the street. Those measures mean that a place feels occupied, and occupied places aren’t desolate. They feel like a place people care about, and that means that actual police with guns and tasers aren’t needed.

Even when police are in a neighborhood, getting them out of cars and around the neighborhood to talk to people directly is one of the best things that can be done to improve policing. In many countries far more urbanist than the U.S., police don’t necessarily carry guns with them on basic patrols, because it’s understood that the mere presence of watchful individuals who know the community is enough to deter a lot of crime. Community policing, demilitarization of police, reduction of the prison population, and so forth, should all be seen as intersecting issues to making healthy communities.

There are real over-policing problems

None of that is to dismiss the fact that police are overused, and used in abusive ways throughout our cities. And it is no conspiracy to say that the choices we make about policing reflect a choice to protect people with money and power over people who do not have it. It’s possible to take any one of these totally good things (for instance, programs in parks) and corrupt it by adding other bad elements to it (like a crackdown sweep on the homeless). And it’s urbanists’ job to stand up and fight that kind of abuse, because allowing our cause to be associated with it is not only wrong but damages our own cause. I know the comments section will now fill up with many examples of those exact abuses, and chances are that I agree with your perspective on many of them. But assuming that building decent, walkable, bikeable, transit-oriented places necessarily entails some kind of power conspiracy theory is. . . crazy.

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Don’t eliminate parking meters, fix them


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Parking meter avonI was a little flabbergasted to see a piece highlighting an effort to remove parking meters on a progressive website like RI Future. We should not remove the parking meters on Thayer Street, but we should change their implementation.

There are a lot of legitimate complaints about the way the Elorza Administration has implemented parking meters. I know, because I’ve been doing a lot of the complaining. I advocated during the 2014 election for Elorza and other candidates to take on Donald Shoup’s parking policies as part of their campaigns. Elorza came closest of all the candidates to speaking the right way on the issue, and it was a big piece of why he earned Transport Providence’s endorsement. Post-election, I’ve been happy with some aspects of what Elorza has done, but unhappy with a lot more.

Parking meters are an essential part of land use policy in any city. If we don’t want the city to gradually turn into a parking crater of surface lots, we have to properly manage parking demand. Meters are front & center in that. If we don’t get our parking situation right, we’ll have many ecological and equity issues as a result.

Andrew Stewart’s piece is sloppy journalism because it doesn’t corroborate the Avon Theater’s perspective on the meters at all. I sat at the zoning board meeting where the Avon Theater spoke in favor of tearing down half a block of multifamily housing to create a “temporary” parking lot off of Thayer Street. The argument at that time was that there wasn’t enough parking on Thayer, and that the lack of parking was turning customers away. In fighting against parking meters, Richard Dulgarian, Avon’s owner, has said that he has “never seen so many vacant parking spaces on Thayer Street” due to the meters. Either Thayer doesn’t have enough parking, or Thayer has empty parking that’s not being filled. Either can be true, but both can’t be true.

But that doesn’t mean that all is well or that nothing should be changed. As I said, there’s a lot that is wrong with the way metering is being done, and we should fight to get a better system in place.

Here’s how we should address the legitimate complaints of businesses on Thayer Street about parking meters: rather than remove the parking meters (which is a horrible idea) we should implement them properly the way successful cities have.

All the revenue of the parking meters should be given directly back to the metered districts. That the Elorza Administration promised this and did not deliver is one of the principle complaints of merchants. Successful cities always return the parking meter revenue to the local districts.

Meters should be implemented where demand is high, and the price of the meters should be flexible based on demand. This is also a big part of what makes successful metering programs work.

We should also look to implement meters that have helpful features, like being able to re-up on the parking from the comfort of one’s table in a restaurant. In Washington, DC, meters remind your cell phone that your time is about to be up. You also have options like being able to be refunded money you overpaid if you leave early. Why can’t Providence have that?

There should be no minimum or maximum times. One of the annoying things about meters in Providence is that they have a $2.50 minimum fee if a card is used. Another problem mentioned by Dulgarian is that the maximum times are too short for people to properly enjoy meals. But the whole purpose of charging a price for parking is to allow people to escape time limits. If people are willing to pay to park on Thayer all day long, then they should be allowed to, so long as they pay the price. This could even be part of a policy to better balance the needs of food trucks with brick-and-mortar restaurants.

We tend to reserve certain areas as parking for this thing or that thing. For instance, East Siders, like people in many neighborhoods, naturally feel attached to the parking spot near their house or apartment. The solution is, again, to add parking meters to areas where people want to park, allow the residents to set a price that balances demand and leaves enough spaces open for their own use, and pass the revenue back to them as tax cuts on their property taxes. We’re constantly imagining new ways to subsidize parking garages in Providence to fill the assumed need for more parking, instead of thinking creatively about how to use the parking we have.

A separate, but not completely unrelated issue, is that Providence needs to think about land taxation as a way of supporting its business districts. Many small businesses take up tiny parcels of land and cost the city very little in terms of services consumed, but pay more than their fair share of property taxes. I did a report on this in Eco RI which was based on the work by the group Urban 3 in Asheville, North Carolina. Thayer Street, like many districts, pays too much. But it’s not because of parking meters. Efforts to add parking, like the expected demolition of the seven houses on Brook Street, will only undermine the tax base of the city that Urban 3’s analysis helps to shine light on.

We also need to look to alternatives to help support other ways of getting to Thayer. The #1 bus on Thayer runs very infrequently, making it a poor way of getting to and from shopping. Other buses, like the 92, run really zig-zaggy and infrequent routes that don’t help much either. There’s virtually nothing to make biking safe on the East Side, or anywhere in the city. And none of these plans has to be expensive. Just to speak of fixing the #1 bus, for instance: many of the changes can be revenue neutral. Now that RIPTA is getting a new chairperson, this is one of the things business districts should take up: a frequent bus network, not a last-resort one.

I will join side by side with a call to change the way the parking meters are currently implemented. As a Providence resident who shops on Thayer Street and goes to movies at the Avon all the time, I won’t support efforts to remove parking meters. Let’s do parking meters the right way.

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Replacing Councilman Kevin Jackson


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Kevin Jackson
Kevin Jackson

Councilman Kevin Jackson is my city councilor. I’d like to see someone better. Here are the things I’d like to see taken on by whoever replaces him (as a challenger, or after he resigns):

Someone to fight for lower taxes on renters

Kevin Jackson gave some tepid support to changing the tax structure so that it stops taxing non “owner occupant” apartments at a higher rate. The next councilor needs to fight hard to make this a reality.

Someone to fight for higher taxes on parking

The parking tax is on the horizon as a serious proposal for the future, and a Ward 3 councilperson must be a supporter. The only way the city is going to reform its land-use while making more housing and business opportunities is if it wakes up and smells the asphalt that surrounds much of downtown. It’s time to do something about it.

Having a higher tax on parking would be one of the best taxes on the rich that Providence is capable of, but that money could then be put directly to lowering taxes on other properties, ensuring that it builds growth rather than resentment in the Capital City.

Someone who will fight to get rid of exclusionary zoning

Jackson was among a depressingly large majority of councilors who voted to increase exclusionary zoning in Providence– the city is currently being sued for the action. City Council needs to stop legislating multifamily housing and house-sharing away through zoning measures. Top concerns should be getting rid of the R-1 and R-1A designations, to allow single-family-detached-only neighborhoods to get rid of minimum lot sizes, allow granny flats, rowhouses, apartment buildings, and subdivisions of houses into apartments. The R-1A designation is so draconian that it even makes certain kinds of single-family detached housing illegal because it mandates exurban-sized plots of land around them.

Someone who will speak truth on the car tax

A year of RIPTA costs the same as the tax on a $15,000 car, but to hear many city councilors talk about it, you’d think the most important equity thing we could do in the city is raise the exemption on the car tax (which gives every car owner, not just the clunker-owners, a $60 per vehicle tax cut). The next councilor needs to say that cutting the car tax is off the table, especially at a time when doing so means raising the effective property tax*. Lowering the car tax is not about equity, it’s about politicking. 25% of the city is excluded from this tax reduction, which isn’t paid for and puts the city’s budget in danger.

Someone who will fight water privatization

Privatizing the water supply is a crazy idea, and should be stopped at all costs.

Someone who understands smart-growth and the value of downtowns, but isn’t going to give the budget away for free

Urban-style buildings– the kind that have mixed-use, and take up smaller patches of land– cost the city much less money in services, but generate a lot more money in taxes per acre. So, smart-growth naturally entails recognizing that reality and building it into the tax code. That said, there are good ways to do this, and bad ways. I’d be in favor, for instance, of seeing the city and state partner to fix the Superman Building, but I’d like to see taxpayers get shares in the property. I’m not at all fooled into thinking the point of fixing 111 Westminster is the direct, immediate profitability of the property– it’s a historic, iconic building, and fixing it is about the enormous benefit to the neighborhood around it. But if the city and state are going to pour money into something, they should own it. We may break even on the deal, but at least it’s us that breaks even. Just giving money away means we break even while someone else profits for free.

The next city councilor needs to recognize that there are many downtowns in Providence, and see how the value of urban properties is not just in Downcity or the East Side. That means recognizing the way the tax code disables businesses in other corridors, like Broad Street or Cranston Street. It also means fighting loudly against state agencies like RIDOT that create problems for the city’s prosperity. Urban neighborhoods are systematically harmed by bad policies from above, and the city council needs to be a sounding board against those policies, not just a quiet body for practical lawmaking.

Someone who isn’t too parochial

The city should operate as a whole, but often it acts as separate council fiefdoms. It would be nice to see a councilperson come in to Ward 3 that is concerned about the whole city, and thinks about communities outside of the East Side. An example, off-hand, would be the proposal to put a $1.5 million boardwalk bike path along the Seekonk River on the East Side (outside of Jackson’s ward). In itself, it’s a fairly worthy project, but compared to what could be done for biking throughout the whole city on the same budget, it’s not. The city of Minneapolis just budgeted for 30 miles of protected bike lanes– including changes to signal timing, paving, landscaping and so on that could accompany that– for $6 million. In a city of our size, $1.5 million is the kind of money we could spend to connect the South Side and West Side to Downtown and the East Side, but instead it’ll be used for a much smaller project. It’s not the worst kind of problem that could be named, for sure, but it’s the kind of thing that could be improved for future proposals. We should be thinking city-wide.

~~~~

*The “rate” on property taxes went down, while the amount paid has gone up in the most recent budget. This is because properties were assessed at a higher value.

The parking tax: How to tax the rich, and get away with it


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freparkingIt’s hard to tax the rich at the local level. The area within the borders of a local community is small, and tax avoidance becomes a game to people with money. One need simply relocate a block across the border to smack back at most local popular efforts. I’m not saying it’s right. I’m saying it’s true. But there is a way to tax the rich in Providence, and get away with it.

Taxing parking might seem like another consumption tax, but it’s not. It’s a Robin Hood tax– and one that even businesses should be in favor of.

Why? A great piece on this appeared in Greater Greater Washington just a year ago. It points out, for instance, that the tax write-off for paid parking is larger than the one for transit, meaning that commuters who pay for parking already get a direct subsidy to repay themselves. But it also points out an even deeper point about the marketplace for (garage and lot) parking in cities.

Parking acts as an oligopoly more than many other markets, so (in garages and pay lots) it’s being sold at the highest bid it can sustain:

[P]arking operators are in the business to make money, so aren’t they already charging as much as the market will bear? In other words, if they could raise their prices when there’s a new tax, why don’t they just raise their prices now regardless?

Well, isn’t that true of all markets? But in most markets, competition drives down the prices of goods. If you’re making more money than a small profit over and above the cost of providing the service, someone else will enter the market too and try to undercut you.

Parking isn’t really a competitive market. In the short run, the supply of parking is absolutely fixed, and there isn’t empty land to turn into new parking in central DC. Also, many people also only really want to park in the building where they work, are going to the doctor, etc. and aren’t shopping around. That’s especially true when a company is buying parking for executives.

These factors make the parking market closer to a monopoly and/or oligopoly, and consequently, the pricing is more at the level that maximizes total revenue in the entire market, a level that’s higher than the perfect competition price.

The GGW piece cited a report commissioned by the Philadelphia Parking Authority in which garage owners complained that they would have to swallow any taxes levied on parking because there would be no one willing to pay a higher price for parking if they tried to pass it to consumers. When your business is an oligopoly, you’re already getting the best price you can, so a tax on your business just means a lower profit margin.

Not everyone buys my notion that keeping the car tax where it is makes sense, though the fourth grade math involved in showing why that tax cut isn’t progressive is pretty straightforward. But everyone agrees (including me) that taxing a person’s car purchase is a type of consumption tax. If the reports on parking are correct, taxing parking lots (and garages) is not. The owner pays. And in Providence, the largest owner of parking lots is one of the wealthiest people in the state: former mayor, Joseph Paolino.

A business argument

I started my argument with the “tax the rich” pitch for the parking tax, because try as I might to convince people otherwise, I’ve still encountered friction from some on the left who think taxing parking is a flat tax on consumers (some people on the left even like the idea that parking taxes are a tax on consumers, saying that it’s a way to get the suburbs to pay their share towards city services they use). But if you’re a local businessperson, you might not care for this argument. Why shouldn’t you be concerned about the parking cutting and running? Isn’t a tax on parking going to drive people away?

Short answer: no.

Parking lots and garages aren’t golden geese. You can tax them, but like all things, their owners have the ability to try to evade taxation. But we shouldn’t be troubled by the this possibility because of the mechanisms involved. The PPA report cited within the Greater Greater Washington piece had garage owners complaining that while they would pay the cost of the tax in the short-run:

In the long run the story is quite different. An increase in parking taxes discourages the rejuvenation of aging facilities, the replacement of facilities lost to development, and the construction of additional facilities. Thus higher parking taxes will decrease the long-run supply of parking, will increase the cost to the public of parking, and will decrease profits to owners of parking facilities.

Further, should an additional parking facility be required, a higher parking tax implies that the facility will require larger subsidies to develop than it would in the absence of the parking tax increase.

Parking lot/garage owners can only escape the parking tax two ways: they can sell their land to someone else (who still, of course, has to pay the parking tax), or they can turn the parking into something that’s not parking. The PPA report reveals a lot. For instance, why would a city worry that it’s not able to replace “facilities lost to development”? Doesn’t the fact that development is replacing parking imply a healthy local economy, and that people are visiting that new development by some means?

In the second paragraph, we have the even more revealing “a higher parking tax implies that the facility will require larger subsidies to develop than it would in the absence of the parking tax increase.”

Indeed, in many cities, parking garages are subsidized by a city or state authority because the all-knowing hand of government thinks that people need better access to parking above all else. (If you’re a local business owner and wondering why the all-knowing hand of government doesn’t have free money for you instead, you’d be right to wonder).

The truth is, parking lot/garage owners have three choices: pay up (and swallow the cost), develop something better (and make the neighborhood more desirable), or sell (at a cut-rate price, making it easier for the next person to develop something). As a business, none of these should worry you, because they all represent the neighborhood becoming healthier for your enterprise. Lower taxes or lower land prices will both mean more of the development that supports transit, and will also add to the tax rolls, so even as the revenue from the parking tax slowly dissipates, the problems that creates solve themselves.

Give it all back

If parking owners being unable to increase their prices, and the flat out arrogance of parking owners getting government hand-outs isn’t a good enough business argument, then how about this: the best use of the parking tax in Providence would be to directly lower other taxes.

Even in a hypothetical case where parking was more expensive, the collected money would equalize that shift in price, and returning the money to local businesses through lower taxes would help them compensate with better services or lower prices. But the more likely event is that parking prices will stay the same while allowing your taxes to go down. Who could argue against that?

You’re getting taxed anyway

The strongest argument against the parking tax is to ignore all the data and examples I laid out, and just cry Chicken Little. OH NO, EVERYTHING WILL COST MORE! OH NO, THERE WILL BE PARKING-GEDDON! OH NO, STOP TAXING US!

The problem with this argument is that you are being taxed.

Though rates technically went down on some taxes in the mayor’s budget, the amount paid has gone up on just about everything. One of the newly raised taxes is the “meal and beverage” tax.

If we were trying not to tax parking because we were worried it might chase people away from local businesses, was taxing restaurants instead the way to go?

Give it to me in a paragraph

Parking is a weird oligopoly, and the owners are charging you as much as they can. Taxing them more doesn’t actually allow them to pass that on to you, because they’ve already maximized their price. So parking taxes are a tax on rich people who are speculating on land. Parking taxes encourage those people to turn that parking into something else, but in the meantime, the city collects revenue that lowers your taxes. The city is “considering” taxes on parking rather than “implementing” taxes on parking because they’ve got cold feet about taking on one of the richest people in the city. You should tell the city government that you want a tax on parking, because if they don’t tax parking, they’re going to tax your house, your apartment, the restaurant you go to, and everything else first.

Tax parking.

Against a lower car tax


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Hopeful discussion of a possible parking tax earlier this week gave way to the realization that Jorge Elorza and Providence City Council are more likely to forego such a measure, and instead lower the car tax. Sigh. . .

I know that many in the progressive community feel the car tax is too high, or that there should be a higher exemption at the lower end of the price spectrum. I strenuously disagree.

This year was my highest earning year– it was the first time as a child or an adult that I wasn’t eligible for the Earned Income Tax Credit. I made a whopping $17,000 and change, which was matched by a somewhat lower return for my partner. In order to sell products at farmers’ markets, Rachel has recently purchased a car– another first for us. So raising the exemption on the car tax benefits us both as people at the marginal end of the income spectrum and now (gasp) as car owners. But just because something benefits us does not mean that it’s right.

There are many costs to life, and I do not begrudge people for the fact that they dislike paying the car tax. I don’t like paying for things that are expensive either. When we discussed owning a car, we were in full awareness that we’d have to pay a very high car tax, and we agreed as a couple that we would register the car in the city and pay that tax, instead of doing what some people do, which is to find a relative and cheat the system by registering it elsewhere. We agreed that if it came a time that we couldn’t afford to pay that tax any more, that was a sign that maybe we shouldn’t own a car. It doesn’t mean that we love paying a huge sum of money for the car tax. It means we’re mature people who recognize that not paying that tax doesn’t make the costs of car ownership go away. Shifting the costs away from us just means that someone else will pay through a loss of an important program somewhere else in the city budget.

I’d love to see the city target more money to lower income people. I grew up in a marginal income single family house, and at thirty, I still struggle economically. There are people even further down the ladder than I am, and some of them have additional burdens I don’t face. We should of course find creative ways to make our tax system less burdensome to people of low incomes. But why is the car tax always people’s chosen medium to accomplish this?

Why not lower property taxes– especially on multifamily housing and apartments, which are currently taxed at a higher rate (property tax rates go down under the proposed budget, but the Projo notes that the actual amount paid will go up due to higher assessments of properties in the city)? Why not get rid of multiple examples of exclusionary zoning, such as the zoning that was added to Ward 1 to make it less friendly to multifamily housing, and the zoning that excludes more than three students living in five and seven bedroom houses? Getting rid of exclusionary zoning would allow more affordable housing development, which would also bring in more taxes for the city.

Why not charge a surface parking tax, and use the money to lower taxes on the lowest rung of housing? We know that the particularities of parking mean that the wealthy owners of parking lots and garages– land speculators who aren’t contributing to the city– have to swallow the cost of a new parking tax. That money could be used to help lower taxes on things we want in our city, like housing or jobs. It could also be used to pay for things we like– better schools or transit.

Why not even lower commercial taxes on businesses below a certain threshold? The city has very high commercial taxes, and that means that we often have vacancies. Having a land tax to bring in revenue from big boxes might allow the city to lower costs on smaller businesses, and maybe even fill some vacant storefronts. Those vacancies are part of what makes it so necessary to own a car in the first place– there are fewer jobs and fewer shopping possibilities within distance of one’s house. What more grotesque example of the primacy of driving in our city could exist than Providence Place Mall turning the JC Penney’s across from the train station into additional parking. What exactly are people parking for, as this city of ours hollows out and loses things to visit day by day?

If the city has money to lower the car tax in the midst of a fiscal crisis, then why does it not have money for other social needs? Why can’t we start paying for better early childhood education? Why can’t we figure out a guaranteed minimum income supplement for local residents? Or add the the stipend low income people get for food stamps? Philadelphia recently worked with the private William Penn Foundation to subsidize bike share for low income residents. Providence is still trying to work out a start for its bike share. It costs $5 monthly for any food stamps recipient in Philadelphia to use unlimited bike share in the city. Every time I pay a full dollar to transfer to another bus for the last leg of a journey, I wish I could flash my food stamps card and get that deal.

The truth is that the reason we don’t put more money to schools, or to food security or public transportation or any other need is that if we called for spending on those things, we’d be laughed out of the room. There’s no money! What are you thinking?! But, of course, we have money to cut the car tax.

At the end of the day, we call this “Elorza’s” proposal, and I do not claim to know the internal politics. Lots of people don’t like the parking tax, all across the city, and all across the political spectrum. And why would they? It sucks to pay for things. Maybe the mayor faces pressure from city councilors, or this is part of a deal for something else. It’s still not a good idea. How can we be raising taxes on housing at exactly the time we’re lowering taxes on driving? But when our city has to put bonds out to do basic repaving work, as in the Taveras admin., that’s a sign that we’re running in the red. Why not let car owners pay the costs of roads, so that we don’t let those costs creep into the things we really want to share as a commons, such as our crumbling schools? People should contact their city council people and say that this is an unacceptable position.

No lower car tax. Not when we face such climate problems on our horizon. Not when there are so many other needs.

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When Bus Lanes Make Sense (And When They Don’t)


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Author’s Note: I proposed this as a joint submission to RI Future and Ocean State Current-Anchor. Justin Katz responded to say that he’ll be writing something in response. I look forward to his reply.

I’ve had two interactions with Rhode Island Center for Freedom and Prosperity CEO Mike Stenhouse, and in each I’ve found common ground with him on the issue of the 6/10 Connector. One sticking point that remains for Mike and some of his followers is the idea of bus lanes. Bus lanes have a poor reputation in conservative circles because they really haven’t been explained well.

Bus Lanes as Competition

People on the left like me often do a poor job of explaining bus lanes to conservatives. We sometimes say things like “give the bus an advantage over cars, and it can do better.” There’s some truth to that phrasing, but in a lot of ways describing bus lanes that way doesn’t really tell people what’s going on. Bus lanes are actually about allowing competition.

The sport most aligned with transportation is running. In a race, runners don’t run in queue. They have separate tracks. Jesse Owens or Jackie Joyner Kersee might not have won the races they’d won if they’d had to wait their turn in a line of other runners. The same thing is happening with a bus lane. Bus lanes can outperform cars in carrying large numbers of people. A bus is capable of carrying as many as 80 people in the space of two cars. That’s a 40-to-1 space advantage. Making a bus sit behind a car in traffic is like making all the runners wait their turn in a race. It equalizes everyone in such a way as to undermine individual strengths. That’s not conservative.

Bus Lanes as Labor-Saver

Bus lanes are labor saving. A bus driver is paid well for good reason, but we pay him or her per hour, not per mile. If a bus driver sits in traffic, we pay him or her for time wasted, instead of time used productively. This is another reason conservatives should support bus lanes.

Buses Don’t Belong Everywhere

Conservatives would be right to question whether it makes sense to put bus lanes everywhere. Bus lanes don’t belong everywhere. They need to be targeted to areas where the investment is equal or lesser to the return. A big problem with RIPTA is that it is overstretched geographically. For example, the 54 bus goes between Woonsocket and Providence—two areas very appropriate for transit—but takes twice as long to get between them as a car. That’s because suburban lawmakers have whittled out a stop here and a stop there, a bit at a time, to make sure that the bus stops where they feel it should stop. One of those stops, the Lincoln Mall, requires the bus to get off the route, go a mile out of its way in traffic, and then serve the door directly through the parking lot. The meandering trip adds several minutes in each direction, and is only one of several detours the bus is required to take. So it’s quite clear that buses are often not used to their full advantage.

The Woonsocket bus is already well-used, but could be even more well-used without these unnecessary stops. A quicker route is not only better for end-to-end times, but also allows the bus to be turned around more quickly, which increases a really important dimension of service—frequency. If the bus between Woonsocket and Providence took about the same amount of time as a car trip, but required no gas, parking, or insurance; and if it came every 15-20 minutes instead of every 30, you can start to imagine a ballooning ridership for the 54.

The most obvious problem with cutting stops is how it might affect people who are dependent on those stops. But providing better pedestrian or bike connections off of the main bus lines can do a better job for less money at standing up for the needs of these riders, while also guarding against misuse of transit funds.

Making Buses Work Without More Money

Investment in transit makes sense sometimes, but a lot of things can be improved about transit just by reordering the system. Houston, Texas has a great example, which reinforces some of the points I made about the 54 bus.

Bus Lanes Can Be Done the Expensive Way, or the Cheap Way

One mistaken assumption I’ve heard people make is to believe that bus lanes inherently cost $400 million. On the contrary, $400 million is potentially available to Rhode Island from the federal government for bus lanes. Whatever funding is available, we should still look to do bus lanes in the most efficient way, not the way government sometimes does things, which is to try to swallow up the most free money possible.

Screen Shot 2016-04-18 at 10.37.05 PM
Expensive and ugly is spelled R. I. D. O. . .

The RIDOT plan to maintain a highway in Olneyville repeats a mistake made by city planners sixty years ago, but it also makes BRT more expensive than it has to be. In order to get to the BRT, riders would have to cross along pedestrian skyway bridges. More bridges means more expense. Those bridges would need to be ADA compliant, which means elevators or ramps. More expense. Adding insult to injury is the fact that these expenses would make the service less comfortable for riders, not more. No one wants to hang out on a skyway bridge above a highway at night. What people want is to be in a populated, safe, attractive area.

So a few things go into bus lanes. We do have a corridor that has demand: Downcity, Smith Hill, Federal Hill, Valley, Olneyville, Manton, the West End, the South Side, and Providence-adjacent neighborhoods of Cranston are highly transit-ready and direct (unlike the 54 route). The best way to provide bus service is to enshrine ideals of competition, and allow the bus to show its strengths. But we should also keep to the thriftiest design, and that means a boulevard.

Beautiful, inexpensive, and functional is spelled M. O. V. I. N. G. T. O. G. . . movingtogetherpvd.com

I hope this explains why bus lanes should remain a part of a 6/10 vision.

~~~~

James Kennedy is a member of the group Moving Together Providence, and advocates for the least expensive 6/10 Connector rebuild, a boulevard. You can follow him on Twitter at @transportpvd.

6/10 project, and other things that remind me of Buddy Cianci


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I would hate that you should have an unfortunate accident. . . 

Last night while I was speaking to some people about the Moving Together PVD boulevard proposal, a man in a grey sweatshirt came over and said “This one here better not get into an accident on his bicycle or he might not get to the hospital in time on his boulevard.*” That man, it turned out, was Mayor Joe Polisena of Johnston, Rhode Island.

I took a deep breath, not knowing the man was the mayor of Johnston, and reached out to shake his hand. “Hi, I’m James Kennedy. I understand that this might not make sense at first, but the proposal I’m pushing is about making commutes better for the suburbs. I’d like to explain that to you.”

“I’m the mayor, I don’t need your explanation. How much more is your boulevard going to cost?”

“It’s cheaper, actually. It’ll shorten bridges and allow us to put the grid of the city back together. It’s going to be better for drivers and help us lower costs.”

He walked away.

After Director Peter Alviti of RIDOT made his presentation, Mayor Polisena was given time to give comments. He again turned to me and stated that one thing he knows as a nurse is that “minutes count” and that a boulevard would back up traffic and cause people to die before going to the hospital.

In the second context, his statement was less of a veiled threat, and more of a factually inaccurate statement. But nonetheless, it was irking to have public officials point to me, make reference to me “having an accident” and then not being allowed to respond to explain my proposal. Alviti did not let me comment in public on the proposal, but instead funneled comments through table “stations” which divided the group and made it easier for DOT to control the conversation (I did convince some suburbanites, though. . . ).

Popsicles in Olneyville

Mayor Polisena may not know how to comport himself in public, but on the contrary, Dir. Alviti does. I know from having met with Dir. Alviti that he is a good man that wants the best for the community, but I think somewhere in the public process Alviti has decided that suburbanites can’t wrap their heads around the boulevard. This is why he’s been pushing a decked highway– what I’ve dubbed the “6/10 Dig”– instead of a boulevard.

Alviti grew up in Silver Lake, and he’s told me in closed meetings that he used to walk as a child from Silver Lake to then-contiguous Olneyville to buy popsicles at the store. No child could do that today, and I know for certain that in a difficult political environment, Alviti is putting forward his expensive highway decking approach because he wants to try his best to pull a good situation from a bad plan. But his plan is wrong, and we have tradition on our side on this.

I’ll betchya a Guinness. . . 

What is a decked highway? Well, while the Moving Together Providence plan calls for shortening bridges so that they only have to cross the train tracks, a decked highway calls for full length bridges over the train tracks and the highway. But that’s the bridges. The decked highway is itself another bridge: a kind of “world’s widest” bridge. It’s not only full length, but the width of the entire area of whatever part of the highway is supposed to be covered.

How can I tie these disparate threads of the story together? Who do we know who made veiled threats, who was beloved by suburbanites who once lived in the city, and who dealt with heady questions about a world’s widest bridge?

Ah, I knew there was someone. . .

I may not have had the level of enthusiasm for Buddy Cianci that some have had, but I can say one thing: Buddy Cianci knew how to get rid of unnecessary infrastructure.

The “World’s Widest Bridge” (in the Guinness Book!) was once over the Providence River. The purpose of that bridge was to carry traffic around Suicide Circle. Buddy Cianci moved a river and the Northeast Corridor, and took that bridge down, to transform the waterfront of Providence. By contrast, we need not move any river, or any train tracks, and need only remove bridges that are about to fall anyway. And then we propose replacing them with a boulevard that continues off of Memorial Boulevard.

Like Buddy did. You know, but cheaper.

Where there’s smoke, there’s logical fallacies.

And for the record, though the concern raised by Mayor Polisena about traffic and ambulance response times is a legitimate one, he is unfortunately mistaken about the nature of traffic. To begin with, the highway creates a wall with pinchpoints that only allows traffic through at odd intervals, so that even though Olneyville Square has a nearly 50 percent car-free rate and no job centers to draw outside commuters, it has some of the worst traffic in the city. Creating a boulevard would open up and make better use of Harris Avenue (which is currently pinched into a one-way street at one end, and thus carries less traffic than it might otherwise be able to). Building a boulevard would mean shortening bridges over existing crossings like Dean, Atwells, Broadway, and Westminster, and thus allowing totally new streets to be reconnected– essentially adding lanes for traffic to use. Building a boulevard would mean that there would be development and walkability near the Bus Rapid Transit lines, which is essential if we want them to be more than a decoration, and to actually carry ridership. And all of those factors mean that a boulevard would improve traffic, not make it worse.

As a matter of fact, I’ve been taunted about fire and ambulance safety before, and so I researched it by contacting UK-born Dutch biking expert David Hembrow. He pointed out to me that traffic is so efficiently dealt with in the Netherlands that cities and towns have far fewer fire stations than in the U.S., and have better response times. But that wasn’t always the case. Here are some images I pinched from his website:

Oops, that one’s a before from somewhere else. Let me try again. . .

Wait a minute! Malfunction!

Ack! Where are my Dutch photo examples! Okay, last try. . .

This one’s Olneyvillestadt. I think that’s a part of the Netherlands. . . Next to SilverLakestadt and WestEnderstam. . .

Alright, you get my point. No World’s Widest Bridges, okay? It’s a bad idea. It’s not worth the G-Note getting passed down the hallway (and I ain’t heard about that, you hear? Have some sauce). A boulevard is the best option for suburbanites. All that Dir. Alviti needs to do is refer to the state’s greatest salesman, who, er, well, wasn’t the most legitimate or upstanding politician, but who was someone who knew how to make the Woonasquatucket a place to visit.**

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*As a side note, I took two buses from work to meet a carpool to Johnston, so I didn’t bike to the meeting.

**I voted for Elorza, alright?

The drivers’ argument for a 6/10 boulevard


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Last Wednesday, RIDOT presented what it is calling a “boulevard-highway hybrid” model of the 6/10 Connector. I’ve dubbed their proposal “6/10 Dig” because it replicates the mistakes of the “Big Dig” in Boston. Our proposal at Moving Together Providence continues to be a true 6/10 Boulevard. Kevin Proft at Eco RI News has done the best comprehensive coverage of this topic of anyone in the media so far, and even I can’t try to reconvene all the information he put together, so please check out his piece.

There are many people who would benefit from the 6/10 Boulevard, but why should drivers support it over the 6/10 Dig option?

RIDOT is wrong. . . It’ll take too long. . .

Cost

A boulevard is a hybrid by nature. The nonsense “highway-boulevard hybrid” name really just means a capped highway, like the Big Dig. The Big Dig was the most expensive highway project in U.S. history. While the Big Dig produced a really nice park for downtown Boston, it left the problems of the highway untouched elsewhere. The same will be true for a 6/10 Dig.

Why is a boulevard cheaper? The 6/10 Connector highway is full of bridges that need to be fixed, and those bridges span parts of the highway itself, as well as over the highway. If we built a boulevard, we could build bridges only over the Northeast Corridor tracks, and that would make the bridges 80% shorter.

Screen Shot 2016-03-29 at 4.58.04 PM
The Soul Survivors predicted RIDOT’s 6/10 Dig in their prescient Expressway to Your Heart.

The capping process for RIDOT’s 6/10 Dig also essentially requires digging and covering two tunnels, in a river valley floodplain. This inherently adds all sorts of unforeseen and difficult-to-predict costs that are not part of a boulevard project. The Alaskan Viaduct, which Washington State’s DOT forced down the throat of Seattle after ignoring two referenda that rejected it, is currently an example of how this can go horribly wrong. Big Bertha, the tunneling device that was specially made to dig the Alaskan Viaduct, has gotten stuck several times. There is also ominous settling of buildings in Seattle’s downtown, suggesting that the tunnel may be undermining the foundations of the buildings. These cost overruns in Seattle are a warning against this approach, just like the numerous cost overruns in Boston were.

The Embarcadero, before and after. The highway cost more AND cut off the waterfront and blocked development. The boulevard has been much more successful.

The 6/10 Dig also keeps a highway form to the road, which means it needs exit and entrance ramps. That not only means spending money to build and maintain those ramps, but it means negatively affecting the development pattern for 70 acres of land that would be available in a boulevard model for development.

RIDOT’s 6/10 Dig proposal: spend more to do an uglier job that will leave less potential to earn taxable income in the future.

Moving Together’s proposal: save now, do a nicer job, and add potential development. We also support reducing the toll amounts to reflect whatever surpluses become available from our model.

Congestion

Screen Shot 2016-03-29 at 4.31.36 PMA few people have started to send me angry tweets or emails about how I’m attempting to drive them out of their car. And while I would very much welcome people choosing to drive less, as evidenced by lots of my writing, I’d like to remind people that you can drive on a boulevard. In fact, boulevards originally were a widening of streets that had been much narrower. The Champs Elysée was thought up by Emperor Napoleon III to prevent further revolutions in France’s capital. Today it carries 60,000 cars and 500,000 pedestrians a day.

Why does a highway work less well for cars than a boulevard? First off, we’re talking about urban highways. A rural highway is a totally appropriate piece of infrastructure that carries cars quickly. An urban highway fails because it blocks many of the advantages that cities have to deal with traffic.

The East Side is a part of Providence that has been (relatively) less affected by highways than other parts of the city. It does have I-195 cutting across its waterfront, which carries its own issues, but unlike Downtown Providence or the West Side, Olneyville, and Silver Lake, it has no highways cutting it directly off from other parts of itself.

Wouldn’t an Angell Street Expressway improve traffic congestion? After all, the East Side has some of the largest employment centers in the state, and because many of the jobs it serves are high-income, a sizable portion of its workforce chooses to live outside the city and commute by car. A hypothetical Angell Street Expressway helps to explain what’s going on in Olneyville with traffic.

Screen Shot 2016-03-29 at 4.35.42 PM

If you look at a map of the East Side, you’ll see that north-south there are fifteen pairs of streets between Butler and Main Street, inclusive. That’s fifteen streets, each with two lanes.

Google says it would take 7 minutes to go up Angell Street at the current speed limit. Having an expressway might half that time, in theory.

But what of those north-south trips? In order to make the highway work at high speed, it would have to be limited-access, meaning that it would have only a few entrances and exits. All of the traffic that currently flows through 30 lanes of small streets would have to cross the highway at odd intervals– perhaps at Main St., Hope St., and Gano St.

This would be a disaster, but that wouldn’t be the only thing about the Angell Street Expressway that would be messed up for drivers.

Screen Shot 2016-03-29 at 4.41.05 PM

A hypothetical Angell Street Expressway would need exit- and entrance-ramps for those three stops. I took a screenshot of an area of the map roughly the size of the Viaduct and placed it over Thayer Street. There’d be a second one like this on the other side. Several blocks of housing and businesses would have to be removed in between the exit- and entrance-ramps, for the full length of the highway. And two more sets of exit- and entrance-ramps would be needed at Main and Gano, respectively.

Would this have a further effect on driving times? Of course. Currently, many people walk on the East Side, and that contributes to the fact that Thayer Street is lively even sometimes during blizzards, and can have tremendous success drawing people for business when the street is closed to cars. Suddenly every trip would need to be driven. And the lack of a grid would mean that people who were driving short trips would take the highway to get around and through this maze.

The East Side is not perfectly uncongested, especially on Thayer Street itself, which is very popular, and narrow. But doesn’t it seem odd that a part of the city where the most employment and economic activity is happening manages without an Angell Street Expressway, but Olneyville– a part of the city that is depressed, and has a nearly 50% non-car-ownership rate, but no major industries– has constant traffic? Olneyville Square at 3:30 on a Wednesday looks like Thames Street on 4th of July in Newport, but with none of the apparent economic activity driving that congestion.

A capped highway could connect some streets, because the connective parkland built over the highway might be wide enough to slightly expand the range of choices to drivers. But it would do so at great cost now, and into the future, and so the number of bridges that could be built would be limited. A boulevard, because of its low cost, could reconnect almost all the streets on either side, and at much less cost. And what that means is that instead of having to sit through Olneyville Square to get to a highway that will be almost as backed up, you can glide along a number of streets in a connected neighborhood.

A Tested Idea

We’ve already been here, and it wasn’t any flower-sniffing hippie that brought us there. The late Buddy Cianci moved train tracks and a river to put together Memorial Blvd and Waterplace Park, both of which have been successful by any measure. But because of the weird engineering choices that had to go into those projects, they were obviously very expensive. By contrast, the 6/10 Boulevard project does something we’ll have to do one way or another: tear down the old 6/10 Connector. The only thing that is different is it calls for not rebuilding the monstrosity. By saving money, we can lower tolls. We can add development land to the tax revenue of the state and city. But we can also better support drivers by removing the old grey wall that currently stands in their way.

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UPDATE: Addressing some other concerns.

 

The Great Northwest Passage

Lewis & Clark, here I come.

Boulevard proponents do not intend to remove the whole of Rt. 6. This is something that keeps coming up as a concern, and that is something I want to address here.

This section of Rt. 6, heading from Manton into Johnston, would be untouched. It functions well as a highway between the outside of the city to the core. No changes proposed.

It’s It’s It’s understandable for people not to know this, since everyone in the state shouldn’t be expected to live and breathe the 6/10 Connector as I do, but the Moving Together Providence proposal does not make any changes to the northwest corridor of Rt. 6. Our proposal calls for the boulevard to transition back to a highway somewhere around Hartford Avenue north. Where the map cuts off to the northwest is roughly where such a transition to a highway could go. It’s not nearly as harmful to have Rt. 6 along the edge of Manton into Johnston as it is to have it cut through other parts of the city as the 6/10 Connector, because there are not meaningful historic commerce or community connections being blocked. The Woonasquatucket Greenway already exists parallel to this section of highway.

We propose changes between Providence Place Mall and Edgewood, but not into Manton/Johnston. Look at all the streets on either side of the Connector that could be re-gridded if we shortened bridge lengths and economized. That’s a convenience for everyone, especially drivers.

Justin Katz of Ocean State Current-Anchor happily surprised me when he endorsed the idea that the people of Providence should have the greatest say in the form of the 6/10 Connector, and that spurred a conversation in the comments section of his post. Commenters ShannonEntropy and Tom Hoffman brought up issues related to the interests of suburban commuters, citing the lack of a good “east-west” route (ShannonEntropy’s words). Hoffman, who has written in support of the boulevard as part of the labor-oriented Common Ground RI, did not mention an east-west connection in his comments on the piece, but has brought this issue to me in other conversations.

The search for the Great Northwest Passage led Lewis & Clark astray, and I think this concern is also wrongheaded here. Just to illustrate the point, let’s look at a density map of Rhode Island.
Screen Shot 2016-04-01 at 10.42.07 AM

 

 

Yes, it’s clear that commuters from the northwest of the state use Rt. 6 if they want to come into the city– and they should continue to. No one– let me repeat that– no one is trying to get you to stop driving to Providence from Johnston or points northwest.

The issues that plague the 6/10 Connector don’t emanate from Johnston commuters. They emanate from the huge number of local trips that are misplaced onto the Connector by a lack of a street grid. All of the commuters from the northwest of the state could try getting on the highway at once, and my feeling is that even together, they’d have a hard time creating a traffic jam, but if even a small number of Providence residents are pushed onto the highway for the short trips they’re taking between neighborhoods, it would create a traffic jam. That’s what happens everyday.

There’s an enduring dream of a Great Northwest Passage out of Providence and across the state, and some wish that that passage would have also connected with I-84. I think that would be a mistake as well. The natural, self-organizing nature of commuter and residency habits has created no problem here. The 6/10 Connector has. If we’d knocked through the rural hinterlands of the state with an expensive highway addition, we would be causing Big Government to redefine and socially engineer that reality away from what it is.

How to transition?

How is this done? One of the cheapest, more congestion-fighting, and safest ways to transition a high-speed road to a lower-speed one is a roundabout or traffic circle.

Traffic circles have downsides, particularly for cyclists, which is why in the Netherlands, cyclepaths are usually routed around them. But for transitioning the edge of a city into a highway, roundabouts create a highly efficient compromise between pedestrian and car needs, which also costs a lot less than signaling. State DOTs like Wisconsin’s require roundabouts as the first consideration for all newly designed intersections, in part because they save money, and in part because they reduce the incidence and severity of crashes.

The example I use above is somewhat different than what I have in mind, but still illustrates the self-organizing nature of traffic in a traffic circle. The actual implementation of the idea as a transition point between highway and boulevard would differ because it would not be in the center of town, but rather on the edge of urban development towards something else. Philadelphia’s Eakin’s Oval– a transition between the very fast Kelly Drive/East River Drive and the boulevard-like Benjamin Franklin Parkway– and Logan Circle– the second transition, between the faster part of the Parkway and the much slower, more urban part near Philadelphia’s City Hall.

Screen Shot 2016-04-01 at 11.05.44 AM

 

If you think, “Gee, the Ben Franklin Parkway doesn’t look that urbanist to me” you’re right. Jane Jacob’s hated the Ben Franklin Parkway, which she identified in The Death and Life of Great American Cities as a big-planner departure from the more organic street form of Philadelphia around places like Rittenhouse Square. But that’s the point, in a way: a boulevard is not perfect urbanism. It’s a compromise point between the needs of drivers to drive in the city, and the needs of the city to be a city. The Ben Franklin Parkway isn’t my favorite part of Philadelphia as a native of that region, but it is a beautiful and enjoyable one, and economically productive. It features widely on postcards of Philadelphia, as the endpoint of the famous “Rocky Steps” of the Museum of Art.

Center City Philadelphia viewed from Eakin’s Oval, just southeast of the Rocky Steps.

A failed vision

We should not use the most expensive item in our pantry for every purpose, but that does not make that item bad. The distortion of the American diet, many have pointed out, comes not from the “bad” foods we eat being “bad for us” so much as from the weirdly top-down planning that makes those foods everyday fare. This same paradigm affects driving, and transit.

Just to show you that I’m not biased against driving, let me give you a transit waste example.

The transit planner Jarrett Walker, out of Portland Oregon, produced a stunning redesign of Houston’s bus system. The Houston system had been bleeding ridership for many years, and Walker redesigned the system to be more comprehensive, more frequent, and more convenient, while not spending any extra money on it. Naturally this involved some tradeoffs, but the vast majority of previous riders of Houston’s buses continue to use the same bus stop now that the system has changed. Ridership is now increasing, instead of decreasing.

Walker has described how members of the public whose bus stop did change sometimes did not like the fact that they had to walk an extra quarter mile to get to the route, not understanding that buses don’t simply represent lines on a map, but also lines that have other dimensions– like frequency and span. If you have two buses to choose from, but they’re half as frequent, and their resultant low ridership means they stop at 7 PM instead of 12 PM, then the two buses are a less useful service than just one.

A bus is a cost-effective service if used right, but it’s also an expensive service that requires on-going maintenance and labor costs. Using the most expensive item in your toolbox– a bus– to meet the needs of a pedestrian trip does not make sense, especially if spreading those resources undermines both.

People often say I’m “the bike guy” because they misunderstand my point about bike routes. Bike routes an inexpensive tool, so the more we can meet the needs of commuters on bikes, and then use our more expensive tools like roads and buses sparingly, the better we’re able to marshall our resources to the best result for taxpayers and commuters.

If you want to meet the needs of disabled people, for instance, you could spread your bus resources really thin, and provide a bad bus service for everyone, or you could create a few very good buses for the same cost, but use the savings to fill the gaps with good pedestrian and bicycle infrastructure.

The failed vision of RIPTA is often to stop in each nook and cranny, to turn into each parking lot, to hit each 100 foot gap, and by doing so make the route take forever and work for no one but the most desperate. A better vision would have RIPTA marshall its resources towards the highest uses, and let bicycles and sidewalks fill in the gaps.

How that failed vision applies to roads

Urban highways were a utopian vision by planners like Le Corbusier. Here was Le Corbusier’s vision for Paris:

Y

You can see not only that this is an awful vision, but that it resembles the 1960s Big Government views of people like Robert Moses. What Le Corbusier misunderstood was that the apparent efficiency of highways doesn’t work in the context he imagined it. He forgot parking, he forgot traffic congestion, and most of all he forgot that highways are the dollop of expensive whipped cream on the pancake, not the pancake itself.

The RIDOT 6/10 Dig proposal reminds of this 1920s era, when planners thought they could direct each activity from above with unlimited resources. It’s an entrancing vision, actually, and if you forget how much it would cost, or how many resources it would swallow, you can almost see why it seemed like a great idea.

In a bus, the bus is the expensive option, and walking or biking is the final connection. They exist together. With a highway, the highway is the expensive option, and driving a city street is the final connection. To imagine that all the city streets would disappear into huge Jetsons-like highways, with towers-in-the-park between them, is wrong.

Why a boulevard?

A boulevard makes the most sense because it rejects the utopianism of Le Corbusier, and instead uses highways as the tool they’re meant for– long-distance travel between two productive places. The boulevard reconnects streets. Yes, there are commuters from the northwest, and because they come from suburban and rural areas, it is very likely that many of them if not all of them will continue to drive post-boulevard. But because their numbers are less great than our intuition says, that’s actually not a problem. The goal of a boulevard, or of any urbanist project, is not to force people not to drive, but to create the right set of options so that driving doesn’t become the only way around. Let’s take our heads out of the 1920s’ futurism, and build the 6/10 of today.

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The flaw(s) in opposition to a basic income


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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BY1OKSObkH0

Our friends at Ocean State Current-Anchor recently published a piece against the concept of a guaranteed minimum or guaranteed basic income. Justin Katz argues that a GMI would interfere with price discovery, which is an important mechanism in free markets. He is wrong.

Whoo hoo!

Okay, first, let’s celebrate. The fact that Katz is addressing this is a sign that substantial success has been made in promoting the concept of a guaranteed minimum income among liberals and conservatives. He even acknowledges that ‘[e]ven on the political right, some folks are willing to entertain the idea as a reimagining of the welfare state. . .”.

First they ignore us, then they laugh at us, then they fight us. . . We’re somewhere around step 2 1/2, because we’re not getting laughed at, but the argument being made against us is not emanating from an immediate bill to make this happen.

The Right and the Basic Income

Who does Katz mean when he says that some on the right are willing to entertain a guaranteed minimum income?

He might be referring back to a recent (fairly epic) conversation I had with Ken Block, Katz, C. Andrew Morse, and several other people about RI H7515. I won’t rehearse the ins and outs of that, but the gestalt of it was me pointing out that many land use, tax, and transportation disincentives to business are more significant than the labor movement in chasing away small business in Rhode Island.

C. Andrew Morse, though in concert with the others (and against me) on just about everything else, did say that he thought it was plausible to imagine a future where benefits like SNAP or Section 8 could be swapped out for a general income to all people in the country.

On a grander level, though, the right has always been the biggest proponent of a guaranteed minimum income (with substantial left support). The kingpin of economic conservatism, Milton Friedman, was a huge supporter:

Don’t worry. Though Friedman is not usually the sort of person many of us would claim common ground with, guaranteed minimum income programs are an important part of most social democracies, and even (in a weaker form) exists in the U.S. through the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC). In fact, the GMI is arguably more important than the minimum wage in creating lowered inequality in a market economy, because in places like Denmark it allows what’s called “labor flexibility” while also providing an effective bargaining shove in the favor of working class organizing.

Building from Lincoln Logs

The argument that Katz is making about price discovery is not false. Katz says:

What ought to happen [in economic hardship] is that prices adjust to reflect the new economic reality. If your entire industry is displaced, many people won’t be able to afford the latest gadgets, so the industry that makes those gadgets will have to find a way to lower their prices.  Every industry will have to lower its prices to reflect the reduction in demand at current prices.  That sounds terrifying, but remember that the premise is that technology is displacing people and making everything less expensive to produce.

This is true.

To take an example: in the housing crisis, it was bad for a person who owned a house for their housing price to dip, and a lot of effort has been made to re-inflate the housing bubble so that prices would return to an upward trend. But obviously having housing prices dip would be good for someone who might want to buy a house but previously couldn’t. It’s more complex than that, of course, but mainly that’s because we have a string of regulatory and tax externalities that get in the way of very poor people taking advantage of that price change. For instance, we zone away affordable housing types, we make it illegal for certain people or certain numbers of people to share housing, we have a tax system that rewards interest payments that primarily are accessed through loans by wealthy people, and so on. But the point, overall, is still true. If you live in Providence as a poor person you are much more likely to be able to find affordable housing than if you live in a housing market like San Francisco where the prices have gone sky-high.

Where Katz goes wrong is in building an economy out of Lincoln Logs. He imagines a very small scale village, perhaps, where giving the village’s poor is a huge input into the economy, and has an outsized effect on prices. It’s true that poor people getting a basic income will have a slight stabilizing effect on prices, but the effect on the poor people’s poverty is going to be a lot bigger to them than to the community. It’s like rolling a bowling ball down a ramp and having it bounce off a super-ball. The laws of physics say that each is affected equally in opposite directions, but the mass and elasticity of the super-ball mean that it is the actor that is affected most dramatically.

The problem here is that Katz ignores orders of magnitude. We have a huge economy, and currently in that economy the top 0.1% of the U.S. owns more than the bottom 150 million people the bottom 90% (287 million= 318.9 million x 0.9, see reference from Politifact). Making sure that an even smaller slice of that 150 million 287 million has a basic amount of money to not go homeless or hungry is insignificant compared to the size of the economy.

Other Flaws– Forgetting Costs

This’ll be a basic rehearsal for many people on the left, but the right should remember that just removing one cost does not always mean solving a problem. In fact, this shouldn’t be a controversial thing to impress upon a conservative who is thoughtful, because conservatives are the group that most seeks the concept of a business-like “cost-benefit analysis”. A liberal might be inclined to say that certain things just are good no matter what, but conservatives are supposed to be the people who say, “Wait, what are the other factors?”

Here are some other factors I can think of:

Violence: When people are in absolute desperation, they are more likely to turn to violence. We can assume that we’re going to take a tough stance on these folks, but that means building prisons and paying for more police. Since we already have the largest prison population in the world– bigger than China’s, both per capita, and absolutely– we’re not really in a place to dillydally on this issue. Welfare reform sucked for lots of reasons, but the oddest one of all was perhaps that it ultimately has cost us more money than welfare did to get rid of welfare and put people in prisons.

Educational gaps: In the long-run, the market corrects many things, but as Keynes said, “In the long run we’re all dead.” If a child has a short-term shortage of nutrition, even if a very effective private charity eventually fixes that problem, the gap in the meantime is likely to cause longterm harm to their educational achievement.

Health: Whether we have a fully private health system, or a fully public one, or a weird mishmash of public and private like what we have here in the U.S., the costs to mental and physical health are great when people are in tough times.

Bureaucracy: As Friedman points out, we’re not starting from scratch. We have numerous bureaucracies that handle many overlapping and competing forms of aid. Martin Luther King made a similar point, if from a very different perspective, during his Poor People’s Economic Human Rights Campaign. The biggest single advantage of the guaranteed minimum income over other programs is that it deals with aid more efficiently. Conservatives should stop acting as though some magical world without aid of any kind is going to come about, and instead start thinking of how existing aid programs can be made to benefit the most people for the least amount of money.

Markets are Good, Extremes are Bad

The Schumpeterian “creative destruction” of the market which is part of the very laissez faire Austrian school of economics says that bad things happening in an economy can produce great progress in the long run. While we’re not terribly open to this idea on the left, we should be. For one, it’s merely a reflection of the Marxist belief in the same thing, and was in fact developed in response to the idea of Marxism.

More to the point, creative destruction is all around us. When a business fails, someone is able to buy up the resources from that business at pennies on the dollar and repurpose them. It’s like the succession of a forest: a fire happens, thousands of trees are lost, but the conditions that allow small plants to grow up and mature are created, and soon a new forest is born. But this metaphor fails when it’s taken to the micro-level. We don’t think of people as like trees. We think of people as people. We value them (because, after all, we’re biased) as individuals. In the long run, the creative destruction happens. The welfare system exists to make sure the change happens without harming individual people.

A guaranteed minimum income is a good way to balance the forces of creative destruction without sacrificing what’s most important to us: people. Conservatives should adjust to that.

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Update: Justin Katz wrote a response to mine this morning, drawing heavily on the physics metaphor. I think he still misses the point, and in some ways he digs himself into a less reasonable position than he initially took.

Elasticity

Much of his post really draws on the elasticity aspect of the physics metaphor. Quoting from the most recent piece:

First, though, I’ll point out a technicality.  My post was explicitly not about using a UBI as a welfare mechanism for a small population of very poor people, but rather about using it as a way to reconfigure our economy when technology makes large numbers of human jobs superfluous.  In that case, Kennedy’s argument about size and elasticity does not apply.

Well, yes, Katz’s article was about how the GMI could be used to protect the Big Other of the tech industry, but that is exactly the reason the elasticity argument does apply. Let’s review what Katz said in his first piece:

As David Rotman writes in the MIT Technology Review, some folks are seeing a UBI as a way to address the social change when technology ensures that fewer and fewer people actually have to do anything resembling work:

[Quote block within Katz’s piece] “… among many tech elites and their boosters, the idea of a basic income seems to have morphed from an antipoverty strategy into a radical new way of seeing work and leisure. In this view, the economy is becoming increasingly dominated by machines and software. That leaves many without jobs and, notably, society with no need for their labor. So why not simply pay these people for sitting around? Somehow, in the thinking of many in Silicon Valley, this has become a good thing.”

It’s not surprising that tech oligarchs and other comfortable groups of people would favor the idea, because the healthier, more-natural economic path forward would put some risk on them, rather than just on the poor folks losing their jobs.  If you’re out of work and the government gives you money (from somewhere), then you can go on buying devices and software, keeping Silicon Valley humming. (My emphasis)

Whatever Rothman or Katz might say, my point is the GMI has never been offered as a way to prop up specific industries. Its biggest advantage is the fact that it gives tremendous choice to individuals who use it, not that it acts as some kind of constraint on choice through corporate welfare or state-owned-industries. The disappearance of particular jobs due to industrial change may in fact be the reason a given population has no work, or has lousy work, at any given time, but the mechanism of addressing that problem– giving them money– does not in any way protect an industry. Recipients can “go on buying devices” but they can also buy other things if they wish. There’s no implicit guarantee for the industries.

So Katz says elasticity is good.

But Katz moves the goal posts from the beginning of his rebuttal to the end, because he states that:

Right now, we’ve got a pretty stiff approach to welfare, delivered mainly in specific products and services, and it’s processed through a slow bureaucracy.  In addition to the simple wastefulness of doing anything through government, this creates complications and has an effect on the economy (decreasing the incentive to work, for example), but we have to consider pluses and minuses in our specific context.  Cash, on the other hand, is a very elastic medium, and using it for welfare would rocket the economic and individual problems much higher.

Money is fungible, of course, so if we all pay for somebody’s food, that person can spend his or her other money on things of which we do not approve, but at least he or she gets the food.  If we simply hand out cash, then the person can skip the food and go right to paying for… say… hard drugs.  Being compassionate, what does our society do then?  Finally cut the people off, and declare their destitution beyond our responsibility? (My emphasis)

So Katz says elasticity is bad.

Today,  Katz’s blog trumpets a vote to make using SNAP benefits for drugs or gambling illegal. So while Katz’s reply to me does acknowledge an outside chance of fraudulent SNAP use (“Of course, giving people things they don’t want above other things, but that have value, we probably increase the tendency toward fraud (to convert the food into cash”), he argues that the benefit of the SNAP program is that it mostly guards against that result (“If we fund just food, the person still has to come up with money for things he or she wants.  That could mean incentive to work.”). Yet if SNAP’s advantage is that it prevents the elastic use of its benefits for things like drugs, why does Katz’s blog highlight an effort to make that use illegal at the state level? It is already illegal to use SNAP for this purpose at the federal level. The answer is that the 66-1 vote to make welfare fraud doubly illegal is more about casting doubt on the morality of poor people than about addressing a real problem.

So Katz may be a hobgoblin, but consistency is not part of his mind.

Nonetheless, drug abuse is a real thing, and it is not at all hard to imagine that some people do manage to use their food stamps for purposes other than food. Milton Friedman had answers to the idea of drug use directly. He felt that government did its best work in providing basic and mostly undifferentiated services to the general public, while very complex social issues were best handled at the ground level by private individuals. I think this is a solution that is commensurate with social democratic thought, but at its very roots it is a conservative idea. So in Friedman’s world, all people would have some basic money to do with what they might, and private charities could educate them to the risks of drug use, provide needle exchanges to prevent disease amongst those who still choose drug use, and provide varied approaches to treatment for those getting out of drug abuse. The housing needs of individuals suffering from this problem would be privately met– untrammeled by exclusionary zoning. This is a vision where the vast majority of the complex work of fixing a complex issue is done by the private sector. This is the vision offered by the left. The right, on the other hand, has worked to make basic benefits hard to get, but has also tied the hands of private individuals who might want to help with drug abuse. Needle-exchanges, drug decriminalization, and other programs that might let the private sector shine have generally been anathema to the right (I couldn’t find anything immediately demonstrable of this on Katz’s blog, and it’s not fair to paint all conservative thought with one brush, but to illustrate my point, here’s an example from Kentucky. Some Republicans in New Hampshire had a better approach this year, though their party was split).

Mass

I feel the Earth move under my feet. . .

Katz does not address relative masses, but I think mass is actually the more important factor. And, in fact, I actually think my first metaphor was too modest. The difference between an individual getting modest help and the size of the economy is less like a basketball-to-golf-ball comparison than it is to an Earth-to-basketball comparison. The economy of the country is huge, and the amount of help needed to provide sustenance is tiny. It’s impacts are felt heavily on the individual and weakly on the economy not just because the individual is more elastic (can make more individuated choices) but also because the mass difference is so great.

Think about it: you move the Earth. Everyday. When you jump off the ground, you push on the Earth and the Earth pushes back. Equally. It’s an astounding thought when you first think of it, but it’s a law of physics (Newton’s Second). But though the law states as an ironclad rule that the effects are equal in terms of their physical force, the three feet you may be able to jump are much greater than the tiny, many-zeroed, decimals-of-a-micrometer that your motion affects the trajectory of the Earth– though it technically does affect its trajectory.

Astounding. The world around us is amazing. Let’s make sure everyone can enjoy that wonder.

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If you like what you see, you can donate to my PayPal at james.p.kennedy@gmail.com.

An argument for a guaranteed minimum income in Rhode Island


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IvinsI spent the afternoon today gathering papers, riding the bus, waiting in lines, and copying things.

The Food Stamps/SNAP office in Rhode Island is a humanizing experience compared to what I’ve experienced in lines like these in Pennsylvania. The sharpest memories I have of Pennsylvania welfare lines was that they happened within a room that was all harsh orange, like a ginger snap box. The rooms never had windows. In Rhode Island, I’m surprised by how much some high vaulted ceilings, picture windows, and muted colors do to make my waiting process less stressful. It feels like the perfectly designed factory-farm line. I get clocked on the head, and I don’t even know what hit me! I do have to dodge state employees’ cars as I walk across the parking lot, and being patted down and searched is always a fun experience as I enter. But my goodness! There’s natural light!

That’s the kindest thing I can say about it.

Every time I’m in a line like this, I end up next to a Talker. Today the Talker was well ahead of me in line, but kindly shifted her place with another woman carrying a child.

“Well, when youse got little ones, youse gotta’ get ahead in line. ‘S only faihhh, really.”

The Talker replaced the child-carrying woman and started to carry on talking to me.

“Yeah, I agree,” I say, smiling, “That was a nice thing you did.” Then I try to turn my eye contact away, as if to say, and now I’m going to go back to my pretension of anonymity. The Talker talks.

The gist of the Talker’s spiel is always the same–always far more personal than I want to deal with in my pig-slaughter line–but usually right nonetheless. I can’t believe the papers I’ve got to gather. Or I had to take a day off for this. Or sometimes, alternatively, I wish I could be home looking for a job. It’s been rough being out of work.

“Yeah, I know what you mean,” I say. “It’s frustrating. Why don’t they just give us our food stamps automatically when we fill out our taxes, like with the Earned Income Tax Credit?”

The Talker stares at me as I say this. She blinks three times. Then she continues.

“Well, my boyfriend’s been living with me fahhh ages. And ‘s real impahhhtant that. . . “*

A man next to me clenches his jaw as if to say shut this person up. His expression also says, this is your @$#!ing fault. Why are you engaging her? I’ve gotten this look before, and it’s part of why usually avoid eye contact with the Talkers in line.

“I know, it’s really frustrating,” I say again. And this time I feel like I’m trying to share eye contact with two people, and hoping that no one gets upset.

I’ve stood in enough lines like this next to Talkers, watching other people get even tenser about their talking than I am, and I’ve often thought about how stupid the lines are.

Why is it that I can fill out my taxes at the end of the year, and my employers have already sent in what I’ve earned, so that essentially all I have to do is type it into a box on the computer, or write it on a sheet of paper, and then add, but we can’t get a streamlined system for the welfare office to figure out what my income is for food stamps? Why is it that when I submitted my lease last year (a two-year lease, that I negotiated to keep the rent stable, the landlord talking me down from my three-year offer) that the welfare office is not able to keep that on file and use it again? Why do I have to rifle through my stuff, waste my time on a bus, stand in at least one (and usually two or three) lines, all to keep a modest government benefit? (I could fax it, which is always fun, because a. I have to find a fax machine somewhere outside the confines of 1987, and b. I have to wonder whether the damned thing actually got accepted).

And being me, I think about this in a way that would probably confound liberals and conservatives alike. Why are all these state employees kept working, kept wasting taxpayer money, doing things that could be streamlined and made easier? Why is our benefit system so lousy and stingy and unhelpful?

And then there’s cultural aspects of the experience. I’d like to bring the bargain-basement laptop I got whose battery works for all of twenty minutes, and sit and work on job applications while I wait for people to call me from various lines (to various other lines….). But all over the walls, there are English and Spanish instructions telling me not to enchufe mi telefono. For me, it’s not even a matter of feeling entitled to free electricity. I would pay a kilowatt charge to use the plug, because the amount of electricity I’m actually going to use is likely extremely negligible (What are they going to charge me, fifty cents?). But I can’t count on the office to let me know a reasonable time to get back and interview, so I have to wait in my pig line for the time when they call me. All the while, I have to waste time.

There’s no food in the welfare office, please. But I have to sit there and deal with bureaucratic mishaps a couple hours at least, about every six months.

If I was to formulate a system for dealing with welfare, it would be a lot different:

First of all, all benefits would be increased by fifty percent. And in line with the principles of a guaranteed minimum income, I would make sure that people don’t have to lose benefits as they try to climb the ladder. I have a very modest amount of unemployment right now, but the part-time job I have cuts right into that. Meanwhile, the cash-payment of the job means that I’m going to have to fill out an “outside contractor” tax form at the end of the year, and perhaps lose even more money. I have to get a special letter to prove that I work, because I don’t have pay stubs. Then I have to wait in line.

What if we could just sign up easily for things like Food Stamps, Medicaid, and so on through our 1040 form? It would cut down on bureaucracy, increase aid to people who needed it, and save money at the same time.

Secondly, in order to cut down on waste, we would start automatically starting and stopping benefits according to one’s tax status. It’s absolutely absurd that I can get an EIC, or sign up to start or end Medicaid through a streamlined process, but I can’t do so for food stamps. A lot of people don’t seek the benefits they deserve because they feel ashamed to do so. Simply having an office like this stigmatizes the process (and, of course, lots of benefits exist that socialize the costs of middle and upper class people, but those are dealt with through the tax system: the parking deduction, the mortgage interest deduction, write-offs for various kinds of Wall Street investments, all exist through normal tax forms and are not recognized by right-wing voters as forms of socialism-for-the-haves, even though they are). We should make sure that all tax information is available and understandable in multiple languages, and available to all residents. If we can make the enchufe signs multi-lingual, then we can also do this with tax benefits on a 1040.

Third: Let’s join the 21st Century. I’ve lived many of my years without a computer, though I have one now. I understand that somewhere in the system we may have decided that not doing things through email was a way of accommodating people who don’t have access to the internet. But I’ve never had a fax machine in my house. I’m not sure why fax machines are still something I have to track down in order to deal with food stamps. I’m not sure why they ever were something I had to deal with. I either have to find a friend who has one at work, or I have to go to Fed-Ex and spend usurious amounts of money to use theirs, and at the end of the day, I could have sent documents a lot easier using screenshots, PDFs, or any number of other tools off of a library computer.

Fourth: Plugs should be available for use. It’s absurd that we have free wifi at McDonalds but we can’t even have pay-as-you-go plugs in the walls at the welfare office. Ideally, this point would be moot because no one would ever have to stand in a stupid line like this ever again. But while we’re still continuing this dumb situation, we should at least modify some of the worst aspects.

These are modest goals. We have some of the worst income inequality in the developed world, but we spend a pretty similar amount of our GDP distorting free market capitalism (we’re on par with Denmark). We just do so in ways that don’t benefit poor people. And then we make sure that many of the programs we do have are hard to understand and hard to access. Republicans should support my plan because it will cut down on state workers, and focus energy on the actual goal of the program. Democrats should support my plan because it would increase direct support to low-income people in a way that gets past unfair information asymmetries. This is common sense, everyone.

Why the hell am I in this stupid line is a question I’m sick of asking myself. I apply for things and I’m either over-qualified or under-qualified. I’ve been at three-person-panel interviews for barista work. So maybe there’s something going wrong with me that someone who thinks about 1040 forms and economics is standing in a line like this. Or maybe it’s some legacy of my childhood background, of not having the right connections to make better use of my education. But whatever it is, I stand here in this goddamned line every six months, and I’m sick of it! We should be able to make our income redistribution programs both more generous and more streamlined, and save taxpayer waste that is put into unnecessary bureaucracy.

~~~~

Just to be clear, I’m adding this person’s accent for narrative color, not to make fun of her. When I open my mouth, a cavalcade of working class jibberish comes out too, it’s just working class jibberish from the Mid-Atlantic, and not from New England. Yuge cup of byeahd cawfee anyone–or yuzz just wunt to geow heowme and have hyeahf a cup then?


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