How is Raimondo’s pension policy impacting retirees?


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RIRTASources within the Rhode Island public sector retirees community have come forward with a survey, taken of a demographic of former public sector employees, that is striking in conclusions for the wider public sector retiree population and future ones.

The survey of the Rhode Island Retired Teachers’ Association was sent to 603 members and 247 members responded. This cohort was from age 58 to 96 and had 36 respondents living out of state.

6 questions were asked. We have eliminated question 2 and 3 as they were poorly worded.

Question 4 asked how they keep current with local and state news (Newspaper, Radio, Television)

Two remaining questions were:

Are you in favor of more open information from the RI State Treasurer about pension investments and fees? Yes or No

All 247 responded yes

Has the loss of the yearly COLA had a negative impact on your standard of living? Yes or No

230 responded yes

Is it important the RIRTA continue to investigate the RI Public Pension Fund for possible criminal mismanagement? Yes or No

Again, all 247 responded yes

Finally we asked “In a few sentences, please tell us how the new pension law (loss of COLA) has impacted your life.” Following are some of the comments:

Believed the COLA/pension was a guarantee-thought it would be wisely invested.

A sad ending (COLA loss) to a job I loved.

Rent goes up! Healthcare goes up! Check does not.

I am chipping at my savings to keep pace with rising taxes, insurance, goods, fees etc.

I have no hope that my pension alone (no COLA) will keep me financially viable.

Mentally for sure. Am I going to have enough money till the end? How long will I be able to stay in my house? All the same concerns I heard from my Mothers’ generation.

It is like living in Limbo and the future is scary.

I cannot be a consumer anymore. The bottom line is there is no expendable income to support out local businesses, charities and nothing for political contributions.

Have discussed with my wife the advantage of moving out of RI to a state that will not tax my pension.

I made my decision to retire based on the 3% COLA…..I don’t have the funds I thought I could count on.

The comfort level we anticipated for us through our elder years has been stolen from us.

There are over 20,000 of us suffering our own recession.

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The sudden need to defend Raimondo’s pension plan is intriguing


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Joseph McNamara

Prominent public figures are appearing on taxpayer-funded television to shape the discourse about the pension heist after the media has been flooded with information from reputable sources that question the need for Raimondo’s intervention. It’s no surprise that Michael Riley and Brown University’s Wendy Schiller, along with Edward Achorn, are defending these efforts, they are neo-liberals, but Democratic Party Chair Joseph McNamara should be seriously interrogated for this: he is supporting the impoverishment of senior citizens while the Governor seemingly profits off the shady and not-so-blind trust that the pension is invested in.

Riley does provide some useful commentary. He emphasizes that the pension is invested in a bunch of junk commodities that are going to cause trouble down the road. What he does not mention is that the pension will not return to viability in the future because of the outrageous fees being billed to the pension fund by the hedge fund managers.

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How we all will pay for Raimondo’s pension “reform”


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cost-of-living-chart

The annual Cost of Living Adjustment (COLA) is one of the most vital elements of living on a fixed income. If things are moving smoothly, the recipient of benefits, be it their retirement plan or Social Security disability insurance, is given a COLA that compensates for inflation or the rise of costs for things like heating fuel and food.

But imagine if, after putting in years of hard work at an honest job, the administrators of your retirement plan told you to go blow, that you were a selfish leech who should have known better than take a public sector job, and that there would be no more COLAs for you?

Welcome to the plight of the retired public sector worker in Rhode Island!

The Rhode Island Retirement Security Act of 2011, a law loaded with more hyperbole than honesty, forbade any future COLAs from being given to retired teachers, janitors, and thousands more people who had done an honest day’s work for decades only to be screwed over by a legislature full of ne’er do well legislators and a Treasurer, now Governor, who used confusing polysyllabic verbiage to occlude the building of a pipeline from the Rhode Island pension fund into the coffers of former Enron traders and a host of other dubious figures on Wall Street who have never done a day’s honest work.

It is time to talk seriously not just about the case of the missing COLAs but what is going to happen when people cannot dip into their savings anymore to make up the difference in their monthly budgets.

Are we supposed to be mum when droves of retired public employees are lining up at the Food Stamps office? Should we be impressed when the Baby Boomers are spending their final years in destitution? Is part of Raimondo’s plan having these seniors taking out loans from her friends on Wall Street that they might not be able to pay back?

The systemic ripple effect caused by this 2011 law is going to impact this state in a negative fashion for years to come and we will all be paying for it.

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Rep. Joe McNamara

Perhaps one of the doors to begin asking questions at would be that of Rep. Joe McNamara, the Chair of the Democratic Party. McNamara spent his career in the Pawtucket school system and yet we hear nothing yet from him about restoring the COLAs that would be going to his mailbox. Why is beyond me, but I do know that Mao Zedong would call that a contradiction.

Regardless of one’s political orientation, repealing this law should be made an election year issue. If you are a self-described fiscal conservative, it makes perfect sense to want to reduce the need for social safety net public benefits. If you are a liberal, it is about restoring the social contract and upholding the state’s side of a bargain it made with honest working class people. If you are someone who is opposed to corruption, it would clean the clocks of several dirty politicians that might be benefiting from the pension heist. The only person who might not benefit is myself, who would have less muck to rake, and Gina Raimondo, who might see her dubious blind trust stop sending her fat checks every month.

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An interview with Ted Siedle about the myth of Gina Raimondo, working class hero


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For years, Gina Raimondo has engineered a deceptive image for herself as a working-class Rhode Islander who broke out of the blue collar and got lucky while staying loyal to her proletarian roots. In one of her campaign ads, she goes for the heart by wandering around the factory her retired father worked at, pulling the heartstrings as if this were Frank Capra’s dream production. All she needed to make it complete was having one of the kids chime in at the end something about how teacher says every time you hear a bell ring an angel gets its wings.

What a farce.

This sham image has been one element in one of the biggest heists in Rhode Island history, a scheme that every tax payer is financing while she potentially profits! Without this Capra-esque smoke and mirrors charade, Raimondo would not just have lower public appeal, she would not be able to function as what she really is, a confidence artist for Wall Street.

Ted Siedle, the forensic auditor who has just completed the crowdfunding of a third investigation that will look into the real estate portfolio of the pension fund, was kind enough to share his thoughts on his investigations, including the lack of action by Seth Magaziner to address these problems.

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How did this happen?

There were some pensions in America after the 2008 economic crash made vulnerable by the collapse of Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers, and the other firms that Raimondo had ties to. So what she did as Treasurer was use the very real instance of pension instability in other states to claim the Rhode Island pension fund was in deep trouble. Of course, considering that the public sector is one of the largest employers in Rhode Island and thousands upon thousands of people per week are paying into the pension when they accept a paycheck, no one thought to ask how that logic is supposed to work. In any event, Raimondo used some fancy Wall Street lingo to make things seem dire while confusing union leaders who never were in the advanced graduate school math classes she was. And, since she was the Treasurer, she was supposed to be looking out for the best interests of the pension and was smart enough to understand what she said were the sophisticated elements of the public pension fund.

Or so we all thought, especially since Gina is such a working class hero.

But Siedle says it was not so. He writes in his first audit: [F]or the chief fiduciary to a pension to agree to permit investment managers to not provide material information [upon request from the public] regarding investment strategies and portfolio holdings related to ERSRI assets they have been entrusted with constitutes a complete abrogation of the duty to safeguard pension assets… [I]f the managers are truly unwilling to submit to public scrutiny, i.e., comply with applicable public disclosure laws, they should not be entrusted with the management of public assets. [Emphasis added] In another article, he writes in italicized bold letter the following:

Public pension funds aren’t sophisticated.

The real robbery is not the initial hit that the pension fund took when it was “reformed”, as the Treasurer told us. Instead, it is a weekly sum total of exorbitant and uncalled for service fees, significantly higher than industry standards, that prevents the pension from rebounding in a timely fashion. Every day that a teacher, firefighter, policeman, or other public sector employee who pays into the pension fund gets their check, they see a deduction made for the pension on the pay stub.

And every deduction should be read as a literal sweetheart card sent directly to Wall Street, sealed with a kiss by Gina Raimondo. To add insult to injury, the potential returns from Raimondo’s not-so-blind trust that she got the state to invest the pension into under not-totally-honest pretenses is contributing regularly to her personal wealth. Siedle writes “a significant portion of the [then-]Treasurer’s wealth and income relates to shares she owns in two illiquid, opaque venture capital partnerships she formerly managed at Point Judith Capital—one of which she convinced the state to invest in on different, less favorable terms.

This has resulted in the cost of living adjustment (COLA) payments for retirees to be stopped by the Rhode Island Retirement Security Act of 2011 while Wall Street is boasting about a recovery that is funded by public money! The 2011 law said that the COLAs would return after the pension returns to 80% viability. But with all these fees, the only person being given an adjustment here may be Gina Raimondo!

And since it is obvious the Magaziner is not doing anything about this, nor the Attorney General, the operative question then becomes who else is in on the scheme? How many Democratic and Republican Party members who boast about this heist as Theresa Paiva Weed did in a recent story by Steve Ahlquist are actually collecting checks from the firms profiting off the pension? Is it just ironic that the recent Brookings Institute report on Rhode Island names as potential key success industries economic sectors known to be financed by firms like Point Judith Capital and the Tudor Investment Corporation that turned Raimondo’s firm from a bit player into a respectable enough outfit to make a bid for the pension?

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Why wait for the feds when AG Kilmartin can use the RICO Act against Raimondo’s pension scheme?


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KilamrtinSince the publication of Ted Seidle’s letter to various federal agencies regarding the Raimondo pension policies, the operative question has been when will the feds come knocking on Smith Hill? It is clear that Raimondo is desperate to rebuild her reputation with unions, hence the push for the union-friendly RhodeWorks project. But why wait when Attorney General Kilmartin has the RICO Act at his disposal?

The website NOLO.com, a free resource for legal information, says the following of the federal Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act:

It allows prosecution and civil penalties for racketeering activity performed as part of an ongoing criminal enterprise. Such activity may include illegal gambling, bribery, kidnapping, murder, money laundering, counterfeiting, embezzlement, drug trafficking, slavery, and a host of other unsavory business practices. To convict a defendant under RICO, the government must prove that the defendant engaged in two or more instances of racketeering activity and that the defendant directly invested in, maintained an interest in, or participated in a criminal enterprise affecting interstate or foreign commerce.

(1) racketeering activity means
(A) any act or threat involving murder, kidnapping, gambling, arson, robbery, bribery, extortion, dealing in obscene matter, or dealing in a controlled substance or listed chemical (as defined in section 102 of the Controlled Substances Act), which is chargeable under State law and punishable by imprisonment for more than one year;
(B) any act which is indictable under any of the following provisions of title 18, United States Code: Section 201 (relating to bribery), section 224 (relating to sports bribery), sections 471, 472, and 473 (relating to counterfeiting), section 659 (relating to theft from interstate shipment) if the act indictable under section 659 is felonious, section 664 (relating to embezzlement from pension and welfare funds), sections 891894 (relating to extortionate credit transactions), section 1028 (relating to fraud and related activity in connection with identification documents), section 1029 (relating to fraud and related activity in connection with access devices), section 1084 (relating to the transmission of gambling information), section 1341 (relating to mail fraud), section 1343 (relating to wire fraud), section 1344 (relating to financial institution fraud), section 1425 (relating to the procurement of citizenship or nationalization unlawfully), section 1426 (relating to the reproduction of naturalization or citizenship papers), section 1427 (relating to the sale of naturalization or citizenship papers), sections 14611465 (relating to obscene matter), section 1503 (relating to obstruction of justice), section 1510 (relating to obstruction of criminal investigations), section 1511 (relating to the obstruction of State or local law enforcement), section 1512 (relating to tampering with a witness, victim, or an informant), section 1513 (relating to retaliating against a witness, victim, or an informant), section 1542 (relating to false statement in application and use of passport), section 1543 (relating to forgery or false use of passport), section 1544 (relating to misuse of passport), section 1546 (relating to fraud and misuse of visas, permits, and other documents), sections 15811592 (relating to peonage, slavery, and trafficking in persons).,[1] section 1951 (relating to interference with commerce, robbery, or extortion), section 1952 (relating to racketeering), section 1953 (relating to interstate transportation of wagering paraphernalia), section 1954 (relating to unlawful welfare fund payments), section 1955 (relating to the prohibition of illegal gambling businesses), section 1956 (relating to the laundering of monetary instruments), section 1957 (relating to engaging in monetary transactions in property derived from specified unlawful activity), section 1958 (relating to use of interstate commerce facilities in the commission of murder-for-hire), section 1960 (relating to illegal money transmitters), sections 2251, 2251A, 2252, and 2260 (relating to sexual exploitation of children), sections 2312 and 2313 (relating to interstate transportation of stolen motor vehicles), sections 2314 and 2315 (relating to interstate transportation of stolen property), section 2318 (relating to trafficking in counterfeit labels for phonorecords, computer programs or computer program documentation or packaging and copies of motion pictures or other audiovisual works), section 2319 (relating to criminal infringement of a copyright), section 2319A (relating to unauthorized fixation of and trafficking in sound recordings and music videos of live musical performances), section 2320 (relating to trafficking in goods or services bearing counterfeit marks), section 2321 (relating to trafficking in certain motor vehicles or motor vehicle parts), sections 23412346 (relating to trafficking in contraband cigarettes), sections 242124 (relating to white slave traffic), sections 175178 (relating to biological weapons), sections 229229F (relating to chemical weapons), section 831 (relating to nuclear materials),
(C) any act which is indictable under title 29, United States Code, section 186 (dealing with restrictions on payments and loans to labor organizations) or section 501 (c) (relating to embezzlement from union funds),
(D) any offense involving fraud connected with a case under title 11 (except a case under section 157 of this title), fraud in the sale of securities, or the felonious manufacture, importation, receiving, concealment, buying, selling, or otherwise dealing in a controlled substance or listed chemical (as defined in section 102 of the Controlled Substances Act), punishable under any law of the United States,
(E) any act which is indictable under the Currency and Foreign Transactions Reporting Act,
(F) any act which is indictable under the Immigration and Nationality Act, section 274 (relating to bringing in and harboring certain aliens), section 277 (relating to aiding or assisting certain aliens to enter the United States), or section 278 (relating to importation of alien for immoral purpose) if the act indictable under such section of such Act was committed for the purpose of financial gain, or
(G) any act that is indictable under any provision listed in section 2332b (g)(5)(B) [Emphasis added]

So the question then becomes whether Raimondo and her associates have engaged in this behavior. And there are plenty of reasons to suspect so.

The first document to consult is one commissioned by the American Federation of Teachers, the Roosevelt Institute, the Refund America Project, and the Haas Institute titled All That Glitters is Not Gold: An Analysis of US Public Pension Investments in Hedge Funds. While the document does not specifically study Rhode Island, the lessons are applicable here and it says the following:

Key Findings: Hedge funds were responsible for an estimated $8 billion in lost investment revenue

Our findings suggest that these 11 pension funds’ hedge fund investments failed to deliver any significant benefits to the pension funds studied. Specifically, we found that:

  • Hedge fund net return rates lagged behind the total fund for nearly three-quarters of the total years reviewed, costing the group of pension funds an estimated $8 billion in lost investment revenue.
    Despite lagging performance, hedge fund managers collected an estimated $7.1 billion in fees from the same pension funds over the period reviewed; on average, our estimates suggest that these pension funds paid 57 cents in fees to hedge fund managers for every dollar of net return to the pension fund.
  • Whereas hedge fund managers promise uncorrelated returns and downside protection, all of the 11 pension funds reviewed demonstrated significant correlation between hedge fund and total fund performance.

Recommendations:

Considering the implications of these findings for pension fund trustees, participants and consultants, we recommend that public pension funds currently invested in hedge funds immediately take the following steps:

– Conduct an asset allocation review to examine less costly and more effective diversification approaches. The review should include a complete analysis of past net performance of their hedge fund investments, as well as a comparison with low-fee alternatives.

– Require full and public disclosure from hedge fund managers and consultants, including complete disclosure of historical investment management and incentive (carry or profit-sharing) fees captured by hedge fund managers for the duration of their fund’s investments. Pension funds should also consider developing legislative policies requiring this level of disclosure. [Emphasis in original]

Before moving forward, it is worthwhile to recall here that the Governor has previously invoked a host of proprietary information reasons for not providing full disclosure of matters regarding the pension fund. In this sense, this document not only flies in the face of that logic, it is recommending things under the auspices of full disclosure laws that the Governor has said do not apply in this situation. As such, Attorney General Kilmartin could investigate further on this issue and hold people liable for failing to obey public disclosure laws.

Also notable is that, while the report does not deal specifically with the Rhode Island pension plan, it does discuss shortcomings of Daniel Loeb’s Third Point Capital, one of the firms the Rhode Island pension plan was invested in.

Here are further findings of this paper:

Indeed, our findings suggest that all 11 pension funds included in our analysis would have performed better having never invested in hedge funds in the first place. This has important implications not only for pension fund trustees, who have a fiduciary duty to prudently seek investments that provide the highest long-term returns for the lowest cost to the pension fund, but also for public employees, public employee unions, retirees and taxpayers, all of whom should be concerned about this overall negative impact that hedge funds are exerting on public pension funds. [Emphasis in original]

With that in mind, consider for a moment this information from Ted Seidle’s first audit of the pension, Rhode Island Public Pension Reform: Wall Street’s License to Steal:

[A] significant portion of the Treasurer’s wealth and income relates to shares she owns in two illiquid, opaque venture capital partnerships she formerly managed at Point Judith Capital—one of which she convinced the state to invest in on different, less favorable terms. Unlike the state which paid millions for its shares in one of the Point Judith funds, the Treasurer was granted shares in both of the venture capital funds for free… In a letter to the Rhode Island Ethics Commission requesting an advisory opinion concerning whether she had taken sufficient steps to avoid conflicts of interest relative to her ties to a venture capital fund in which the state had made an investment, the Treasurer represented that in 2007 the State Investment Commission entered into a ten-year contract with Point Judith in which the State agreed to invest $5 million dollars in the Point Judith II fund. She also represented that the State’s investment in the fund was passive, meaning that after signing the contract with Point Judith and making its investment commitment, the State Investment Commission had no say in the fund’s ongoing management or investment decisions.
The Treasurer notably failed to mention in her letter to the Ethics Commission that the state had not merely entered into a ten-year contract with Point Judith. Rather, the state was a limited partner in a fund managed by Point Judith as General Partner and, as a limited partner the state may have broad rights in the fund’s ongoing management, or investment decisions, the exercise of which may conflict with her rights and interests.
Further, as a Point Judith insider, she, or other investors, may have been granted special rights more favorable than those granted to the state, including special withdrawal rights; rights to receive reports from the partnership on a more frequent basis or that include information not provided to other limited partners; rights to receive reduced rates of the incentive allocation and management fee; rights to receive a share of the incentive allocation, management fee or other amounts earned by the general partner or its affiliates. If true, the Treasurer may literally be profiting at the expense of the state…Regardless, the characterization of the investment in the Point Judith II Fund as merely a ten-year contract in a passive investment as to which the state had no say is neither complete nor accurate.
In order to create further separation from her investment in the Point Judith funds, the Treasurer represented that prior to assuming office she placed all her right, title and interest in both funds into a blind trust designated as the Raimondo Blind Trust. While a blind trust may be of value in certain circumstances, where, as here, the sole assets of the trust, i.e. the shares in the two Point Judith funds, are illiquid, i.e. cannot be sold for a decade, no protection is afforded. The purpose of the blind trust is to keep the beneficiary unaware of the specific assets of the trust, so as to avoid a conflict of interest between the beneficiary and the investments.
In this case, the Treasurer knows precisely the assets held in the Blind Trust during her entire term as Treasurer and continues to enjoy cash distributions related to the Point Judith funds—payments exponentially greater than her state salary in the past year— and payments related to shares she was granted for free.
Rather than provide protection against conflicts, here the blind trust serves to enable the conflict of interest involving ERSRI to persist throughout her term.
Most important, in connection with granting the Advisory Opinion, the Treasurer did not indicate, and Ethics Commission did not consider, that the Treasurer would subsequently refuse to disclose to the public information regarding ERSRI’s investment in Point Judith II.
Ironically, the Blind Trust scheme she proposed to the Ethics Commission coupled with her nondisclosure policy regarding the Point Judith II fund, has resulted in only the public being “blind” as to the Point Judith II fund.
In short, in our opinion, this arrangement constitutes a misuse of the blind trust device. [Emphasis added]

This presents a host of not just interest conflicts but potential illegal market manipulation committed in totality on the state level. If Raimondo manipulated the public in portraying the investments of the pension in a fashion to personally benefit her, that would constitute a serious malfeasance for investigation by the Attorney General. Furthermore, as this matter has involved court proceedings in a variety of cases, there could be potential perjury charges brought.

We will continue to explore these documents and bring highlights in further reporting.

EDITORIAL NOTE: Following this report, it was indicated by readers that the aforementioned RICO Act is the federal as opposed the Rhode Island definition of the law. It is worth noting that, due to the interstate and international nature of the pension fund investments, the federal definition is still applicable and relevant. That law, Rhode Island General Laws Title 7 Chapter 15, says the following:

§ 7-15-1  Definitions. – (a) “Enterprise” includes any sole proprietorship, partnership, corporation, association, or other legal entity, and any union or group of individuals associated for a particular purpose although not a legal entity.

(b) “Person” includes any individual or entity capable of holding a legal or beneficial interest in property.

(c) “Racketeering activity” means any act or threat involving murder, kidnapping, gambling, arson in the first, second, or third degree, robbery, bribery, extortion, larceny or prostitution, or any dealing in narcotic or dangerous drugs which is chargeable as a crime under state law and punishable by imprisonment for more than one year, or child exploitations for commercial or immoral purposes in violation of § 11-9-1(b) or (c) or § 11-9-1.1.

(d) “Unlawful debt” means a debt incurred or contracted in an illegal gambling activity or business or which is unenforceable under state law in whole or in part as to principal or interest because of the law relating to usury.

§ 7-15-2  Prohibited activities. – (a) It is unlawful for any person who has knowingly received any income derived directly or indirectly from a racketeering activity or through collection of an unlawful debt, to directly or indirectly use or invest any part of that income, or the proceeds of that income in the acquisition of an interest in, or the establishment or operation of any enterprise.

(b) It is unlawful for any person through a racketeering activity or through collection of an unlawful debt to directly or indirectly acquire or maintain any interest in or control of any enterprise.

(c) It is unlawful for any person employed by or associated with any enterprise to conduct or participate in the conduct of the affairs of the enterprise through racketeering activity or collection of an unlawful debt.

(d) Provided, that a purchase of securities on the open market for purposes of investment and without the intention of controlling or participating in the control of the issuer, or of assisting another to do so, is not unlawful under this section if the securities of the issuer held by the purchaser, the members of his immediate family, and his or her or their accomplices in a racketeering activity or the collection of an unlawful debt after the purchase do not amount in the aggregate to one percent (1%) of the outstanding securities of any one class, and do not, either in law or in fact, confer the power to elect one or more directors of the issuer.

§ 7-15-7  Investigative demands. – (a) Issuance. Whenever the attorney general has reasonable cause to believe that any person or enterprise has knowledge or is in possession, custody, or control of any documentary material pertinent to an investigation of a possible violation of this chapter, he or she may, prior to and/or following the institution of a civil or criminal proceeding on the violation, issue in writing and cause to be served upon the person or enterprise a civil investigatory demand by which he or she may:

(1) Compel the attendance of the person and require him or her to submit to examination and give testimony under oath; and/or

(2) Require the production of documentary material pertinent to the investigation for inspection and/or copying; and/or

(3) Require answers under oath to written interrogatories.

(b) Power to issue. The power to issue investigative demands does not abate or terminate by reason of the bringing of any action or proceeding under this chapter. The attorney general may issue successive investigatory demands to the same person in order to obtain additional information pertinent to an ongoing investigation.

(c) Confidentiality. In the event the attorney general initiates a civil investigatory demand prior to a criminal indictment for violation of this chapter, then the commencement, contents, and results of the civil investigatory demand is held in the strictest confidence by the attorney general and shall remain so until the time that a civil action is commenced, indictment for violation of this chapter returned, or removal of the confidentiality is ordered by a justice of the superior court.

(d) Contents of investigative demand. Each investigatory demand shall:

(1) State the nature of the conduct constituting the alleged racketeering violation of this chapter which is under investigation and the provisions of law applicable to the conduct;

(2) Prescribe a reasonable return date no less than twenty (20) days from the date of the investigative demand, provided that an earlier date may be prescribed under compelling circumstances;

(3) Specify the time and place at which the person is to appear and give testimony, produce documentary material, and furnish answers to interrogatories, or do any or a combination of the above;

(4) Identify the custodian to whom any documentary material is to be made available;

(5) Describe by class any documentary material to be produced with such definiteness and certainty as to permit the material to be fairly identified;

(6) Contain any interrogatories to which written answers under oath are required; and

(7) Advise in writing the person upon whom the demand is served that the material or statements may constitute a basis for prosecution against the person.

(e) Prohibition against unreasonable demand. No investigatory demand shall:

(1) Contain any requirement which would be unreasonable or improper if contained in a subpoena or a subpoena duces tecum issued by a court of this state; or

(2) Require the disclosure of any material which would be privileged from disclosure if demanded by a subpoena or a subpoena duces tecum issued by a court of this state.

(f) Service of investigative demand.

(1) An investigative demand may be served by:

(i) Delivering an executed copy to the person to be served, or if the person is not a natural person, to any partner, executive officer, managing agent, general agent, or to any agent of the person authorized by appointment or by law to receive service of process on behalf of the person;

(ii) Delivering an executed copy to the principal office or place of business of the person to be served; or

(iii) Mailing by certified mail, return receipt requested, an executed copy addressed to the person to be served, or if the person is not a natural person, addressed to its principal office or place of business in this state, or if it has none in this state, to its principal office or place of business.

(2) A verified return by the individual serving any demand or petition setting forth the manner of service is prima facie proof of service. In the case of service by certified mail, the return shall be accompanied by the return post office receipt of delivery of the demand.

(g) Authorization to examine. The examination of all persons pursuant to this section shall be conducted by the attorney general or a representative designated in writing by him or her, before an officer authorized to administer oaths in this state. The statements made shall be taken down stenographically or by a sound recording device and shall be transcribed.

(h) Rights of persons served with investigative demands. Any person required to attend and give testimony or to submit documentary material pursuant to this section is entitled to retain, or, on payment of lawfully prescribed cost, to procure, a copy of any document he or she produces and of his or her own statements as transcribed. Any person compelled to appear under a demand for oral testimony pursuant to this section may be accompanied, represented, and advised by counsel. Counsel may advise the person in confidence, either upon the request of the person or upon counsel’s own initiative, with respect to any question asked of the person. The person or counsel may object on the record to any question, in whole or in part, and shall briefly state for the record the reason for the objection. An objection may properly be made, received, and entered upon the record when it is claimed that the person is entitled to refuse to answer the question on grounds of any constitutional or other legal right or privilege, including the privilege against self incrimination. The person shall not otherwise object to or refuse to answer any question, and shall not by him or herself or through counsel interrupt the oral examination. If the person refuses to answer any question, the attorney general may petition the superior court for an order compelling the person to answer the question. The information and materials supplied to the attorney general pursuant to an investigative demand are not permitted to become public or be disclosed by the attorney general or his or her employees beyond the extent necessary for legitimate law enforcement purposes pursuant to this chapter.

(i) Witness expenses. All persons served with an investigative demand, other than those persons whose conduct or practices are being investigated or any officer, director, or person in the employment of the person under investigation, are paid the same fees and mileage as paid witnesses in the courts of this state. No person is excused from attending the inquiry pursuant to the mandate of an investigative demand or from giving testimony, or from producing documentary material or from being required to answer questions on the ground of failure to tender or pay a witness fee or mileage, unless demand for the witness fee or mileage is made at the time testimony is about to be taken and unless payment of the witness fee or mileage is not made.

(j) Custody of documents. (1) The attorney general shall designate, from within the department of attorney general, an investigator to serve as racketeer document custodian and any racketeering investigators that he or she determines are necessary to serve as deputies to that officer.

(2) Any person on whom any demand issued under this section has been served shall make the material available for inspection and copying or reproduction to the custodian designated in the demand at the principal place of business of the person, or at any other place that the custodian and the person subsequently agree and prescribe in writing or as the court may direct, pursuant to this section on the return date specified in the demand, or on any later date that the custodian may prescribe in writing. The person may, upon written agreement between the person and the custodian, substitute copies of all or any part of the material for originals of the materials.

(3) The custodian to whom any documentary material is delivered shall take physical possession of it, and is responsible for its use and for its return pursuant to this chapter. The custodian may cause the preparation of any copies of the documentary material that are required for official use under regulations which are promulgated by the attorney general. While in the possession of the custodian, no material produced shall be available for examination, without the consent of the person who produced the material, other than for legitimate law enforcement purposes pursuant to this chapter. Under any reasonable terms and conditions that the attorney general prescribes, documentary material while in the possession of the custodian shall be available for examination by the person who produced the material or any authorized representatives of the person.

(4) Whenever any attorney has been designated to appear on behalf of the state before any court or grand jury in any case or proceeding involving any alleged violation of this chapter, the custodian may deliver to the attorney any documentary material in the possession of the custodian that the attorney determines to be required for use in the presentation of the case or proceeding on behalf of the state. Upon the conclusion of any case or proceeding, the attorney shall return to the custodian any documentary material withdrawn which has not passed into the control of the court or grand jury through its introduction into the record of the case or proceeding.

(5) Upon the completion of the investigation for which any documentary material was produced under this chapter, and any case or proceeding arising from the investigation, the custodian shall return to the person who produced the material all the material, other than copies of it made by the custodian pursuant to this section, which has not passed into the control of any court or grand jury through its introduction into the record of the case or proceeding.

(6)(i) When any documentary material has been produced by any person under this chapter, and no case or proceeding arising from it has been instituted within a reasonable time after completion of the examination and analysis of all evidence assembled in the course of the investigation, the person is entitled, upon written demand made upon the custodian, to the return of all documentary material. Provided, that no documentary material shall be tendered, delivered, or made available to any other state, federal, or municipal agency.

(ii) Anyone who knowingly and willfully violates the provision of this subdivision shall, in addition to any civil liability, be punished by a fine of not more than five hundred dollars ($500) and/or imprisonment for no longer than one year.

(7) In the event of the death, disability, or separation from service of the custodian of any documentary material produced under any demand issued under this chapter or the official relief of the custodian from responsibility for the custody and control of the material, the attorney general shall promptly designate another racketeering investigator to serve as custodian of the documentary material, and transmit notice in writing to the person who produced the material as to the identity and address of the designated successor. Any designated successor has all duties and responsibilities as to the materials imposed by this chapter on his or her predecessor in office as to them, except that he or she is not responsible for any default or dereliction which occurred before his or her designation as custodian.

(k) Enforcement of investigative demands for production. Whenever any person fails to comply with any civil investigative demand served upon him or her under this chapter requiring the production of documentary material, or whenever satisfactory copying or reproduction of that material cannot be done, and the person refuses to surrender the material, the attorney general may file in the superior court and serve upon the person a petition for an order of the court for the enforcement of the demand.

(l) Refusal of persons served to testify or produce documents. Whenever any natural person neglects or refuses to attend and give testimony or to answer any lawful inquiry or to produce documentary material if in his or her power to do so in obedience to an investigative demand served upon him or her under this chapter, he or she may be adjudged in civil contempt by the superior court until any time that he or she purges him or herself of contempt by testifying, producing documentary material or presenting written answers as ordered. Any natural person who commits perjury or false swearing in response to an investigative demand pursuant to this section is punishable pursuant to the provisions of chapter 33 of title 11.

(m) Motion to quash. Within twenty (20) days after the service of an investigatory demand upon any person, or at any time before the return date specified in the demand, whichever period is shorter, the person served may file in the superior court and serve upon the custodian a petition for an order of the court modifying or setting aside the demand. The time allowed for compliance with the demand in whole or in part as deemed proper and ordered by the court shall not run during the pendency of the petition in the court. The petition shall specify each ground upon which the petitioner relies in seeking relief, and may be based on any failure of the demand to comply with the provisions of this chapter or on any constitutional or other legal right or privilege of the person.

(n) Right of persons producing documents. At any time during which any custodian is in custody or control of any documentary material delivered by any person in compliance with an investigatory demand, the person may file in the superior court and serve upon the custodian a petition for an order of the court requiring the performance by the custodian of any duty imposed upon him or her by this chapter.

(o) Duty to testify. (1) If, in any investigation brought by the attorney general pursuant to this section, any individual refuses to attend or to give testimony or to produce documentary material or to answer a written interrogatory in obedience to an investigative demand or under order of court on the ground that the testimony or material required of him or her may tend to incriminate him, that person may be ordered to attend and to give testimony or to produce documentary material or to answer the written interrogatory, or to do an applicable combination of these. The above order is an order of court given after a hearing in which the attorney general has established a need for the grant of immunity, as subsequently provided.

(2) The attorney general may petition the presiding justice of the superior court for an order as described in subdivision (1) of this subsection. The petition shall set forth the nature of the investigation and the need for the immunization of the witness.

(3) Compelled testimony shall not be used against the witness as evidence in any criminal proceedings against him or her in any court. However, the grant of immunity does not immunize the witness from civil liability arising from the transactions about which testimony is given, and he or she may nevertheless be prosecuted or subjected to penalty or forfeiture for any perjury, false swearing, or contempt committed in answering or in failing to answer or in producing evidence or failing to do so in accordance with the order. If a person refuses to testify after being granted immunity from prosecution and after being ordered to testify, he or she may be adjudged in civil contempt by the superior court until any time that he or she purges him or herself of contempt by testifying, producing documentary material or presenting written answers as ordered. The above does not prevent the attorney general from instituting other appropriate contempt proceedings against any person who violates any of the above provisions.

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Follow the money on Raimondo pension scheme: Is Providence bankrupt?


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Providence_RI_skyline2For some weeks now, there has been a great deal of conversation around the idea that Providence is on the verge of bankruptcy. A new rule regarding budget statements is key to understanding why.

A brief by the Center for State and Local Government Excellence titled How Will State Unfunded Pension Liabilities Affect Big Cities? lays out an explanation for new rules of the Governmental Accounting Standards Board (GASB) that moved “unfunded actuarial accrued liability [UAAL] for public pension plans…from the footnotes of financial statements to the balance sheets of employers... Cities are now required to include on their balance sheets the pension accounting information currently in the footnotes of their financial statements and to report their share of the unfunded liability in cost-sharing plans. This calculation does not create new liabilities; it simply reallocates them from the state to the city.

Translation by the Houston Municipal Employees Pension System: “Essentially, the UAAL is the amount of retirement that is owed to an employee in future years that exceed[s] current assets and their projected growth.” This means that Providence just went from $759,000,000 to $964,000,000 in pension liabilities that they could not fund in 2012.

Here is what Providence’s finances look like under the new GASB provisions:

Untitled-1
Unfunded Actuarial Accrued Liability (UAAL) and UAAL Relative to Own-Source Revenue for Affected Cities, Before and Estimated After GASB 68, FY 2012

Of course, another aspect is what is being reported here. The shortfall is caused by the City having to report their portion of the liabilities of the State Pension, which we have been reporting is facing shortfalls because of shady fees imposed by Gov. Raimondo’s friends on Wall Street.

Screen Shot 2016-01-24 at 10.00.19 PMThis is an issue that is going to affect all cities and towns in the state, not just Providence. It is worth noting that Woonsocket is also mentioned in this report.

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Follow the money on Raimondo pension scheme: the local sponsors


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Remember back when all the important people were lining up in droves to support then-Treasurer Raimondo’s pension policies under the false advertising of a crisis? Wouldn’t it be great if we could go back in time to look at who played along, willingly or unwillingly, in what is turning out to have been a complete and utter fraud so to perpetuate a massive heist at the expense of both the retired state workers and the taxpayers?

There is.

logoThe webpage Internet Archive has a fantastic device called the Wayback Machine that captures snapshots of pages every few days across the internet. With absolute ease, one can look at the campaign pages of candidates, movie websites that have gone extinct, or even the frontpage of a newspaper or magazine on a historic date, say, the Times on 9/12/01.

We present now a little jaunt down memory lane, the EngageRI webpage that foisted this scheme on an unsuspecting public.

OCTOBER 2, 2011

DECEMBER 9, 2011

JANUARY 22, 2012

MARCH 26, 2013

And lest we forget, here’s the people who were in charge!

Board of Directors

President & Co-Chairperson

Ed Cooney
Senior Vice President, Nortek, Inc.
Vice President
Constance Pemmerl
Retired Financial Executive
Secretary
Ted Long
Partner, Holland & Knight LLP
Treasurer

John Galvin
Chief Financial Officer, Collette Vacations
-Paul J. Choquette, Jr.
Vice Chairman, Gilbane Inc.
-Susan Arnold
CEO and General Counsel, Rhode Island Association of REALTORS, Inc.
-Kas DeCarvalho
Partner, Fontaine, DeCarvalho & Bell LLP
-Bradford S. Dimeo
Dimeo Construction Company
-James Diossa
Councilman – Ward 4, Central Falls City Council
-Michael McMahon
Founding Partner, Pine Brook Road Partners
-Dan Sullivan

CEO and President, Collette Vacations

When the FBI, SEC, and US Attorney’s Office come looking to ask questions, they might do well to check in with these folks also.

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Follow the money on the Raimondo pension scheme: Marvin Rosen


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Following the publication of a letter sent to the FBI, SEC, and US Attorney’s Office by Rhode Island’s Future, we chose to take a deeper look at the players and parties ripping off retired public employees. What we found was a massive mess of money, right-wing ideologues, and the attempted further bail-out of Wall Street at the expense of state and municipal workers that goes all the way to the top and which could end up shaking the foundations of the 2016 campaign in ways not imagined.

One of the figures that appears in this whole fracas is a man familiar to those who have paid attention to the less-publicized elements of that political machine unto itself known as the Clintons, one Marvin Rosen. Ted Seidle wrote in his letter to the federal authorities the following:

As noted in my first report, when asked by the SEC in 2009, ERSRI admitted that Fenway Partners Capital Fund III paid an influential intermediary, Marvin Rosen, of Diamond Edge Capital Partners $262,500 related to this investment and paid the firm a total of approximately $1 million related to four private equity investments. Mr. Rosen was a Democratic fundraiser linked to former President Bill Clinton whose firm earned millions in New York pension fund deals in 2005 and 2006 when Alan Hevesi was state controller. Fenway and Mr. Rosen were also was involved in a pay-to-play controversy related to the New Mexico state pension.

Marvin Rosen
Marvin Rosen

To delve into the history of Mr. Rosen is to journey into the dark underbelly of the Democratic Party, a party that has been co-opted and compromised by Wall Street since the days of Bill Clinton’s gubernatorial campaigns, if not earlier. Since the mid-1980’s, a brand of “New Democrats” has used the once-progressive mantle of the party to justify the adoption of neoliberal policies that a Reagan or Bush would only dream of trying to foist on the American public, be it “the era of Big Government is over” hollowing out of Welfare and other social safety net programs or “Tough on Crime” minimum mandatory sentencing guidelines. This cuts to the core of your standard DINO (Democrat In Name Only), be it Bill and Hillary Clinton or Gina Raimondo.

When one writes about Marvin Rosen, they must be cautious because of his tendency to sue over bad press. As such, what follows is copy from sources that have previously withstood the Rosen wrath. The first comes from the book Kentucky Fried Pensions by Chris Tobe, who kindly shared his materials with us to complete these stories. Tobe has been covering a similar pension scheme in the Bluegrass State and says the following:

The most colorful placement agent firm, hands down, is a small operation called Diamond Edge Capital Partners LLC led by Marvin Rosen. Eileen Kotecki, who was Al Gore’s and John Edwards’ main Presidential fundraiser, worked there for a time. [i] Glen Sergeon, a Diamond Edge partner and a former trustee of the New York Teachers’ Retirement Fund, collected around $5 million from private equity firms and hedge funds doing business with the Kentucky Retirement Systems (KRS). Sergeon used the money to buy a lavish Fifth Avenue condo. [ii] Forbes reported that, in addition to Kentucky, Diamond Edge was involved in the New York pay for play scandal: “Diamond Edge Capital Partners is another firm that was paid–$6.8 million–by money managers for lining up work with New York. In 2008 Sergeon joined Diamond Edge, where he teamed up with Marvin Rosen, a company partner and the former Bill Clinton fundraiser who arranged Lincoln Bedroom sleepovers for big donors. Later that year Sergeon landed Diamond Edge its first business with Kentucky.” [iii] Rosen and another Diamond Edge partner, Marc Correra, are being sued for their role as placement agents in New Mexico. [iv] Marvin Rosen as late as 2013 has been disclosed as a placement agent in Rhode Island. Pro Football Hall of Famer Lynn Swann has also worked for Diamond Edge.
But the most colorful Diamond Edge partner was Kenneth Ira Starr, known as Hollywood’s Madoff. [v]  Currently serving a seven-year prison term, Starr managed the money of celebrities like Al Pacino, Uma Thurman and Lauren Bacall. Starr engineered a $33 million Ponzi scheme to swindle his clients and to impress his much younger, ex-stripper wife, Diane Passage. [vi] He was featured on the CNBC television show “American Greed” which focused on his rip-off of Sylvester Stallone and his obsession with, and subsequent marriage to, a pole dancer. [vii]
[i] http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=newsarchive&sid=atwTqj6OjY7U How Pension Placement Agent Exploited Political Ties, Martin Braun & Gillian Wee: May 18, 2009
[ii] http://observer.com/2011/07/secret-agent-glen-sergeon-sells-in-the-village-buys-in-harlem/
[iii] http://www.forbes.com/forbes/2011/0523/features-pensions-glen-sergeon-auditors-secret-agent_3.html
[iv] http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=newsarchive&sid=atwTqj6OjY7U
[v] http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/03/03/ken-starr-hollywoods-mado_n_830918.html
[vi] http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/03/03/ken-starr-hollywoods-mado_n_830918.html
[vii] http://www.cnbc.com/id/45554694

Of course, this begs the question what exactly is a placement agent?

Investopedia defines the term asAn intermediary who raises capital for investment funds. A placement agent can range in size from a small one-person independent firm to a large division of a global investment bank. Professional placement agents are required to be registered with the securities regulatory agency in their jurisdiction, such as the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission. A placement agent operating in the U.S. must be registered as a broker or dealer.” When I discussed this with Tobe, he explained it as a job that has almost totally ceased to exist in the post-Citizens United era, but before then a placement agent functioned as a middle-man for big capital.

But that is only scratching the surface of Rosen’s history. Jeffrey St. Clair and the late Alexander Cockburn of CounterPunch! also have covered Rosen in their multi-decade stories about the Clintons. Their story, titled Clinton and the Cuban Fixer, is an impressive read worth the time. They write:

Marvin Rosen cut his teeth in Democratic Party politics back in 1980 when he was the Florida coordinator of Sen. Ted Kennedy’s doomed effort to wrest the Democratic Party nomination from Jimmy Carter. Though Kennedy did badly, Rosen proved himself a whiz at beating the bushes for money. By 1984 he was the leading fundraiser for Fritz Mondale. In 1988 Rosen served as finance chairman of the Dukakis campaign and, during the cash-strapped days of Clinton’s 1992 bid, was personally solicited by Gov. Bill himself to raise money, and celebrated the inaugural victory in the company of the Clintons and the Gores. Seeking to capitalize on such a long investment in time and effort, Rosen opened a D.C. office for his law firm in 1993 and immediately hired Ron Brown’s son Michael to be his director of legislative affairs. He also recruited Ted Kennedy’s new wife, Victoria.

They go on to explore Rosen’s connections to the infamous Cuban exile community located around Miami and other parts of Florida. For those readers who are unfamiliar, this bunch has a rather checkered past, including hair-brained anti-Castro efforts that date back to the darker days of the Cold War along with a bevvy of good-old-fashioned corruption and pollution of the Florida Everglades.

Another Cockburn/St. Clair piece featuring Rosen, excerpted from their book Dime’s Worth of Difference: Beyond the Lesser of Two Evils and titled All for Oil, Oil for One, explains the connections between Rosen and major fossil fuel corporations that have been looking to drill for oil in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and build a variety of pipelines across America, giving a great insight into why the Democrats are all in favor of the Burrillville natural gas plant despite sound science proving it would be a calamity.

ARCO [Atlantic Richfield Company]– the prime beneficiary of the new Alaskan oil bonanza–is one of the preeminent sponsors of the American political system. The oil giant maintains a hefty federal political action committee. In the 1996 election cycle, the ARCO PAC handed out more than $357,000.  But this was only the beginning. Over the same period, ARCO pumped $1.25 million of soft money into the tanks of the Republican and Democratic national committees. The company contributed at least another $500,000 in state elections, where corporations can often give directly to candidates. At the time, Robert Healy was ARCO’s vice-president for governmental affairs. On October 25, 1995, Healy attended a White House coffee “klatsch” with Vice-President Al Gore and Marvin Rosen, finance chairman of the Democratic National Committee. A few days before the session, Healy himself contributed $1,000 to the Clinton/Gore re-election campaign. But from July through December of 1995, largely under Healy’s direction, ARCO poured $125,000 into the coffers of the DNC. [Emphasis added]

Need more be said?

The late Christopher Hitchens, for all his drunken sliminess and apologias for the Bush presidencies, did have a moment in his career where he contributed something useful by publishing his pamphlet No One Left To Lie To. In that slim volume, issued in the midst of the Clinton impeachment fiasco, he laid out an explanation for the Clinton strategy of triangulation, a term coined by the right wing political consultant Dick Morris. Hitchens defined it as such in a Book TV interview on C-SPAN 2: “Triangulation is three-card monte… You steal the Republican Party’s program, adopt it for the Democratic Party, hope you can bring the Republican Party’s donors along with you, which you often can, then you are faced with the task of shoring up or reassuring your own constituency, and that is done by means of a sort of cheap and superficial political correctness.” It can be said without much argument that this can very well sum up the Raimondo ideology very well, a miasma of reactionary ideals covered up by a clever game of neoliberal identity politics that passes doing the bare minimum for women’s rights as feminism. This also goes for her pension policies that benefit Wall Street while robbing Main Street.

Of course, all these points also can be applied with no modification or rejoinder to Hillary Clinton.

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Follow the money on Raimondo pension scheme: John Arnold


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Following the publication of a letter sent to the FBI, SEC, and US Attorney’s Office by Rhode Island’s Future, we chose to take a deeper look at the players and parties ripping off retired public employees. What we found was a massive mess of money, right-wing ideologues, and the attempted further bail-out of Wall Street at the expense of state and municipal workers that goes all the way to the top and which could end up shaking the foundations of the 2016 campaign in ways not imagined.

Screen Shot 2016-01-16 at 7.32.20 PMThe Raimondo pension scheme is just a test run of a larger agenda. If this is left to stand, it would clear the way for the privatization of Social Security and the total defenestration of the social safety net dating back to the New Deal years. Through a well-financed and insidious number of organizations including the Pew Charitable Trusts Foundation, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the Blackstone Group, and the Laura and John Arnold Foundation, as well as many others, a cunning and manipulative campaign has been created to deceive the general public into believing that retired teachers, firefighters, librarians, and civil servants are costing the taxpayers exorbitant amounts of money while your friendly Wall Street banker is in need of charity. And at the center of it all is Hillary Rodham Clinton, whose campaign is both financed by these crooks and soliciting the endorsements of unions from whose members the heist is being perpetrated against!

Screen Shot 2016-01-16 at 9.02.44 PMAll this begs multiple questions. For example, where are the voices of Treasurer Seth Magaziner and Attorney General Peter Kilmartin in all of this? David Sirota argues in a report that “the “crisis” language around pensions is, unto itself, fraudulent“. What does this say about Gina Raimondo’s public statements and testimony made potentially under oath while the pension lawsuit was being litigated? Was she totally forthcoming when the SEC previously looked into these matters? Seidle writes in Rhode Island Public Pension Reform: Wall Street’s License to Steal:

[T]he General Treasurer’s practice of withholding information and intentionally providing incomplete disclosures regarding ERSRI’s investments results in: (1) misleading the public as to fundamental investment matters, such as the true costs and risks related to investing in hedge, private equity, and venture capital funds; (2) understating the investment expenses and risks related to ERSRI; and (3) misrepresenting the financial condition of the state of Rhode Island to investors… [A]n investigation by state or federal securities regulators would reveal intentional withholding of material information and misrepresentations regarding state pension costs. [Emphasis added]

This is a scandal in development that makes Operation Plunder Dome look like shoplifting penny candy from the corner store. There never was a pension crisis, just a public swindle. This whole notion of a crisis is a gigantic fraud. And not only are public sector retirees and employees paying for it, every single taxpayer in Rhode Island is being duped into shoveling piles of cash into Wall Street’s trough.

The first person to scrutinize is John Arnold, the ex-Enron trader who was able to send a nice donation to both the Raimondo and Obama campaigns at key moments. Consider this line from a webpage cataloging his nationwide rampage:

Arnold donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to Engage RI, the PAC behind Raimondo’s campaign to cut benefits and move workers into a “hybrid” retirement system that includes a 401(k) component. The Arnold Foundation also helped finance a Brookings Institution report and an Urban Institute report trumpeting Raimondo’s pension cuts.

John Arnold
John Arnold

While Enron has gone down in history as having close ties with George W. Bush, complete with Ken Lay holding the classic Dubya appellation of “Kenny Boy”, this should not be surprising. For some years now, the Wall Street political donations have flowed into Democratic Party coffers whereas the Republicans depend on patronage from the fossil fuel industries. The reason Bush and Lay were buddies came down to the fact that Enron as a company operated in both worlds, trading in energy futures (which ended up being fraudulent in the long run), which combined the sale of commodities on an exchange floor like Wall Street with the generation of relationships to fuel corporations such as the ones the Bush family made their millions from.

David Sirota writes the following about Arnold:

According to CNN/Money, John Arnold is “the second-youngest self-made multibillionaire in the United States.” Only Mark Zuckerberg is younger and richer – but that’s not the only difference between the two. Whereas Zuckerberg made his fortune building a brand-new social media technology, Arnold made his the old fashioned way: through the kind of financial speculation that destroys economies, harms taxpayers and wrecks public pension funds… Underscoring the potential corruption surrounding the pension system, Siedle also reports that state pension officials became the target of “pay-to-play” allegations and a Securities and Exchange Commission inquiry. Meanwhile, the Economic Policy Institute reports that the Pew/Arnold-backed pension system “actually increases costs to state and local governments and taxpayers while making retirement incomes less secure.” Specifically, because of the comparative inefficiencies of the defined contribution part of the state’s new hybrid pension plan, state taxpayers will be forced to make “upwards of $15 million a year in additional contributions while providing a smaller benefit for the average full-career worker. [Emphasis added]

All this obviates a simple question, why?

Screen Shot 2016-01-16 at 7.40.42 PM
From “The Plot Against Pensions” by David Sirota.

The answer is relatively easy. The over-hyped Dodd-Frank Act and recession backlash has made the typical practice of bailing out the Too-Big-To-Fail banks untenable. After 2008, it is simply impossible to carry on with business as usual. There was the logical and sane option of breaking up the banks and reinstating the Glass-Steagall Act, the law dating back to the aftermath of the 1929 crash that segregated risky Wall Street investment from typical consumer depositor banking. But President Obama, who has always been up to his eyeballs in money from firms like Goldman Sachs and Blackstone, an outfit that makes Goldman seem like child’s play, could not do that. So instead, Wall Street had to find a new source of revenue.

And what is perhaps the most trustworthy reservoir of cash to be found in America? The pension funds! Consider this line from Dan Pedrotty of the American Federation of Teachers: “Today, nearly $4 trillion is held in defined-benefit pension funds in our country on behalf of American workers for their retirement.” KA-CHING!

From "The Plot Against Pensions" by David Sirota.
From “The Plot Against Pensions” by David Sirota.

As with any fishing expedition, first you create the bait. Arnold has financed a “pension crisis” narrative through traditionally-dispassionate, objective venues that the public trusts immensely. For example, there was the shady report put out by the Brookings Institute that raised alarm bells. Or there was the nonsense news he financed for broadcast by the PBS division out of New York. There are all kinds of instances where Arnold’s plot is being rolled out. But you do not need me to tell you, just watch this delightful animated short created by the good union folks at AFSCME:

This of course helps to explain the motivation of why these folks are into education and push the charter school agenda. Besides the fact that it would break a major pillar of the union movement that could theoretically help union drives in the businesses of the Waltons (Wal-Mart and Sam’s Club) or the Gateses (Microsoft), it generates tons of revenue that goes into the pockets of the Wall Street investment firms! Consider also this point raised in The Plot Against America’s Pensions by David Sirota:

Like President George W. Bush’s proposal to radically alter Social Security, many of these plans would transform stable public pension funds into individualized accounts. They also most often reduce millions of Americans’ guaranteed retirement benefits. In many cases, they would also increase expenses for taxpayers and enrich Wall Street hedge fund managers…The goals of the plot against pensions are both straightforward and deceptive. On the surface, the primary objective is to convert traditional defined-benefit pension funds that guarantee retirement income into riskier, costlier schemes that reduce benefits and income guarantees, and subject taxpayers and millions of workers’ retirement funds to Enron’s casino-style economics…The bait-and-switch at work is simple: The plot forwards the illusion that state budget problems are driven by pension benefits rather than by the far more expensive and wasteful corporate subsidies that states have been doling out for years. That ends up 1) focusing state budget debates on benefit-slashing proposals and therefore 2) downplaying proposals that would raise revenue to shore up existing retirement systems. The result is that the Pew-Arnold initiative at once helps the right’s ideological crusade against traditional pensions and helps billionaires and the business lobby preserve corporations’ huge state tax subsidies. [Emphasis added]

It is worthwhile here to consider in closing some verbiage from Ted Siedle’s 2013 forensic audit:

Rhode Island’s state pension fund fell victim to a Wall Street coup. It happened when Gina Raimondo, a venture capital manager with an uncertain investment track record of only a few years—a principal in a firm that had been hired by the state to manage a paltry $5 million in pension assets—got herself elected as the General Treasurer of the State of Rhode Island with the financial backing of out-of-state hedge fund managers. Raimondo’s new role endowed her with responsibility for overseeing the state’s entire $7 billion in pension assets. In short, the foxes (money managers) had taken over management of the hen-house (the pension).

Indeed.

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FBI, SEC & US Attorney’s Office asked to investigate Raimondo’s pension policies (UPDATED)


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2016-01-04 Raimondo FANG BASE 12
Gina Raimondo

Several weeks ago the Washington Post ran a story about the glories of Governor Gina Raimondo’s pension policy, a matter I wrote about for CounterPunch.

Since then, sources have shared with RI Future a 13-page letter dated December 8, 2015 sent by Edward “Ted” Seidle, President of Benchmark Financial Services to Elizabeth Rosato of the FBI’s White Collar and Complex Financial Crimes unit, LeeAnn Ghazil Gaunt of the SEC’s Municipal Securities and Public Pensions unit, and Stephen Dambruch of the U.S. Attorney’s Office – District of Rhode Island’s Criminal Division. The U.S. Attorney’s Office and the FBI said that they do not comment on potential or current investigations. The SEC has yet to get back.

[Editorial note: On the phone Seidle told RI Future editor Steve Ahlquist that he spoke to the agencies before sending the letter and that his concerns were met with a “good deal of interest.”]

Mr. Seidle has previously written about the Raimondo pension policy in Forbes:

There’s no prudent, disciplined investment program at work here—just a blatant Wall Street gorging, while simultaneously pruning state workers’ pension benefits. It’s no surprise that some of Wall Street’s wildest gamblers have backed her so-called pension reform efforts in the state legislature. Former Enron energy trader emerges as a leading advocate for prudent management of state worker pensions? That’s more than a little ironic.

Here’s the letter with all emphasis contained in the original and only minor formatting adjustments:

Re: Rhode Island Retired Teachers Association Request for Further Investigation and Prosecution of Potential Civil and Criminal Violations Related to the Employees’ Retirement System of Rhode Island

Dear Ladies and Gentleman,

Why have 40 percent of the assets of the tax-exempt Rhode Island state pension been invested offshore in high-cost, high-risk hedge and private equity funds that permit billionaire fund managers to avoid U.S. taxes and “mystery” investors to profit at the expense of the state pension—all in secrecy? Rhode Islanders want to know.

The Rhode Island Retired Teachers Association (RIRTA) has retained me to bring potential civil and criminal malfeasance related to the Employees’ Retirement System of Rhode Island (ERSRI) that I have investigated to your attention for both further investigation and prosecution and I am writing to you on RIRTA’s behalf. While RIRTA works to safeguard retirement benefits for Rhode Island educators, the potential violations of law discussed in this letter impact all stakeholders in ERSRI, including participants and taxpayers.

I am a former SEC attorney and the nation’s leading expert on pension forensics, having investigated over $1 trillion in retirement assets. Prior investigations include the pensions of the states of North Carolina, Kentucky and Alabama; the cities of Nashville, Jacksonville and Chattanooga; Shelby County, Tennessee and Town of Longboat Key, Florida; retirement plans of major corporations such as Wal-Mart, Caterpillar, Boeing, Edison, Lockheed, Northrop Grumman, Deere, Bechtel, ABB, Edison and US Airways; and asset managers handling retirement assets such as Fidelity, JP Morgan, Sanford Bernstein, and Banco Santander. [1] I train U.S. Department of Labor pension investigators around the country; have testified before the Senate Banking Committee regarding the mutual fund scandals and was a testifying expert in various Madoff litigations.

I write about my investigations for Forbes.com and was named as one of the 40 most influential people in the U.S. pension debate by Institutional Investor for both 2014 and 2015.

By way of background, I have completed two extensive investigations of the $7.4 billion ERSRI.

The first, entitled Rhode Island Pension Reform: Wall Street’s License to Steal [2] was commissioned by the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, Council 94 (Rhode Island’s largest public employee union representing more than 10,000 state, city, town and school department employees) and completed October 17, 2013.

The second, entitled Double Trouble: Wall Street Secrecy Conceals Preventable Pension Losses in Rhode Island [3] was made possible through donations by 350 individual “crowdfunders”—with no contribution by organized labor and completed June 5, 2015. A petition to have the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission investigate the potential violations of law related to ERSRI identified in the Double Trouble report posted on change.org by Concerned RI Taxpayers has been signed by 375 individuals to date. [4]

Each of these forensic investigations includes details regarding certain apparent civil and criminal violations of law by Wall Street investment managers and advisers managing or overseeing ERSRI’s assets—wrongdoing which I will discuss further below.

If I am correct in my analysis—and I am confident that I am—the potential violations of law by asset managers and advisers handling the assets of the already seriously underfunded state pension identified in these reports likely represent the greatest threat to the financial well-being of Rhode Islanders in the state’s history.

At the outset it is paramount to note the following alarming facts:

  1. In the past decade, state and local public pensions throughout the United States have significantly shifted assets toward a massive allocation into so-called “alternative” investments, including hedge and private equity funds. Today, roughly $660 billion of public pension assets are invested in hedge and private equity funds alone. Total public pension assets in all various alternative classes are estimated at $1 trillion.
    Never before in the history of the nation’s state and local government pensions has so much money been steered so swiftly into newly-created, unproven investments. Approximately 40 percent of ERSRI’s assets have been invested in alternatives—in the past five years.
  2. Alternatives are the highest cost, highest risk investments ever devised by Wall Street. The rich fees related to alternatives have enabled promoters to secretly reward influential politicians and pension intermediaries who recommend these investments— “marketing muscle” which largely explains the public pension surge into alternatives. These investments present inappropriate risks for American government workers retirement savings such as offshore (e.g. Cayman Island and other tax havens) regulation and foreign custody of assets; portfolios that are often exceptionally hard-to- value and prone to price manipulation by investment managers (whose pay is based upon inflated values); “friends and family” and other insiders who are permitted to invest on more favorable terms, as well as secretly profit at the expense of public pension investors; hidden, excessive and bogus fees and expenses; other unsavory business practices and complex (as well as questionable) investment strategies—all heretofore unknown to public pensions and which, if subjected to regulatory and law enforcement scrutiny, may be found to involve fraud or theft related to public sector retirement savings.
    As I told a crowd of hundreds of stakeholders at a seminar sponsored by RIRTA in Providence in November, the pension has been “looted” and the looting continues through today. [5]
    For example, as indicated in my initial investigation, [6] approximately $1 billion in ERSRI assets have been invested in 18 hedge funds. Investment luminaries such as Warren Buffett and John Bogle of Vanguard have both publicly warned that these hedge fund alternative investments are not suitable for public pensions. Rhode Island workers pensions invested offshore in the Cayman Islands?
  3. As awareness of alternative investment business practices has grown, pervasive improprieties and illegalities have been identified. For example, the U. S. Securities and Exchange Commission announced in 2014 that more than half of the 400 private-equity firms its staff had examined charged bogus fees and expenses. [7]
    Phony or inflated valuations of private equity portfolio holdings are common since these holdings are priced solely by the general partner managing the fund who is paid asset- based and performance fees on these values. [8] For example, in March 2015, the SEC charged Patriarch Partners and its CEO with improper asset valuations that caused investors to pay nearly $200 million more in higher fees. [9]
    The private-equity model lends itself to potential abuse because it’s so opaque, according to Daniel Greenwood, a law professor at Hofstra University in New York and author of a 2008 paper entitled “Looting: The Puzzle of Private Equity.” [10]
    While high net worth individuals may be unaware or even unconcerned about looting, when state and local government workers of modest means become aware their retirement savings have been stolen (as opposed to merely mismanaged), it is reasonable that they demand regulators and law enforcement intervene to protect their imperiled retirement savings.
  4. Perhaps most insidious, the alternative investment industry—with the consent of public pension officials—has been permitted to operate in complete secrecy. Longstanding public records laws have been interpreted or changed almost overnight in all fifty states to permit hedge and private equity funds to manage approximately $1 trillion in public pension assets free of public scrutiny. In less than a decade, the nation’s public records laws have been eviscerated for the first time in history.
    It should come as no surprise to regulators and law enforcement that secrecy fosters rampant wrongdoing by Wall Street in connection with handling state and local government workers’ retirement savings.
    In Rhode Island, both current Treasurer Magaziner and former Treasurer Raimondo, now Governor, have claimed ERSRI is obliged—pursuant to contracts fund officials signed—to defer to the money managers it hired to manage pension assets on the release of supposedly “proprietary” information. Virtually all information regarding the risks, conflicts of interest, investment strategies and performance of the alternative managers has been withheld from the public as “proprietary.”
    To be perfectly clear, offering documents and subscription agreements related to alternative investment funds that have been widely distributed to thousands of prospective investors and intermediaries globally—and that contain primarily publicly available information—have been deemed by ERSRI officials and the pension’s investment managers to be wholly “top secret.”
    On August 8, 2013, four open-government groups – Common Cause Rhode Island, the state’s chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union, the Rhode Island Press Association and the League of Women Voters of Rhode Island sent a letter to the Treasurer voicing their concerns regarding the Treasurer’s strategy of withholding hedge fund records. These groups believe that since the financial reports were paid for with public funds and detailed how the state was investing the public’s money, they should have been made public in their entirety; further they found “troubling” the Treasurer’s decision to allow the hedge funds to decide what information to release.

In summary, at this pivotal moment when $1 trillion in public pension assets are at risk, it is crucial for taxpayers, public employees, regulators and law enforcement to pierce the veil of secrecy, examine the myriad forms of commonplace alternative industry wrongdoing, and craft an effective response to protect retirement funds set aside for government workers.

It is time to address whether alternative industry malfeasance may be criminally, as well as civilly actionable when public pensions, such as ERSRI, are harmed.

Bear in mind that ERSRI stakeholders are, at this time, five years into a ten year looting (since alternatives typically involve a ten-year commitment) and already an estimated $2 billion has been lost in Rhode Island.

Below are specific examples of potential violations of law which were identified in the two forensic investigations of ERSRI.

  • A. Licenses to Steal: In my original forensic investigation of ERSRI, I identified language in the offering documents of a number of the hedge funds in which ERSRI had invested which indicated the fund managers were not required to provide the same type or level of disclosure regarding investments and strategies to all investors.
    1. Informational advantages: That is, certain mystery investors would be permitted to invest in these funds on terms that provide access to information regarding fund investment portfolios that was not generally available to other investors and, as a result, would be able to act on such additional information (e.g., request withdrawal of their monies) that other investors (such as ERSRI) did not receive.
    In the words of ERSRI hedge fund manager Brevan Howard, “The General Partner may in its absolute discretion agree to provide certain strategic investors in the Partnership with information about the Partnership and its investments which is not available to investors generally.” Says the Indus Asia Pacific Fund, “… the Fund, in its sole discretion, may permit such disclosure on a select basis to certain shareholders if the Fund determines that there are sufficient confidentiality agreements and procedures in place. Davidson Kempner states, “The Fund has entered and may enter into side letters and other agreements and arrangements with certain investors pursuant to which, among other things, an investor may receive reports and have access to information regarding the Fund’s portfolio that might not be generally available to other shareholders. Such investors may be able to base their investment decisions, including, without limitation, redeeming their shares from the Fund, on information that is not generally available to other shareholders.”
    2. More favorable rights: The Ascend Partners Fund II adds further that, in addition to portfolio “informational” advantages, certain investors may be granted favorable “rights” not afforded other investors such as ERSRI. The fund states, “The Partnership and the General Partner may from time to time enter into agreements with one or more Limited Partners whereby in consideration for agreeing to invest certain amounts in the Partnership and other consideration deemed material by the General Partner, such Limited Partners may be granted favorable rights not afforded to other Limited Partners or investors, generally. Such rights may include one or more of the following: special rights to make future investments in the Partnership and/or the Other Accounts, as appropriate; special withdrawal rights, relating to frequency, notice and/or other terms; rights to receive reports from the Partnership on a more frequent basis or that include information not provided to other Limited Partners (including, without limitation, more detailed information regarding positions); rights to receive reduced rates of the Incentive Allocation and/or Management Fee; rights to receive a share of the Incentive Allocation, Management Fee or other amounts earned by the General Partner or its affiliates; and such other rights as may be negotiated between the Partnership and such Limited Partners. The Partnership and the General Partner may enter into such agreements without the consent of or notice to the other Limited Partners.”
    In other words, ERSRI fiduciaries have gone along, for whatever reasons, with investment managers permitting certain mystery investors in the hedge funds to profit at its expense through “information” and “rights” advantages—effectively granting a license to steal from the state pension to these unknown investors. How do government workers benefit from exposing their retirement savings to these blatantly offensive practices?
    3. Mystery investors: The identity of the privileged insiders permitted to profit from the state pension is not disclosed. The managers are not even required to notify ERSRI that other investors receiving greater information, paying lower fees, and enjoying special rights, do, in fact, exist. It is simply disclosed that mystery investors may exist without notice to, or the consent of, ERSRI.
    As I concluded in my first report, “The identity of any mystery investors that may be permitted by managers to profit at ERSRI’s expense, as well as any relationships between these investors, the Treasurer or other public officials, should immediately be investigated fully by law enforcement and securities regulators—especially since leading hedge fund insiders have financially supported the pension “reform” that gave rise to these hedge fund investments and related mysterious arrangements.”
    4. New forms of potential political corruption: State workers whose pensions are at risk deserve to know whether the “mystery” insiders secretly profiting at their expense may be linked to elected officials and pension fiduciaries. That is, have these officials been corrupt in selecting and relying heavily upon alternative investments for ERSRI which permit mystery investor profiting, or merely inept? Why would Raimondo and Magaziner initiate and commit for over a decade to a high-cost, high-risk alternative investment (losing) gamble which the best investors in the world—Buffett and Bogle— specifically warned against? Who stands to gain from this recklessness?
    For example, according to most recent SEC filings Tudor Global Trading (related to hedge fund manager Paul Tudor Jones) is an owner of Point Judith Capital— a venture capital firm founded and owned in part by Governor Raimondo. Is any Jones-related entity directly or indirectly a special or strategic investor in a hedge fund permitted to profit potentially at the expense of ERSRI? Also, a philanthropic foundation established by another hedge fund insider, Houston billionaire and former Enron trader, John Arnold, reportedly donated $100,000 to a political action committee supporting Raimondo’s candidacy. [11] Arnold and his wife, Laura, previously made a $100,000 donation to the same super PAC a year earlier. [12] Is any Arnold-related entity directly or indirectly a special or strategic investor in a hedge fund permitted to profit potentially at the expense of ERSRI? Again, state workers deserve to know and regulators and law enforcement should investigate any such potential dealings, in my opinion.
    5. Other violations of applicable regulations and law: The Brevan Howard fund goes on to state that it “may be constrained, or may find it unduly onerous, to disclose any or all such information or to prepare or disclose such information in a form or manner which satisfies certain regulatory, tax or other relevant authorities. Failure to disclose or make available information in the prescribed manner or format, or at all, may adversely affect the Partnership or the partners in the Partnership that reside in such jurisdictions.” In other words, investors in the fund are warned that its nondisclosure policies may violate certain applicable regulations and laws.
    6. Cayman Island offshore regulation and custody: Some of the hedge funds in which ERSRI invests are incorporated and regulated under the laws of foreign countries, presenting additional, unique risks. Likewise, since ERSRI’s alternative investment assets are held at different custodian banks located around the world, as opposed to being held by ERSRI’s master custodian, the custodial risks are heightened.
    Offshore regulation has clear advantages to the hedge fund billionaires managing ERSRI’s assets.
    “Hedge fund titan George Soros reportedly amassed $13.3 billion in deferred hedge fund fees and investment gains on those fees by moving his assets to Ireland and then to the Cayman Islands. Hedge funds love to set up shop offshore. And it’s not because of the weather.” [13]
    How does investing in offshore hedge funds (which involve additional substantial legal and regulatory risks) provide any benefit to government employees participating in ERSRI—a pension which is tax-exempt, the investments of which are required to be selected and managed for their exclusive benefit?
  • B.Private Equity Potential Fiduciary Breaches and Illegalities: In order to assess the risks, potential fiduciary breaches and violations of law related to the 72 private equity funds owned by ERSRI, I reviewed SEC filings and other public records related to 12 of these investments in my second investigative report. Millions in illegal fees, undisclosed payments to politically-influential intermediaries (placement agents); collusion by managers to suppress the share prices of companies; fraud on the U.S. government; tax evasion and the Governor potentially profiting at the expense of ERSRI are but a few of the matters investigated related to ERSRI alternative investments.
    In addition to the substantial revelations of private equity wrongdoing mentioned below, I am aware there is a substantial body of confidentially-reported misdeeds. The overwhelming majority of abuses that have been reported to regulators (including malfeasance regulators are currently prosecuting) have not been made public by whistle-blowers, aggrieved investors and regulators. Thus, the abuses listed below are the mere “tip of the iceberg.”
    1. Unauthorized or undisclosed fees: On November 3, 2015, the SEC announced that Fenway Partners LLC and four executives agreed to pay a total of more than $10.2 million to settle charges that they failed to tell investors about payments to employees by one of its private equity fund companies. The private equity firm and the executives were not “fully forthcoming” to a client and investors about the conflict of interest, which involved more than $20 million in payments, the SEC said. “The case is part of the SEC’s ongoing crackdown into what it sees as a widespread industry problem concerning how buyout firms allocate and disclose various kinds of fees. It follows a $39 million SEC sanction against Blackstone Group in October and a $30 million sanction against Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Co. in June.” [14]
    Earlier this year TPG disclosed millions in annual additional fees charged to investors (on top of asset management, performance, transaction and monitoring fees), as the SEC has pushed for greater disclosure. [15]
    According to regulatory filings, Carlyle collected $245 million in extra fees between 2008 and the end of 2013, compared with $4.6 billion in carried interest. [16]
    When private equity managers are “not fully forthcoming” or steal (i.e., take without permission) undisclosed monies from public pensions, criminal prosecution should be considered.
    2. Secret agents: As noted in my first report, when asked by the SEC in 2009, ERSRI admitted that Fenway Partners Capital Fund III paid an influential intermediary, Marvin Rosen, of Diamond Edge Capital Partners $262,500 related to this investment and paid the firm a total of approximately $1 million related to four private equity investments. Mr. Rosen was a Democratic fundraiser linked to former President Bill Clinton whose firm earned millions in New York pension fund deals in 2005 and 2006 when Alan Hevesi was state controller. [17] Fenway and Mr. Rosen were also was involved in a pay-to-play controversy related to the New Mexico state pension. [18]
    Carlyle, one of the largest and most politically connected private equity firms, in 2009 agreed to pay $20 million and make broad changes to its practices to end an inquiry by New York’s state attorney general into its pension business. Under the deal, Carlyle no longer would use intermediaries, known as placement agents, to gain investment business from public pension funds nationwide, and would curtail its campaign contributions to elected officials who oversee pension funds. [19]
    3. Price Collusion: In August 2014, Carlyle settled a lawsuit contending that it and other large buyout firms had colluded to suppress the share prices of companies they were acquiring. The lawsuit targeted some other ERSRI private equity managers, i.e., Bain Capital, and TPG. Carlyle agreed to pay $115 million in a settlement but didn’t pay those costs. “Instead, investors in Carlyle Partners IV, a $7.8 billion buyout fund started in 2004, will bear the settlement costs that are not covered by insurance. Those investors include retired state and city employees in California, Illinois, Louisiana, Ohio, Texas and 10 other states. Five New York City and state pensions are among them.”
    4. Fraud: It has been a bumpy few years for Providence Equity, said the New York Times in April 2015. In February, one of the firm’s biggest investments, the security screener Altegrity, filed for bankruptcy in the face of fraud accusations. Providence had its entire $800 million stake wiped out, the largest loss in the firm’s 26- year history. In 2011, a former USIS (Altegrity’s previous name) manager in Alabama filed a whistle-blower lawsuit that the government later joined asserting that 40 percent, or 665,000, of the investigations USIS turned in to the government between 2008 and 2012 were incomplete. [20] Altegrity’s reputation suffered another blow after revelations that it had performed the background checks on Edward J. Snowden, the former National Security Agency contractor who leaked documents to journalists, and Aaron Alexis, the Washington Navy Yard shooter who killed 12 people in 2013. The final straw was a hacking attack on USIS, which led the government to withdraw its contracts. With the loss of that business, and buckling under $1.8 billion in debt, Altegrity filed for bankruptcy protection in February.
    Again, when public pensions suffer losses as a result of fraud perpetrated on the government, law enforcement should consider separate prosecution of the pension managers responsible.
    5. Private equity secret profiting: As disclosed in Providence Equity’s most recent Form ADV filing with the SEC, certain of the principals and employees of the adviser or their family members may invest in the Providence funds and the management fees assessed on their investments are typically substantially reduced or waived entirely. In addition, all of the principals’ and employees’ capital subscription may be made through reductions in or waiver of the management fee payable to the adviser by such fund in lieu of capital contributions by such principals and employees.
    Again, how does ERSRI gain from—why would ERSRI fiduciaries agree to—permitting employees of a richly-compensated asset manager to participate in the same funds in which the pension invests on more favorable terms? Based upon my experience, it is likely that virtually all of ERSRI’s private equity managers permit their principals, employees and “friends” to participate in their funds on a preferential basis—potentially profiting at the expense of ERSRI.
    6. ERSRI’s Investment in Raimondo’s Point Judith II: ERSRI’s investment in Point Judith II venture fund, formerly managed by Governor Raimondo, raises numerous “red flags,” primarily discussed in my original report. As noted in my second report, since this investment will terminate in 2016, the truth about the performance of this investment may finally become known to the public in the near future.
    Red flag: Not only was Raimondo successful in soliciting a $5 million investment from ERSRI in her small, unproven venture fund, for some reason ERSRI paid Point Judith Capital the highest of fees for this investment—fees even higher than the firm requested in its sales presentation to ERSRI. Why did ERSRI pay a higher fee to Raimondo’s Point Judith than the firm originally asked? As I stated in my first report, “It appears that the 2.5 percent asset-based and 20 percent performance fees paid to Point Judith by ERSRI are significantly higher than the then venture capital industry standard of 2 percent asset-based and 20 percent performance fees. Since Point Judith Capital was a small, unproven manager at the time of the investment by ERSRI, there is no reason to believe the firm should have commanded a higher fee.”
    Red flag: Further, Raimondo and ERSRI made numerous public statements regarding the performance of the Point Judith II fund, as well as released summary performance figures which were strikingly divergent. Based upon incomplete information she has provided, the performance of the investment has ranged from her initial claim of 22 percent, to 12 percent, to 10.9 percent, to 6.2 percent, to 4 percent, to -16.7 percent. In conclusion, as a result of the Treasurer’s refusal to publicly disclose all of the material information regarding Point Judith Capital and the Point Judith II fund she formerly managed and sold to ERSRI, choosing instead to disclose limited unverified information which is wildly inconsistent, it is impossible for the general public, participants and taxpayers to assess her and the firm’s investment capabilities, as well as whether ERSRI should have ever invested, or should remain invested, in the Point Judith II fund. In order to prevent any possible confusion or misleading of investors, it is appropriate to refer this matter to the SEC for investigation, I stated.
    Red flag: As a Point Judith insider, Raimondo, or other mystery investors, may have been granted special rights more favorable than those granted to the state, including special withdrawal rights; rights to receive reports from the partnership on a more frequent basis or that include information not provided to other limited partners; rights to receive reduced rates of the incentive allocation and management fee; rights to receive a share of the incentive allocation, management fee or other amounts earned by the general partner or its affiliates. If true, Raimondo who received her interests in the Point Judith fund for free and other mystery investors may be profiting at the expense of the state, which paid $5 million for its limited partnership interests.

In conclusion, the evidence of pervasive wrongdoing involving alternative investments held in the portfolios of pensions established for state and local government workers nationally, including ERSRI, is overwhelming. The malfeasance evident in ERSRI’s alternative investments is harmful to the already severely underfunded pension.

The so-called “reform” of ERSRI involving heavy use of alternative investment funds engaged in practices unsuitable or illegal for the pension is doomed to continue to fail. Five years into a ten-year looting, already an estimated $2 billion has been lost in Rhode Island. It is not too late to act to protect the retirement savings of state and local government workers of modest means.

At this pivotal moment when $1 trillion in public pension assets are at risk nationally, regulators and law enforcement must pierce the veil of secrecy, examine the myriad forms of commonplace alternative industry wrongdoing, and craft an effective response to protect government workers retirement security—before the ten-year looting cycle has been completed.

It is time to address whether alternative industry malfeasance may be criminally, as well as civilly actionable when public pensions, such as ERSRI, are harmed.

I am available to answer any questions you may have and provide any assistance. Please do not hesitate to call me.

Edward “Ted” Siedle
President

[1] Findings of certain of these forensic investigations have been made public and can be viewed at my company website, www.investigatemyretirementplan.com.
[2] http://www.scribd.com/doc/176896709/Rhode-Island-Public-Pension-Reform-Wall-Street-s-License-to-Steal
[3] http://files.golocalprov.com.s3.amazonaws.com/Double%20Trouble%20FINAL.pdf
[4] https://www.change.org/p/u-s-securities-and-exchange-commission-investigate-potential-violations-of-the-rhode-island-8-billion-state-pension-fund
[5] http://www.forbes.com/sites/edwardsiedle/2015/11/20/rhode-island-retired-teachers-association-turning-up- the-heat-on-pension-looting/
[6] Page 51.
[7]  http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2014-04-07/bogus-private-equity-fees-said-found-at-200-firms-by-sec
[8]  How Fair are the Valuations of Private Equity Funds? http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2229547
[9] http://www.pionline.com/article/20150330/ONLINE/150339990/sec-charges-private-equity-firm-patriarch-ceo- with-improper-valuation
[10] https://people.hofstra.edu/Daniel_J_Greenwood/pdf/Looting.pdf
[11] http://www.providencejournal.com/article/20140224/NEWS/302249995
[12] http://wpri.com/2014/10/15/arnold-donates-another-100k-to-pro-raimondo-super-pac/
[13] http://www.forbes.com/sites/trangho/2015/05/09/why-hedge-funds-love-to-go-offshore/
[14] http://www.reuters.com/article/us-sec-fenway-idUSKCN0SS22620151103#GZTKQVh88ckmZo8f.97
[15] http://www.scmp.com/business/banking-finance/article/1673090/blackstone-tpg-capital-disclosefees-under-
pressure-us-sec
[16] http://www.wsj.com/articles/fees-get-leaner-on-private-equity-1419809350?cb=logged0.46937971841543913
[17] http://www.nydailynews.com/news/bill-clinton-pal-earned-huge-pension-fees-marvin-rosen-firm-millions- hevesi-reign-article-1.361953
[18] http://watchdog.org/15168/nm-gary-bland-trouble-for-the-sics-pay-to-play-lawsuit/
[19] http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/15/nyregion/15carlyle.html
[20] http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/19/business/retirement/behind-private-equityscurtain.html?_r=0

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David Sirota goes after Raimondo on hedge funds with new allegations


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2015-11-30 World AIDS Day 007 Gina Raimondo
Gina Raimondo

It’s a new year, so there’s a new piece by International Business Times‘ senior editor for investigations, David Sirota, taking on Gina Raimondo‘s dismal record in pension reform. This piece isn’t getting a lot of attention locally, which is a shame because it actually explains the pension reform/hedge fund situation quite nicely. The accepted story among the most politicians is that pension reform was necessary. As Gina Raimondo said in the Wall St Journal (quoted in Sirota’s piece) “Don’t be mad at me. Be mad at people who made promises that were unaffordable.”

However that may be, we certainly didn’t need pensions locked into hedge funds that have, notes Sirota, “generated big revenues for Wall Street firms, but only middling returns for a $7.6 billion pension fund on which more than 58,000 current and future retirees rely.”

When retiree Diane Bucci and others began to dig into the poor performance of the hedge funds, “they learned of a federal review showing that roughly half of all private equity firms are charging hidden fees, and they saw a hedge fund industry whose returns have failed to keep pace with the stock market. When they dug deeper, they stumbled onto an even more disturbing revelation. What they found, they say, is evidence that some investors can obtain special rights that may let them secretly siphon money from the state pensioners’ retirement savings.”

Here’s the link to the full story, well worth a read:

Wall Street Fine Print: Retirees Want FBI Probe Of Pension Investment Deals

VIDEOS: Why would anyone vote for Ernie Almonte for General Treasurer?


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almonte conleyErnie Almonte can’t make up his mind.

Now he’s an “independent” running for general treasurer. But he began the 2014 campaign season as a Democrat running for governor. He was the first to announce, way back in November 2012 right after the last election. He soon realized that there was no way he would win the nomination for governor against Gina Raimondo and Angel Taveras (and later Clay Pell). So he switched to running for the Democratic nomination for general treasurer. But then he pulled the plug on that, too, when he realized he couldn’t beat Seth Magaziner and Frank Caprio.

That’s when he decided instead to go the independent route, though with the informal endorsement from the RI Republican Party.

But Almonte’s biggest problem and the cause of his vacillations is that he can’t keep his own story straight.

He claimed to be a Democrat, but he has repeatedly mouthed Republican positions such as mimicking Mitt Romney’s attack on the “47% of the public” whom Romney – and Almonte – consider to be deadbeats. He attacked Social Security and Medicare and even giving any consideration at all to raising taxes on the rich. It’s all on videotape that is linked here and here.

Almonte’s TV ads tout his credentials as an auditor, which I found to be pretty bold, given that Almonte – as Rhode Island’s Auditor General – failed to sound the alarm about our impending public pension crisis. The first warning from the Auditor General’s office about our pension problems came in the first audit report issued after Almonte resigned. We count on auditors to find problems like the one our pension funds faced, but Almonte blew it but now wants to claim credit for his experience as auditor.

At a recorded forum about a month ago, Almonte appeared on stage with his opponent Democrat Seth Magaziner. Seth very kindly gave Almonte an opportunity to recant, or at least revise, the remarks Almonte had made against the American middle-class, Medicare, Social Security and public pensions.

At first, it seemed as if Almonte was going to recant, saying that the remarks were actually written for him by the US Comptroller General who asked Ernie to take his place at a workshop and deliver the remarks. In an earlier meeting with the political action committee of one of the state’s labor unions, Almonte said that he was paid to make the remarks, as if that made it better.

In today’s video, you can see Almonte explain where the statement came from and see him say to Magaziner that he felt he couldn’t turn down the Comptroller General. Seth’s very droll answer was “I would have said NO.”

Rather than cut his losses, Almonte decided to ditch his good old boy persona to try to take Seth Magaziner to the wood shed. Almonte began lecturing him as if Seth was a school boy – “Listen to what I’m saying so you don’t get it wrong.” And Seth played right along, feeding him straight lines.

Almonte blew it again. He took the position that he doesn’t trust the government to invest people’s money, despite 80 years of successful administration. Seth said that Almonte’s attacks on Social Security were unwarranted, an “over-reaction,” and that “minor tweaks” (such as raising the current cap on the level of income is subject to Social Security – set too low and placing the burden on low-wage workers).

Almonte said that yes, “minor tweaks” could work – such as raising the retirement age. But fundamentally, he does not trust the government, even though he is running for a place in it. He calls this a “courageous conversations.”

Even though Almonte tried to gloss over his earlier remarks, he just couldn’t help himself but take a full header into the swamp. As much as he tried to pass the blame for the anti-Social Security remarks onto the Comptroller General, he ended up embracing privatizing Social Security. Period.

“I don’t trust the government to make the decisions.” Instead, he offered his “vision” of using a “financial literacy program” to teach the elderly how to cope with a new private system where they have to invest the money themselves “so people don’t have to rely on the government.” If that’s not a full-throated call for privatized Social Security, I don’t know what is.

Here’s the new video (you can also click here to see it):

Was Almonte asleep during 2008 – 2009 when those private retirement accounts – 401(k)s and IRAs – crashed and, in many cases, ended up being used to cover mortgage payments?

Actually, Almonte was asleep, because if you look at the reports he issued for the state’s pension funds for those two years (his last before he resigned to run for state office), you’ll see nary a hint of alarm. Click here and here to see what I’m talking about.

But worse than that, it was Almonte’s job in the years leading up to the market crash and Rhode Island’s subsequent pension crisis to point out that the state was failing to make the promised deposits into state workers’ pension funds even though those state workers consistently paid their fair share.

Where was RI Auditor General Almonte while all this happening? Well, then he was part of the government apparatus that he now doesn’t trust. With his record, and his recorded radical views on pensions, Social Security and the middle-class, he wants us to trust him to be General Treasurer?

Why the pension settlement was a good deal for future taxpayers


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raimondo fist pumpFuture generations studying Rhode Island at the turn of the 21st Century will be embarrassed when they get to the part on pension politics.

Those were the days, they will note, when economic growth hit a bump in the road and some of the richest people in society launched a very expensive, targeted and secretive campaign to take from the people who work for the people.

Those future historians will see that the ultimate losers in this “landmark reform” were the only ones who played by the rules and paid their fair share. There’s just so much inherently wrong with that, and history never judges such circumstances kindly – even though they probably all seemed to be the best course of action in the present tense.

And, of course they will see a Wall Street millionaire who made her foray into politics to accomplish this taking. And they will see that she used a Wall Street billionaire’s dark money to do it. And they will see, in the short term at least, that the taking didn’t end up as savings but rather a transfer of wealth to other Wall Street millionaires and billionaires.

But those future historians studying Rhode Island will also see a society that tied itself in all sorts of logical knots to pull this off.

They will see that we calculated the costs of pensions much differently than any other public spending item. Imagine what the “unfunded liability” would be for even a single school or for corporate tax subsidies to CVS alone!

They will see that the same labor leaders who were fighting against pension cuts were also begging to repeal the tax cuts given to Rhode Island’s richest residents while pensions were being underfunded. They will see that as we were cutting pensions, we were also ensuring that Wall Street bondholders would always get paid before said pensioners.

And those future historians will see that the biggest newspaper and radio station in the state engaged in a borderline misinformation campaign through their wildly one-sided opinion and analysis of the situation.

And those future historians will see that a “haircut or a beheading” was a mantra in Rhode Island.

And to that end I am glad the state workers, public school teachers and retirees – who were so clearly treated like an oppressed class of people throughout the era of pension political football (even if they did manage to swing a decent deal for themselves back when everyone thought growth was infinite) -took back even just a small slice of their dignity when they state shied away from being taken to court for its “landmark pension reforms.”

To my mind, $230 million is small price to pay for Rhode Island’s reputation as a decent society. It means for the rest of history we get to answer, “Not us, we settled out of court instead” when asked: “Hey isn’t Rhode Island the state the ruthlessly screwed over its teachers and plow drivers like a bunch of fist-wagging Wall Street barbarians searching for public sector blood?”

Providence pension — fiscal scolds out in force


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From a YouTube video made by Illinois Gov. Pat Quinn.
From a YouTube video made by Illinois Gov. Pat Quinn.

I spent a little time recently with the new report on Providence’s municipal pension plan, and then I read an article on golocalprov that wanted me to panic about it, quoting the usual chorus of scolds who want us to defund public services.  Then I went back and read the report some more and I still don’t see why this report isn’t considered good news.  It should be.

The report does point out that Providence has a funding ratio of around 32%, and this is low enough to be worrisome.  But it also points out that the unfunded liability of the plan has fallen 8% as a result of Mayor Taveras’s pension reforms.  The unfunded liability now stands at $830 million, down from $900 million a couple of years ago.  Since the plan has assets of just a bit under $400 million, this seems scary, but it’s important to understand exactly what this number represents.  It is the money you’d have to invest now in order to pay off all the debts of the plan in the future.  In order to make a calculation like this, you have to make a lot of assumptions about the future: how long people will live, what the inflation rate will be, and what the investment returns are likely to be.

Critics in the golocal story claim that the investment return assumptions are high at 8.25%.  The critics are wrong for a couple of reasons.  First, it is important that this assumption be consistent with reality, but it is as important for it to be consistent with the other assumptions made.  As for reality, over the long term, and accounting for inflation (which this number does), this actually is not a terrible guess.  There are reasons to think that over the next few decades this is high, but over the last few, it’s been decent.

RI Future contributor Tom Sgouros recently wrote this book about fixing the banking system. Click on the image for more information.
RI Future contributor Tom Sgouros recently wrote this book about fixing the banking system. Click on the image for more information.

As for the other assumptions, critics who think this rate should be lowered, are generally not also suggesting that the inflation rate be lowered on the other side of the ledger, too.  That is, this 8.25% investment assumption incorporates assumptions about the inflation rate in the future, but so do assumptions about the plan’s cost — i.e. the pension checks — 40 years from now.  A big part of the reason we’re looking at low investment returns over the near term is because of low interest rates and low inflation.  Lowering the investment assumptions should mean lowering the cost inflation assumptions, too, and yet, the Buffets, and Moody’s who demand more realistic investment assumptions are usually silent about those adjustments.  Pension plans are not all about investments; there’s a reason why they are run by actuaries and not investment managers.

Another reason why we should be suspect of calls to lower the rate of return is that the scolds don’t generally account for the risk of overfunding a pension plan.  Every dollar that goes into the pension fund is a dollar not spent on educating children or plowing city streets.  It is far better to run the fund at a level modestly below 100% than it is to achieve or surpass that goal.  I will never understand how people who rail against government waste will nonetheless insist that we put more money into a pension plan than is strictly necessary.  To me, that seems the very definition of waste, but that’s the 21st century for you, I guess.

So what else is in the report?  There’s a payment schedule that shows that although the payments to the plan are indeed going to go up in the short term, as a fraction of the city payroll, they go up very little, and this includes money put toward the unfunded liability.  I see that last year, the income from the fund, plus the city’s payments, plus the contributions from current employees, was about $7 million short of the checks the system paid out.  Red ink sounds bad, but these are calculations that involve repaying the investment losses of a couple of years ago.  When you look at the actual flows of actual dollars, the system is well in the black over this past year.

The truth is that the payment schedule shown in the report is very optimistic, and  the city could fall far behind that funding schedule (perhaps if the return assumption is too high, for example) and still make all the payments to retirees it anticipates.  Remember, some of that unfunded liability won’t be paid until the youngest current city employee dies, say around 2075 or 2080, but the schedule in the report anticipates paying off the entire debt by 2040.  The golocal story makes it sound like  a 30-year amortization schedule is something unusual, though it is completely routine in the industry except for the plans that use a longer term.

What people routinely forget is to keep their eyes on the ball.  The goal is not to satisfy some Olympian ideal of pension perfection as defined by Wall Street, the goal is to make all the promised payments at the lowest cost possible.  The conventional wisdom of pension accounting ignores this goal, and imagines somehow that the city’s responsibility to its retirees so far trumps its responsibility to the children in its schools or the snow on its streets that overfunding the pension system is the only way to go.  If Providence only makes it to 80% funding in 2040, short of the goal of 100%, pension checks will still be mailed out in 2041, just as they have been mailed out this year, when the funding ratio was so much smaller.  If Providence were to short the pension payments and use that to improve the city’s economy, the pension plan might be more expensive in the future, but the city might be better able to accommodate the expense, too.  There is balance necessary and the scolds who insist everything be pre-funded are no better than the past mayors who skipped payments.

The bottom line here is that Providence’s pension plan is a source of concern and requires careful consideration and monitoring over the next few years, but there is no reason to panic over these numbers.  The pension reform seems to have helped substantially, and there is ample reason to think it will continue to help.  Does that sound like cause for panic?

Pension report: facts are right, big picture is wrong


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hiltonsmithThe Economic Policy Institute has release a short issue brief on the Rhode Island Retirement Security Act (RIRSA) by Robert Hiltonsmith that manages to get all of the details right but the big picture entirely wrong.

The EPI Issue Brief details the differences between the retirement system for state workers before and after the passage of RIRSA as accurately and clearly as I have ever seen. Mr. Hiltonsmith has done a notable job explaining the differences between the new system and the old system.

The brief, unfortunately, fails by engaging in two common fallacies to support its broader conclusions. The first is the straw man fallacy. Mr. Hiltonsmith takes a limited set of the objectives of the entire RIRSA legislation and says defined contribution plans do not meet those objectives. That is true, but ignores the other objectives it does accomplish which were also part of the motivation behind RIRSA. The second is circular reasoning. In this case, Mr. Hiltonsmith states that the reason for a low funding ratio is because the state did not put 100% of its paper liability into the pension fund. This is a tautology and not in dispute and should not be trumpeted as a conclusion of analysis.

Here are his three main points that he believes makes RIRSA a bad policy:

  1. The defined contribution plan does not save the state money from its annual pension contributions.
  2. The defined contribution plan is likely to earn lower returns and therefore result in lower benefits for retirees.
  3. The defined contribution plan does not solve the low funding ratio of the pension plan which exists because law makers did not make required contributions.

Of course, the defined contribution portion of RIRSA was not in place to do any of these three things. The purpose of including a defined contribution plan in the new state pension system is to create stability in annual budget allocations and avoid locking the government into promises it has demonstrated it fails to keep. Defined benefit plans require the state to change pension contributions when there are market fluctuations and leads to anti-cyclical costs, where the state is forced to put substantially more resources into pensions when revenues are lowest and spending on social welfare is most important. The defined contribution plan keeps the payments required by the state consistent and highly predictable. This is far preferable from a budget perspective.

It is unfortunate that there are lower returns to defined contribution plans which may lead to a decrease in overall benefits. It is my opinion that the unions in Rhode Island should be pushing for a substantially better match on the defined contribution portion of their plan that more closely resembles private sector match rates. This could more than alleviate the difference in benefits while maintaining the predictability, for budgeting purposes, of the defined contribution plan. I doubt this policy would have much hope of passing while Rhode Island slowly crawls out of a deep recession, but it is certainly a reasonable matter for future legislatures.

There are only two ways to decrease the current pension fund shortfalls: increase payments to the fund or decrease benefits. There is no structural magic sauce to get around this. Structural changes in the pension system are aimed at reducing the likelihood that the state will reproduce its current situation, with liabilities well outstripping funds. It is true that the “savings” largely came from cutting benefits. I have not heard anyone claim otherwise. The only alternative was to put a big lump sum into the pension fund. That clearly was not a part of RIRSA.

It is absurd to judge RIRSA on the ability of defined contribution plans to achieve policy objectives that are unrelated to the purpose of this structural change.

Perhaps the most troubling conclusion of this brief was that,

The shortfall in Rhode Island’s pension plan for public employees is largely due not to overly generous benefits, but to the failure of state and local government employers to pay their required share of pensions’ cost.

I read that and expected to see evidence of skipped payments or a discussion of overly ambitious expectations for investment returns, etc. Instead, it seems that this conclusion is based simply on the fact that the benefits in Rhode Island were not deemed outrageously large, and therefore Rhode Island should just pay the liability hole. The “failure” here is predicated entirely on the idea that the pensions as offered should be met, period, whatever the cost to the government. This is the “required share”. Which, of course, is technically true without a change in the law, but feels disingenuous. It is essentially a wholesale agreement with the union interpretation of the state pension system as an immutable contract. The courts will likely resolve whether or not this is true. My objection is that Mr. Hiltonsmith makes a definitive statement on this rationale without describing it. In such a lucid description of how the retirement system has changed, it seems this could only be intentional omission intended to support a predetermined conclusion rather than illuminate the unconvinced.

Mr. Hiltonsmith also claims that, “Over the long term, RIRSA may cost the state upwards of $15 million a year in additional contributions while providing a smaller benefit for the average full-career worker.” I am not 100% certain, but based on his use of the normal cost 1 to do these calculations, it appears this conclusion is drawn only based on the marginal contributions to current employees. In other words, if we completely ignore the existing liability, the new plan cost the state more money marginally while potentially decreasing benefits for employees. It is my opinion that Mr. Hiltonsmith is intentionally creating the perception that RIRSA costs more than the current plan while providing fewer benefits. Again, this is true for future liabilities, but ignores that RIRSA also dramatically decreased the unfunded liabilities through cutting existing retiree benefits. So the overall cost for the act is far less, while the marginal cost was increased with the objective of decreasing the instability in government appropriations.

We can have a serious debate about whether there is value in the state goals of a defined contribution plan. In my view, the purpose of switching to this structure is about:

  1. Portability of plans for more mobile workers, potentially serving to attract younger and more highly skilled employees.
  2. Stability in government expenditures on retiree benefits from year to year that are less susceptible to market forces. This includes avoiding the temptation to reduce payments when there are strong market returns as well as the crushing difficulty of increasing payments when the market (and almost certainly government receipts) are down.
  3. Insulating workers from a government that perpetually writes checks they can cash, as was the case with the current system.

This paper does not address any of these objectives or others I might have forgotten. In essence, the brief looks at only one subset of the perceived costs of this structural change, but it is far from a comprehensive analysis of the potential universe of both costs and benefits. In fact, it fails to even address the most commonly cited benefits. That is why I view it as heavily biased and flawed, even if I might draw similar conclusions from a more thorough analysis.

What do Seattle, RI pension plans have in common?

seattleSeattle, like Rhode Island, sunk a healthy chunk of its pension investment into hedge funds.  And here’s hoping the Ocean State’s 14 percent foray into these riskier alternative investments works out better than the 8 percent gamble did for the Emerald City.

From Sunday’s Seattle Times:

Shorn of its complexity, the story reads like a financial soap opera.

A decade ago, the pension system for 16,000 current or retired city of Seattle employees invested $20 million in an offshore hedge fund. The secretive hedge fund’s managers made big loans to a prominent Minnesota businessman at extremely lucrative interest rates. Only one problem — he turned out to be running a huge Ponzi scheme.

Officials overseeing the Seattle City Employees’ Retirement System (SCERS) are still paying lawyers to disentangle the resulting mess.

The money they entrusted to Epsilon Investment Management remains in limbo. And the plan has even become ensnared in litigation by the trustee for the Ponzi scheme’s victims.

While no retirement payments are jeopardized by this single deal gone awry, it is a stark reminder of the trouble pension funds can get into by chasing high returns through untraditional investments.

 

Elizabeth Warren: pensions for middle class workers

elizabeth warrenAre pensions coming back into fashion? Perhaps, said progressive hero Senator Elizabeth Warren who was in Providence last night at a fundraiser at the Convention Center for her Senate Banking Committee colleague Jack Reed.

Hailed as one of Wall Street’s worst nightmares and the intellectual godmother of Occupy Wall Street, Warren told me that public investment in education and infrastructure is the top priority for progressives in Congress. She also said the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions is looking at ways “to get more people of moderate income to be able to build their own pensions so they have something in addition to Social Security when they retire.”

Here’s the video:

Some Year-End Reading for Progressive Policy Geeks


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This time of year folks compile their year-end reading lists; so as we head into the holiday week, with pension debates and fiscal cliffs waiting for us on the other side of the calendar, I wanted to offer some suggestions:

The first is a just released paper from Steven M. Teles, Associate Professor of Political Science at Johns Hopkins University, called,  Kludgeocracy: The American Way of Policy . In it he describes the highly dysfunctional, and intentionally confusing policy approach developed in the last 30 years.  Here is a sample:

“The price paid by ordinary citizens to comply with programmatic complexity is the most obvious downside of kludgeocracy. One of the often overlooked benefits of Social Security, for example, is that recipients silently have taxes taken out of their paycheck and then, without any effort on their part, checks begin to magically appear upon retirement.

By contrast, 401(k)s, IRAs, 529 plans and the rest of our crazy quilt of savings incentives (for retirement as well as other purposes like higher education) require enormous investments of time, effort and stress. Just for a start, equity mutual funds charge an annual fee of around one percent of assets — compounded until retirement, this reduces savings by around twenty percent.2 Including items beyond the management fee (like transaction costs and the reduced returns that come from having to hold cash to deal with redemptions), can push that number up considerably.”

One of the books mentioned by Teles is the phenomenal “The Submerged State: How Invisible Government Policies Undermine American Democracy, by Suzanne Mettler. Released at the end of 2011, Mettler details how ( in my words) we are giving up on democracy because it is too damn hard. We are using the tax code instead of policy and programs, the buy off various interest groups.  She writes:

“As a result, this large portion of the submerged state, which not many Americans realize is subsidized by Government, showers benefits for more generously on the haves than on the have-nots.…

From 1980 until the current recession, the core sector that it nurtures – finance, insurance, and real estate- outpaced growth in other sectors of the American economy. The fortunes of these industries emanated not from “market forces” alone but rather from their interplay with the hidden policies that promoted their growth and heaped extra benefits on them.”

And speaking of taxes, the report that the Republicans tried to kill is finally out! The Congressional Research Service report : Taxes and the Economy: An Economic Analysis of the Top Tax Rates Since 1945 looks at just that, tax rates on the elite to see how they affected the economy and guess what?

“The results of the analysis in this report suggest that changes over the past 65 years in the top marginal tax rate and the top capital gains tax rate do not appear correlated with economic growth. The reduction in the top statutory tax rates appears to be uncorrelated with saving, investment, and productivity growth. The top tax rates appear to have little or no relation to the size of the economic pie. But as a small proportion of taxpayers are affected by changes in the top statutory tax rates, this finding is not unexpected.

However, the top tax rate reductions appear to be correlated with the increasing concentration of income at the top of the income distribution. As measured by IRS data, the share of income accruing to the top 0.1% of U.S. families increased from 4.2% in 1945 to 12.3% by 2007 before falling to 9.2% due to the 2007-2009 recession. At the same time, the average tax rate paid by the top 0.1% fell from over 50% in 1945 to about 25% in 2009. The statistical analysis in this report suggests that tax policy could be related to how the economic pie is sliced—lower top tax rates may be associated with greater income disparities.”

So how does all this happen?  How does our policy making get stolen and turned into a transfer of wealth from the working class to the 1% ? How does the consulting class take over? How do the “trickle down theorists” keep getting any media air time despite report after report proving their theory is as credible as dinosaurs still walking the Earth? How do so many people in media and the so called “liberal class” fall for such bad ideas like “pension reform” or “education reform” ?

“Inferring the Popularity of an Opinion From Its Familiarity: A Repetitive Voice Can Sound Like a Chorus” is a wonderful social science study from  Kimberlee Weaver, Stephen M. Garcia and Norbert Schwarz, and Dale T. Miller. They write:

 Despite the importance of doing so, people do not always correctly estimate the distribution of opinions within their group. One important mechanism underlying such misjudgments is people’s tendency to infer that a familiar opinion is a prevalent one, even when its familiarity derives solely from the repeated expression of 1 group member.…

…..the present studies convey an important message about how people construct estimates of group opinion, namely that observers appear to infer information about extensity, or the range of group members supporting an issue, from their subjective experiences of familiarity for an opinion position. To the degree that our impressions of what others think influence our own perceptions of reality, the present studies can help inform us about the repetition effect and its consequences.

 

There are lessons to be learned here.  See you in 2013. Don’t forget to sign up for Leadership for a Future.

Blame Gina Raimondo? Not So Fast, Progressives


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Raimondo speaks with retiree
Image courtesy New York Times

Regular readers of the blog know that Treasurer Raimondo has become a lightening-rod for criticism of the state’s recent changes to the public employee pension system.

As a tactic, I’ll admit it’s a good one, simultaneously riling up the base and drawing media attention to the union and retiree’s position. It’s also the first salvo in what’s bound to be a contentious Democratic primary for the Governor’s office. But is the General Treasurer actually at fault? Consider the duties of the office.

Duties
The General Treasurer receives and disburses all state funds, issues general obligation notes and bonds, manages the investment of state funds and oversees the retirement system for state employees, teachers and some municipal employees. She is also responsible for the management of the Unclaimed Property Division, the Crime Victim Compensation Program and the state-sponsored CollegeBoundfund.

Noticeably absent is any mention of negotiating union contracts. That’s simply not her job. What critics would have you believe is that Treasurer Raimondo should have essentially “gone rogue” and usurped the Governor’s duties and possibly those of the General Assembly. L’état, c’est Gina? I’m not convinced. This blog has even gone so far as to suggest that the General Treasurer should be more concerned with “main street” than with the state’s investments and bond rating.

I’ve been a fairly consistent Raimondo supporter, but I was also present at last year’s State House protest adding my voice to the position that the plan asked too much of the neediest pension recipients. In fact I agree, as Rhode Island Federation of Teachers and Healthcare Professionals president Frank Flynn put it, that it’s “not a simple math problem as some people describe it.”  But that isn’t the job of the General Treasurer. For a treasurer, it is a math problem, and we shouldn’t expect otherwise.

And Raimondo spent an inordinate amount of time speaking with voters, union members, and retirees throughout the state before making her proposal. Oddly that’s what now seems to rile opponents. As Paul Valletta, the head of the Cranston fire fighters’ union said, “It isn’t the money, it’s the way she went about it.”

I’m not sure what else she could have done. Valletta is essentially complaining that the General Treasurer acted within the duties of the General Treasurer. That’s what we as taxpayers pay her to do! If the unions and retirees are unhappy with the absence of a formerly negotiated outcome, let’s be honest. It’s the Governor, not the General Treasurer, who’s to blame.

I’ve also been concerned that many progressives seem intent on framing the General Treasurer as some union hating, right-wing ideologue. It’s not a fair characterization given that we know little yet about what priorities Raimondo would bring to the Governor’s office, and what we do know is largely in line with progressive priorities (a social liberal who believes in marriage equality and respects the rights of immigrants). During the Carcieri years, we’d have been thrilled with a candidate with progressive credentials a fraction of hers. Yes, she has been at the forefront of a pension reform movement heralded largely by the fringe right. But to assume that makes her one of the fringe right, ignores how seriously underfunded the pensions have been here in Rhode Island. It’s quite a different thing to enact reform out of a sense of obligation than to do so because of an ideological desire to eliminate them entirely.

Ms. Raimondo also learned early on about economic forces at work in her state. When she was in sixth grade, the Bulova watch factory, where her father worked, shut its doors. He was forced to retire early, on a sharply reduced pension; he then juggled part-time jobs.

“You can’t let people think that something’s going to be there if it’s not,” Ms. Raimondo said in an interview in her office in the pillared Statehouse, atop a hill in Providence. No one should be blindsided, she said. If pensions are in trouble, it’s better to deliver the news and give people time to make other plans.

How much easier it would have been, how much less detrimental to her political future (at least with the progressives of the state) to simply enact some changes around the margins and kick the can down the road for someone else to address (historical the way most pols have handled the problem). Should we as progressives be critical of the Raimondo plan? Absolutely, but let’s not shoot down a potential rising star before she’s even had a chance to announce her platform.

Judges, Judicial Pensions and Judicial Impartiality


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State House Dome from North Main Street
State House Dome from North Main Street
The State House dome from North Main Street. (Photo by Bob Plain)

Can someone with a pension be an objective judge of whether it’s ok to cut someone else’s pension?  The state is making an argument that Judge Sarah Taft-Carter is compromised and can’t consider issues concerning the 2011 state pension overhaul because her son and mother receive checks from the state system.

Seems worth reviewing the judicial pension system then, doesn’t it?

The state’s judges are the recipients of quite, um, healthy pension benefits.  After 15 years, a judge can be eligible to receive his or her full salary as a pension, though if they were appointed after 2009, it will only be 80%.  Seems plush, no?

The standard rejoinder is that the judges have their own system, and it’s well funded, with a funding ratio of 78%.  Compared to the state employee and teacher’s system’s 48%, this seems the pink of health, so I guess it’s ok to continue to treat our judges as royalty, deserving pensions far better than anyone else.

The reality, as usual, is quite different.  For a long time, pensions were just paid out of the current budget.  It was in the 1960s and 70s that governments changed how they saved for pensions, and started socking away money for them.  When those plans were established, employees who had not paid into the system were accepted into it, to relieve the budgets from their pension payments.  You could think of this as the original sin of the pension systems, and so they began life behind the eight ball, always hoping to catch up to full funding, but never able.  (Of course, after that original sin, there were plenty more, with governments skipping payments, making overly rosy assumptions about the future, using idiotic accounting rules, and so on.  We are leaving all those aside for this post.)

Until 1989, when the state’s judges were incorporated into the state pension system, their pensions, like other state employees before them, were paid directly out of the current budget.  However, unlike the state system, when the judicial system was created, those judges were not covered.  Those judges paid nothing toward their pensions, and their retirement checks continue to come straight out of the state’s budget to this day, about $6.3 million per year.  (See here, look at the various line items that either read “Pension” or “Salary for retired justices.”)

These judges were hired before there was a judicial pension system, so they aren’t covered by that system.  But lots of state employees were hired before there was a state employee pension system, and their system was forced to cover them.  If these “pay-as-you-go” judges were included in the judicial system, the way other state employees were included in theirs, I estimate the funding ratio of the judicial pension system would be down in the 35% range, far worse than the state employee system.

So this is why all our judges are compromised on the issue of pensions.  Their system is far cushier and — by any real measure of how much their pensions cost the state budget — in far worse shape than the state employee pension system.  Fortunately for them, the accounting rules in place mask the condition and the number of judges is relatively small.  But this is a slender branch on which to place all one’s hopes for retirement.  No judge can be certain that someone with more clout than me won’t eventually notice this.  Any precedent established for the state employee system can and will be used against the judicial pensions — eventually.

In other words, no judge in Rhode Island can be impartial about the pension case currently before Sarah Taft-Carter.  They all have pensions, and because it’s a small state, etc etc, virtually all of them have relatives in the state pension system.  On the other hand, they may all be uniformly compromised, but they are likely not uniform in their resistance to public pressure.  The state may be counting on seeing if they can be bullied into going along by public and loud accusations of bias and long hearings about her impartiality.  That’s why, from the state’s perspective, a Judge Taft-Carter who has been amply abused in the press may be the best possible jurist to consider this case.


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