Senate Judiciary considers legislation to legalize cannabis


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From Left: Jared Moffat, Rebecca McGoldrick, and Diego Arene-Morley testify in support of S510.
From Left: Jared Moffat, Rebecca McGoldrick, and Diego Arene-Morley testify in support of S510.

A Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on Tuesday showed overwhelming support for legislation that would legalize marijuana in Rhode Island after its economic successes in both Colorado and Washington.

Jordan Wellington, a lawyer with Vicente Sederberg LLC in Colorado, came to speak in support of the legislation, S 510. Wellington has worked closely with Colorado’s state government to implement the retail and regulation of marijuana, and now works in their Department of Revenue’s Marijuana Enforcement Division as the single policy analyst.

“Instead of should or shouldn’t we, we discussed how to move forward with this responsibly,” he said.

Wellington said Colorado gained more than 20,000 jobs and saw $900 million in sales that brought in $125 million in tax revenue. The cost of enforcement, he said, was less than $10 million.

Money from the extra revenue was invested in educational programs about cannabis to teach youth about its effects and consequences.

“We have found that some of the messaging to youth has been very effective,” Wellington said. “A very cautious message has been given to Colorado’s youth.”

According to Wellington, Colorado has not been without its challenges by taking this step forward. Regulation and education has been key in making the policy work. “One of the biggest things we did was we put a lot of different restrictions on potency in edibles,” he said.

The question of youth cannabis use was touched upon several times throughout the hearing. Andrew Horwitz, an assistant dean at Roger Williams Law School, who also testified in support of 510, said the prohibition approach aken towards marijuana is completely ineffective, and disingenuous to children.

“We are fundamentally dishonest in the way we talk to our children about marijuana,” Horwitz said. “We talk to them like it’s crack, like its heroin. They know now to believe us, that marijuana does what we claim.”

Horwitz also stated that reforming juvenile use starts from the top, with how the state looks at marijuana as a whole. “We are doing terrible damage by the use of our criminal justice system to deal with a public health issue,” he said.

One of these damages includes a racial disparity in the number of African Americans who are arrested for marijuana related crimes, due to police saturation in communities of color, as well as racial profiling.

“We’re doing a number of things wrong,” he said. “We’re arresting people for distributing marijuana. If you legalize the distribution of marijuana, you eliminate the whole line item of law enforcement.”

Jared Moffat, director of Regulate Rhode Island, also came in support of 510, with an entire binder of studies regarding the legalization in Colorado. The most accurate study of youth use, called Healthy Kids Colorado, looked at 40,000 middle and high school children, and is re-done every two years.

“The best available data on youth marijuana in Colorado shows that the use has remained flat,” he said, especially when in comparison to alcohol and tobacco, which has continually fallen in recent years. Moffat, like Horwitz and Wellington, pointed to education as the key to reducing youth cannabis use. Looking at the context of use is important as well.

“If we are acknowledging that marijuana is available in our schools, we need to acknowledge that is readily available from drug dealers,” Moffat said.

Moffat said many of the studies that opponents brought up against the legalization of marijuana have cherry picked their data in order to make it look like youth use has risen. One such study compared the city of Denver to the United States as a whole.

“If you take any metropolitan area, you’re going to find higher use,” he said.

Youth use was definitely the biggest worry of both legislators and the few opponents who did come out to speak against the bill, such as Debbie Paragini, who came as a Rhode Island parent.

“I feel really upset living in a state that is thinking about legalizing yet another recreational drug. For an economic basis? I don’t understand that,” she said. “As a parent, I think this is a really bad idea.”

The dark art of defending domestic abusers’ right to a gun


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Frank
Frank Saccoccio

When Frank Saccoccio, president of the Rhode Island Second Amendment Coalition and Johnston’s assistant city solicitor, introduced himself to the Senate Judiciary Committee to testify against Senate Bill 503, which would prohibit “any individual convicted of domestic violence or subject to a restraining order from possessing a firearm,” he played up the fact that he does the criminal prosecutions for  Johnston in district court.

He said that he’s “very familiar with the domestic violence issues and what actually comes in front of District Court…” and implied that this was because of his prosecutorial experience. “I’ll try to give you my perspective,” said Saccoccio, “that I see each and every week in the court system…”

Watching a lawyer walk the line between a job that requires him to prosecute perpetrators of domestic violence and a job that requires him to protect the Second Amendment rights of gun owners should have been an interesting experience. No one supports the idea of domestic abusers having access to guns, so the intent of this law was generally thought to be a good thing by everyone. Further, prosecutors generally like laws that make prosecuting wrongdoers easier while at the same time protecting victims from further harm. Yet early on Saccoccio made comments that made it appear he had as much sympathy for those accused of domestic violence as he did for those who claimed to be victims, saying, for instance, “A lot of times you take a look at Family Court judges, they are very, very liberal. They like to err on the side of caution.”

This doesn’t seem like something someone interested in prosecuting domestic abusers might say. What lawyer complains when the judge is on their side?

The jump from talking about district court to family court was also puzzling. Didn’t Saccoccio indicate that his perspective was gleaned from his experience in district court? Now, I’m not a lawyer by any means. I know that lawyers work in a variety of courts and court settings, and that Saccoccio is sure to have a lot of knowledge about the workings of various courts, but is his concern on this issue truly informed by his experience as the assistant town solicitor of Johnston?

I don’t think so.

It seems to me that Saccocio’s perspective on this issue is informed by his work as a lawyer who helps defend, not prosecute, those accused of domestic violence. On the website for his law firm, Comerford & Saccoccio, there is a section about the “increased penalties for crimes committed on family members, spouses or those who share the same household.” The website goes on to say that, “If you have been accused of domestic violence, you can be arrested on the spot. At Comerford & Saccoccio, we will work hard to get you out of jail and immediately begin building your defense.”

In light of this, Saccoccio’s perspective begins to make sense, and it’s no wonder that he would not want to broadcast the basis of his perspective to the Senate committee. Not only is Saccoccio, as the president of the Rhode Island Second Amendment Coalition inclined to fight legislation that might limit access to firearms, he’s also a lawyer that “will work hard” to get clients accused of domestic violence “out of jail immediately.” Testifying against this bill did not require Saccoccio to navigate a difficult line, it simply required him to do what he always does: advocate for gun owners and domestic abusers.

Saccoccio told two stories during his 20 minutes of testimony in which he attempted to highlight how easy it was for innocent men to get caught up in the court system because of domestic violence accusations and the violations of restraining and protective orders.

Everybody here who practices law that knows it is extremely easy to be found in violation of a protective order or restraining order. We have one right now in Johnston, I’ll explain to you the quick facts without saying the name.

“Male and female, the female filed for divorce. She got a protective order in the divorce, probably to get a leg up on it, I’m not sure, then she goes in, as she goes in to drop off the kids,  at the house, he comes out and says, ‘We got to do taxes at the end of the month, I really need the finances.’ Takes the kids and goes into the house. She goes around the corner, calls the police. he gets arrested, he’s charged, and that’s going to trial right now.

“So under this section, that you’ve put in place, that person, if they’re convicted, even if they’re put on probation, would lose their firearms, forever, because they spoke to the other person. No threats, no intimidation, no name calling… asked if he could get the finances so that he could do the taxes at the end of the month. That’s a violation of a protective order and a restraining order. And it’s just that simple.”

We have a seminal case in Rhode Island, State v. Conti and the attorneys that are here understand this. They’re aware of the basis of this. Mr. Conti was walking out of the post office, held the door open for Mrs. Conti, and there was a protective order. As she walked by he said, ‘Hi Liz.’ And she walked in. A day later, she’s driving down the street, he’s going the other way, he waves. She called the police and had him arrested. He was charged, had to go through a trial, and he lost. They said he violated the protective order. That case went to the Rhode Island Supreme Court, and it was overturned. But something as simple as that, ‘How are you doing?’ and you could be right in the middle of this [law], losing your firearms, and you could be convicted of that.”

Certainly everyone accused of a crime deserves a robust defense. And Saccoccio, as a defense attorney, provides an invaluable service representing those accused of domestic violence who, we should all remember, are innocent until proven guilty. That said, our society and our government has an obligation to protect victims of domestic violence, and not having access to your guns while the case is decided is a small price to pay for justice and safety.

This is the line Saccocio was pretending to walk.

The intent of Senate Bill 503 is to save lives. Since Saccoccio likes stories, here’s one he should know: The story of Evelyn Burgos, who lived in Johnston until August 2013. According to the Providence Journal, two weeks after she applied for a restraining order against her ex-boyfriend, she was killed violently – much like she feared. And what actually took place was far worse. Armed with a .357 caliber revolver, her ex-boyfriend shot and killed Burgos and her 25-year-old daughter Vanessa Perez in the presence of her two sons, 2 and 8, and her 3-year-old granddaughter.”

I wrote about the importance of closing the loophole Senate Bill 503 addresses back in January. Here’s the full video of Saccoccio’s testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee.

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RI Show Up In Force For Marriage Equality


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Rhode Islanders line up to testify, 3-to-1 in favor of same-sex marriage.

The State House was packed with supporters and, yes, opponents of marriage equality. While the Senate Judiciary Committee was hearing testimony for and against the bill, they were also hearing the horde of supporters and protestors gathered in the rotunda echoing throughout the marble halls.

Supporters of same-sex marriage sang songs like Marching on the Side of Love, Amazing Grace, and Let it Shine, it seems the opposition could only muster a din of  “No,No, No!” The chants and songs became deafening as the group in the rotunda grew. There were a surprisingly large contingency of Latinos within the ranks of those opposed to same sex marriage.

More than 650 people signed up to testify on the bill. There were many more outside the hearing room. The crowd in the rotunda spilled onto the second and third floor balconies as the din of what seemed like a sermon against gay marriage echoed through the marble halls of the State House. Funny, hate speech sounds just about the same in any language.

Some within RIUnited spoke of a young transgendered man that was vilified and brought to tears by the predominantly Latino crowd in the rotunda. At one point, I waded into the crowd and shot this video. You can see the hate in this woman’s eyes.

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I guess the lesson here is, when you don’t have a rational, cogent argument, be as loud as you possibly can.

Before the fracas in the rotunda began, I caught up with Ray Sullivan, former State Representative, and current campaign director for Rhode Islanders United for Marriage Equality. He had this to say:

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Our LGBTQ Prejudices: 1960’s Vs. Today


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CBS’s Mike Wallace on America’s perception of the LGBTQ community in 1969. What will future documentaries show about us?

In 1969, venerable CBS reporter Mike Wallace reported “Two out of three Americans look upon homosexuals with disgust, discomfort or fear. A CBS News public opinion survey indicates that sentiment is against permitting homosexual relationship among consenting adults without legal punishment.” (13:40 in this documentary about the Stonewall riots in Greenwich Village that year)

At the time in United States, mainstream medicine, media and culture thought being gay could be cured with drugs, institutionalization and even physical torture or a lobotomy.

Thankfully, most people – with the notable exception of the some of the folks who will testify for a voter referendum on marriage equality tonight at the Senate Judiciary Committee – know how wrong we were about the LGBTQ community.

My warning to anyone who would support such a poor tool for granting equal rights is that in couple of years you might find your public statements in a documentary about how prejudiced we were about human sexuality just a few short years ago…

Watch Stonewall Uprising on PBS. See more from American Experience.