Insuring unemployment ensures unemployment


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Unemployment LineIt is outrageous to have millionaires collecting unemployment insurance payments, according to a Golocal article in which I am quoted. Maybe Golocal is on to something?

Certainly their employer paid a premium to be insured against a layoff, but it’s also unlikely that they are actually in as dire a need for the assistance as someone who has been laid off from a lower-paid job. But the real problem with UI is the I. That is, unemployment is structured as an insurance program: your employer pays a premium and when unemployment happens, you can make a claim. Why is that a problem?

In structure, it’s just like property and casualty insurance. You pay a premium, and if your house burns down, you can make a claim to the insurance company. The difference is that only criminals incorporate burning down houses into their business strategy, while layoffs have become an accepted part of corporate management in the United States.

These days, my knees can only be counted on to remind me how old I am, but another way that I feel old sometimes is that I remember when layoffs were considered big news. In those days, permanent layoffs and factory closings were unusual events, not so unlike floods and lightning strikes, reasonable things to insure against. The problem is that when layoffs become common — when the health of the communities and workers who made a company successful ceased to be a part of managements’ concerns — the insurance structure of the unemployment program becomes less sustainable. (In fact, layoffs that are common now were actually illegal within my memory, but that’s a different, though equally maddening, part of the story.) Worse than unsustainable, it can become farcical when a company helping to cause the problem has the temerity to complain about it.

This came to my attention years ago, when Cranston Print Works complained to the General Assembly that it paid $500 per employee for UI in Rhode Island, but only $20 per employee in North Carolina. Quoting from a letter I wrote in 1996:

Dell [at the NC Labor Dept] speculated that the Cranston Print Works unemployment tax rate differential cited… was due not only to the difference in tax rates, but also to the fact that, over the past decade or so, as production has moved from here to there, Cranston has been laying people off here in RI and hiring them in NC. Since a company’s unemployment tax rate is largely dependent on how many people they’ve laid off, this would obviously make their rate much lower in NC than here. The whole thing becomes something of a self-fulfilling prophecy for businesses: they move to NC to lower costs, but by moving (hiring in NC, laying off in RI), they make the costs higher for their remaining divisions, and for those companies who stay. [emphasis added]

What has happened around here over the last few decades is that the companies who fled early have actually increased the costs borne by the companies who have not. This is true not only in unemployment insurance, but in a host of other ways. Fewer companies sharing the costs of infrastructure investment means higher electricity distribution costs for each individual company, parts distributors have fewer customers so the margins they charge have to go up, and the costs of other government expenses, like roads, water, and education, find fewer companies to share the costs, too. Costs go up for the companies who remain, who then complain that high costs force them to move, too. It’s not always as ironic as when the same company is doing both the moving and the complaining, but it’s the same dynamic.

What have we done to address this problem? Pretty much nothing, except where we’ve made it worse, by reallocating some of those burdens in disregard of a company’s ability to pay. Not only do we have a failure of policy to contend with, but we have a failure of policy development. You hear routine complaints about business costs in Rhode Island, but when has the analysis ever led to anything more substantive than just more tax cuts? The Assembly leaders who make economic development policy in our state seem to have only that single play in their playbook and they keep running it, hoping against hope for a different outcome each time. What I hear from the statehouse is that there is plenty of talk about further tax cuts this year, despite the anticipated budget shortfalls.

Rereading that old letter seems a little bit sad with 18 more years of perspective:

There are dozens of creative and exciting economic development ideas that are proven to work by virtue of the fact they exist in other states, and are working there…The only special thing about the conditions here in Rhode Island is the lack of leadership and vision and commitment–from the Assembly, from the EDC, from the Governor–that are necessary to make them work. This means money, but not necessarily extravagance. Yes, the budget is tight, but as long as we simply complain that the pie is shrinking and there’s nothing we can do about these great ideas, there will continue to be less and less money with which to do anything. This is the great death spiral we’re in, and the tragedy is that no one seems to feel it important to resist.

Sheldon Whitehouse keynote speaker at Secular Summit


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Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse at Forward on Climate rally
Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse at Forward on Climate rally
Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse at Forward on Climate rally. (Photo by Jack McDaid.)

Rhode Island’s own Senator Sheldon Whitehouse will be addressing an audience made up of atheists, agnostics, Humanists, freethinkers and other nontheistic Americans at high noon on Friday, June 13th in Washington DC for the 2014 Secular Summit & Lobby Day, according to the Secular Coalition for America (SCA), the group holding the event. The SCA was founded to “increase the visibility of and respect for nontheistic viewpoints in the United States, and to protect and strengthen the secular character of our government as the best guarantee of freedom for all,” according to its mission statement. Locally, the organization is endorsed by the Humanists of Rhode Island.

Senator Whitehouse is an excellent choice for speaker at an event where the participants will be more concerned with science and facts than with religion and theology. Whitehouse has taken a strong stand on the dangers of climate change (as should be expected of a Senator from the “Ocean” State) and has maintained a pro-science stance on the issue. He famously rebuked Republican lawmakers who believe that Climate Change is unimportant because “God won’t allow us to ruin our planet” just over a year ago in one of his “Time to Wake Up” speeches, asking,

We are to continue to pollute our Earth, with literally megatons each year of carbon, heating up our atmosphere, acidifying our seas, knowing full well by His natural laws what the consequences are, and instead of correcting our own behavior, we’re going to bet on a miracle?  That’s the plan?

Sheldon Whitehouse is not an atheist. He identifies as an Episcopalian, and speaking before an audience of Humanists and atheists is bound to get some people inappropriately riled up. The local chapter of the SCA, the Secular Coalition of Rhode Island, as well as the Humanists of Rhode Island and many more unaffiliated atheists, agnostics, Humanists and freethinkers appreciate the Senator’s appearance at the event.

Note: I am the president of the Humanists of Rhode Island and on the board of the Secular Coalition for Rhode Island.

Will Kilmartin stand up to the ratings agencies?


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image courtesy of Rolling Stone
image courtesy of Rolling Stone

In a recent post, I highlighted how the US Department of Justice is suing ratings agency S&P concerning their suspicious ratings practices that essentially fueled the financial crisis. In the same post, I also wrote about how I believe ratings agencies S&P and Moody’s also artificially inflated the 38 Studios bond ratings as investment grade.

Although not impossible, it is difficult for taxpayers to file lawsuits due to what is known as the standing law doctrine. It is therefore the obligation of attorneys general to defend taxpayers when they have been wronged.

Colorado became a recent addition to a list of attorneys general (both Democrats and Republicans) from Arizona, Arkansas, California, Delaware, the District of Columbia, Idaho, Iowa, North Carolina, Maine, Missouri, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Washington, and Connecticut that have joined the DOJ in alleging that the ratings agencies violated their respective Unfair Trade Practices Acts:

Colorado Attorney General John Suthers filed a lawsuit ….. against Standard and Poor’s (S&P) in connection with the ratings that it issued on structured finance securities, including residential mortgage backed securities (RMBS) that were issued at the height of the market from 2004-2007. This lawsuit is part of a joint federal-state effort to hold those responsible for their part in the foreclosure and financial crisis. The congressionally-appointed bipartisan Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission concluded in its final report that the financial crisis “could not have happened” without ratings agencies such as S&P.  Colorado’s lawsuit alleges that S&P put its financial interests above its self-described objectivity and independence.

Connecticut began the process in 2010 (you can read the filing here) and has been urging other states to join them in taking on the ratings agencies:

Inflated ratings of mortgage securities are considered a key cause of the 2008 financial crisis. Critics accused the ratings firms of lowering standards to win business and misleading bond investors to buy debt they thought was safe but turned out to be toxic .

It would seem that the ratings agencies were up to a similar ratings scam with regard to the 38 Studios bonds. Attorney General Kilmartin was the Majority Whip in the State House of Representatives at the time of the 38 Studios deal, so he might have to recuse himself from such a case, (correction: Kilmartin resigned as Whip in February 2010, prior to the 38 Studios vote) but taking no action on such an important matter would be a huge disservice to the citizens of Rhode Island.

Will Attorney General Peter Kilmartin stand up to the ratings agencies and fight for the taxpayers of Rhode Island? Dawson Hodgson, the Republican challenging him, has already staked out a strong position on 38 Studios – which promises to define the election this year up and down the ballot. Why hasn’t RI joined the other states and federal government in taking on the ratings agencies for their role in the financial crisis? Will the AG’s office sue S&P and Moody’s for artificially rating the 38 Studios bonds as investment grade?

Toward a Loyal Opposition in Rhode Island


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Political oppositionData shows us that Rhode Island has one of the least polarized legislatures in the country. It is governed by a centrist consensus that fails to please policy demanders on the wings. Yet those demands from the wings are essential to maintaining the consensus – politicians can portray themselves as fighting against so-called “special interests” from whichever side is useful.

The sudden ascent of Speaker Nicholas Mattiello shows us how dominant the Rhode Island consensus is; a Democratic speaker was elected with the majority support of the Republican caucus. Within the Democratic caucus, the opposition (equivalent to 16% of the vote) was equally split between the alternative candidate and abstention. Some of Mattiello’s erstwhile opponents even turned their coats and voted for him when it was apparent they could not win. Defeated opponent Rep. Blazejewski described the decision by saying that “…egos shouldn’t get in the way. We have to elect a new leadership team and move forward with all of the problems facing our state.”

And yet, despite saying his rise was a “sea change” in how the House was to be governed and calling for unity, Mattiello’s ascension fit previous patterns – a majority leader takes the speakership. Those who oppose him are cast into the wilderness, those who support him are rewarded with the spoils of victory. Perhaps that those sharing the spoils were marked with Rs as well as Ds was not so typical, but it’s been done before.

This is the consensus that governs Rhode Island politics and creates a government that swerves from right to left on fanciful whims. This is a consensus that either co-opts or isolates those who would oppose it. This is the consensus that creates a de facto one-party system and cripples Rhode Island’s government from taking more than a piecemeal and ineffective approach to change. Thus a “Rhode Map” is issued that addresses an imaginary problem rather than the real one, tax cuts are passed without an honest plan for how they’ll increase economic activity – or how the State will leverage their issuance, and minor electoral tweaks made that will fail to make a real impact on building a flourishing participatory democracy.

Somewhere along the way, I’ve read that a democracy with a single-party system isn’t really a democracy. While I leave it to others to debate whether Rhode Island is more oligarchy than democracy, I think the problem lies in the lack of an organized and disciplined opposition. Right now, Rhode Island’s government is similar to Britain’s in the early 19th century, dominated by factions who rapidly change allegiances based on their interests. Until a real opposition is constructed, I do not foresee much in the way of real change happening in Rhode Island.

The old, unsuccessful way to build an opposition has been to construct an alternate party. Robert Healey’s Cool Moose Party in the 90s has vanished and the Green Party and the Libertarian Party are unsuccessful in getting anywhere. Ken Block’s Moderate Party proved that with enough cash the media will listen, but the project of building a centrist party when the Republican Party already occupies a centrist position was really nothing more than a re-branding of the Republicans that proved to be a spoiler in the 2010 elections. Block has since succumbed to the reality that the Republican brand is still the better one than the Moderate brand.

And they are brands, symbols to differentiate one political organization from the other. The party organizations themselves are extraordinarily weak in Rhode Island. Does anyone truly believe that it matters very much whether a Bill Lynch, Ed Pacheco, or David Caprio “runs” the Democratic Party? Even less can be said for the impact of Ken McKays, Mark Zaccarias, or Mark Smileys on the direction of the Republican Party. Success in Rhode Island’s political environment depends on associating yourself with the Democratic brand, and these days it seems even House Republicans understand that.

The current state of Rhode Island’s political system has given rise to a network of organizations that generally support the candidates of the Democratic Party; a national brand that is extremely popular within the state. In place of the old machine method of politics, politicians must now build a coalition from the organizations within the network, gain support of activists, and successfully win voters. It is a significant boon to start with the popularity of the Democratic brand.

The old way of organizing an opposition was to start without the benefit brand. That’s like shooting yourself in the foot when you set out to win a marathon. A real opposition must take a page out of the past and form a “Loyal Opposition”. Just as there is a Democratic government, there must be a Democratic opposition to this government. This isn’t about egos, this is about solving our state’s problems by providing a genuine alternative from a genuine opposition.

That opposition must also come from the left. The Moderate project supposed an opposition could be built in the center, while ignoring that both Democrats and Republicans already occupy that space. From the broad support the Democratic Party enjoys, we know that its values are supported. The current consensus pays, at best, lip service to those values. There is simply more room for opposition at the Democratic left.

I’m not alone in realizing this. What Rhode Island needs is an independent political organization that will organize and rally an opposition – endorsing and supporting candidates in primaries and the general election. It fits in with current trends within the Left. It fits in with historical trends. The Working Families Party is using this strategy with a not inconsiderable amount of success.

This is a project which is the building of a substitute political party. It’s not a small order, it’s not a short-term thing, and it’s not a goal for the weak-willed. But for Rhode Island’s democracy and Democrats (both small d and big D) to flourish, it must be done.