As the divestment movement grows, RI invests


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Jessica Debski & Dr. Noel Healy
Jessica Debski & Dr. Noel Healy

The Divestment Movement,” says Dr. Noel Healy, of Salem State University, “is a very important, very powerful movement.”

Healy and Jessica Debski, a student at Salem State, were presenting a workshop on the divestment movement at the Center for Popular Economics2015 Summer Institute in Northhampton MA. Divestment is simply removing investment funds from fossil fuel companies. Healy and Debski’s research was about student movements working to pressure their colleges or universities into divesting, but divestment has broader applications and aims.

The point of divestment isn’t to somehow starve the fossil fuel companies of the funds they need to survive, but to make a moral point about the immorality of participating in and profiting from a practice that is literally killing the world. Divestment stigmatizes the fossil fuel industry, said Healy, and changes the public discourse on collective energy. Governments are pressured to enact meaningful legislation against fossil fuels even as fossil fuel companies are pressured to “undergo transformative change.”

Divestment campaigns also help to raise awareness of the “systemic risk of fossil fuel stranded assets,” that is, the fossil fuels owned by companies that need to stay in the ground if we ever hope to avert climate catastrophe. It also raises awareness about the “disproportionate impacts of climate change on developing nations, economically disadvantaged communities, and future generations,” said Healy.

In the course of their research, Healy and Debski identified nine of the most common arguments institutions use against calls for divestment. One by one these excuses were projected on a screen and one by one Healy took these excuses apart.

In light of Governor Gina Raimondo’s recent decision to back, rather than oppose, a new fracked gas energy plant in Burrillville, I think it’s worth examining these arguments in detail.

1. We all use fossil fuels – so divestment is hypocritical.

“To say this implies that we have a direct choice in energy sources,” says Healy, but how can that be the case when the entire system is rigged towards fossil fuels? Healy’s words immediately resonated with me. For instance, what kind of public input was sought before making the decision to build a fracked gas plant in Burrillville?

2. Divestment is pointless – it cannot bankrupt the coal, oil and gas companies.

I touched on this argument in my opening above, but to reiterate, bankrupting the companies financially is not the point. The point is to call out the companies on their moral bankruptcy. Don’t forget the power of previous divestment movements, such as those targeting tobacco and South African Apartheid.

3. Divestment is not meaningful, its just gesture politics

This argument ignores the power of symbolism and the power of taking a strong moral stand. All movements start with such gestures. Divestment is a proven strategy. Think again about tobacco and Apartheid.

4. Shareholder engagement with fossil fuel companies is the best way to drive change

The idea here is that if institutions were to keep some stock in fossil fuel companies they would be able to agitate for positive change from within the system. The problem, maintains Healy, is that there is “no evidence to support this.”

“There is no fixable flaw in fossil fuel industry business plan,” says Healy, “We are asking a company to go out of business.”

5. Fossil fuels are essential to ending world poverty

Remember that these are real arguments, made by real institutions. “Developing countries demand energy,” points out Healy, “not coal.” If given a choice about how that energy is to be generated, nearly everyone prefers renewables. Climate change, caused by fossil fuels, will impact frontline communities and impoverished peoples disproportionately. Rather than essential to ending world poverty fossil fuels are a threat to the world’s poor.

6. Most fossil fuels are owned by state controlled companies, not publicly traded companies targeted by divestment

This is true. But the strategy around divestment is to stigmatize fossil fuels and to force government regulation and a change in energy policy. Also, it is worth noting that the rights to most of the carbon that needs to stay in the ground if we ever hope to avoid cataclysmic climate change has been bought up by private companies.

7. There currently is no alternative to fossil fuel use

“Politics, not technology is the biggest hurdle,” maintains Healy. Our government subsidizes fossil fuels. The IMF says that “G20 countries subsidize fossil fuel companies $1,000 per citizen.” There are alternatives, if we demand them.

8. Primary role of universities is to conduct research, inform public policy and educate

And the primary point of investments is to make money. But at what cost? Taking a moral stand on the apocalypse, goes this thinking, is not within the purview of financial investments. Healy points out that institutions of higher learning that take this attitude are undermining their commitment to science and truth. They are immorally putting future generations at risk, the same generations these institutions are committed to educating.

9. The Fossil Fuel sectors are major investors in alternative energy

In truth, fossil fuel companies, as an industry, invest less than 1 percent of their funds into alternative energy. It simply isn’t true that they are “major investers.” Remember also that we subsidize fossil fuels in ways we do not subsidize renewables.

Healy and Debski made a strong, compelling case for divestment from fossil fuels.

Rhode Island, in welcoming this new fracked gas plant in Burrillville, is planning to invest in moral obsolescence.

You can watch Dr. Noel Healy take apart the arguments against divestment here:

Jessica Debski outlines the history of the divestment movement and outlines some of their research here:

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Why a public park, not a baseball stadium


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The original plan for the I-195 land, the green portions highlighted are the proposed locations of an open park.

There has been great talk of late centered around the protests against the stadium. I want to offer a few ideas here about the strategy being offered in Providence by those who are adamant that the parcel of land remain designated as an open space green park.

First, it is important to begin with where this park idea comes from. Section 42-64.14-5 of H 5994- AN ACT RELATING TO PUBLIC PROPERTY AND WORKS, the law passed in 2011, reads:

However, parcels P2 and P4, as delineated on that certain plan of land captioned “Improvements to Interstate Route 195, Providence, Rhode Island, Proposed Development Parcel Plans 1 through 10, Scale: 1”=20’, May 2010, Bryant Associates, Inc., Engineers-Surveyors-Construction Managers, Lincoln, RI, Maguire Group, Inc., Architects/Engineers/Planners, Providence, RI,” shall be developed and continued to be used as parks or park supporting activity provided, however, that the city of Providence shall not be responsible for the upkeep of the parks unless a memorandum of understanding is entered into between the commission or the state and the city of Providence that grants full funding to the city for that purpose.

To that extent, the taxpayers have already funded landscape architects who have been developing plans for the future park, as seen in this slideshow.

But besides this issue is one that will determine the future development of the rest of the I-195 land. The stadium proposal is throwing a major monkey wrench into the drafting of a master permit by Department of Environmental Management, the Coastal Resources Management Council, and the Narragansett Bay Commission “that would shorten the time it takes for developers to build on former Route 195 land,” as Kate Bramson of the ProJo reported on May 2. The open park is intended to also include a stormwater mitigation mechanism that would shorten building permit wait times significantly. Bramson’s piece had a few lines worth repeating, including a quote from Quonset Development Corporation’s managing director Steven King:

“In Rhode Island, time is a killer,” King said. “When you get bogged down, your business seeks the path of least resistance.”

Bramson went on to explain that, if the stadium were to be built, it could trigger a domino-like reaction where the various agencies involved would have to revise their portions of the master permit and perhaps lead to further delays in development of the land. This is something that could end up being a real threat to construction jobs in Providence because these three agencies are not known for being anything but stringent. One of the alternatives would include underground construction in a part of Providence already well-known for traffic jams or using another parcel of land as a park where a building could have been. When I recently asked Syd McKenna, co-host of the PawSox listening tour, about this issue, she shrugged and said they intend the stadium to have a grass field, ergo no worries. But that is not exactly the same thing, the underground foundation of the stadium could end up failing to meet the mitigation requirements.

Another point I would encourage the Providence opposition to focus their energies on is making the team publicize the terms of the deal. Right now, the owners are trying to push the idea of a contract that would be ‘revenue neutral’, but I am unsure if that is just Rhode Island-ese for tax breaks, subsidies, and public funding. The simple message should be four words, ‘Show Us The Deal‘. While I respect the efforts of the people in Providence, I am skeptical about sending a petition to City Council based on the Providence Home Rule Charter Section 209 because when this strategy was used last so to raise the minimum wage, the General Assembly voided it by passing a law to bar municipalities from doing so, something they have done multiple times before. If the City Council or State House were to void the petition, that would be a tremendously disenchanting. But by engaging in a PR blitz calling for nothing more or less radical than transparency and no tax breaks, subsidies, and public financing, there is a further chance for success. And incidentally, the financing is the meta-issue that will resolve all the others by default. The park, the master permit, and the host of other peripheral concerns will take care of themselves if the PawSox do not get the financing they want, it is as simple as that. Having attended most of the Listening Tour stops, I can report that the speakers are doing very well at adapting to answer the tiny concerns, such as now including the claim that the ownership will build an adjacent green park so to appease those focused solely on that topic, but they consistently stonewall when asked to disclose the terms of the deal they want. Every decent attorney knows that kind of silence is the sign of a weak spot, so continuing to agitate on that point will continue to frustrate the owners.

These parcels have the potential to generate both years of joy at no cost for the general public and also revenues for the city when organizations reserve space for events. By contrast, a ‘revenue neutral’ stadium would cost money to attend and would send all event monies to the PawSox owners. Just last night, it was announced that Larry Lucchino, principal owner of the PawSox, is leaving his post at Fenway to devote more time to championing the stadium’s construction. This makes clear to me that, while they are probably getting desperate, this is not the end of anything, we have merely entered the eye of the hurricane.

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