Welcome to the Jungle


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Edwin Edwards

The greatest divide between Americans is political party; outdoing race, income, and education gaps. Instead of viewing issues in black and white, it’s red and blue. It’s natural then that political observers would look for solutions to our growing partisanship. One I’ve seen advanced is the nonpartisan blanket primary. It has many pseudonyms, but the one I like best is “jungle primary”. The idea is that instead of holding a primary for each party, all candidates are grouped into a single ballot; regardless of party affiliation (or lack thereof). The two highest vote earners then proceed on to the general election.

In theory, this looks alright, and the Wikipedia article (linked above) has examples from real elections to demonstrate various campaign dynamics. The jungle primary already exists in Louisiana, Washington, and California; so all the examples are from American elections.

Let’s run through the political calculus first. Since the political parties can’t pick and endorse a candidate, they can’t control who runs under their banner. Remember, there’s no limit on the number of candidates, regardless of political affiliation. Ostensibly, this should mean that candidates should focus on attracting as wide a spectrum of voters as possible, forcing candidates to move to the center to pick up the most votes.

However, one only needs to win the second most votes to go to the general election. And in primary elections, which have reduced importance in voters’ eyes, the winner is determined by who can get their voters to the polls. And determinedly partisan voters turnout more in primary elections (which are, after all, about choosing parties’ candidates). Thus, there’s an incentive to move to heavily partisan positions to attract the most voters from your party; leading to a general election featuring two radicals rather than two moderates. We can already see this dynamic in regular primaries: candidates tack towards partisanship during the primaries and then tack center in the general election.

Edwin Edwards
Former LA governor Edwin Edwards, architect of that state’s jungle primary

The classic example of the failure to select moderates is from Louisiana, where David Duke, the former KKK Grand Wizard, knocked out a moderate Republican incumbent in the jungle primary for governor. Republicans should’ve waltzed to a reelection victory. But Duke (who ran as a Republican) mobilized voters who shared his views, and the structure of the jungle primary meant he went onwards to lose spectacularly (his opponent and architect of Louisiana’s jungle primary, Edwin Edwards, makes Buddy Cianci look like a boy scout; it had been suggested that the only way Edwards could win another election was to run against Adolf Hitler).

Another issue is that it can produce two candidates of the same party. Now, in some races, this leads to one or both candidates tacking center to gain voters of the unrepresented party. But in a place where one party’s dominance is so complete that the other can only succeed in extraordinary circumstances, why bother? Take the 2010 races for US Congress in RI. The general election would’ve seen exactly zero Republican candidates, if the votes had stayed the same. The same would’ve held true for Lieutenant Governor, Secretary of State, and Attorney General. Demoralized Republicans may have well sat out the election in the face of so many one-party races, which could have further eroded support for Republican gubernatorial candidate John Robitaille. We should expect Democratic dominance to worsen in Rhode Island, should the jungle primary be put in place; at least in the immediate short-term.

Proponents might counter that the victorious candidates would’ve been the more moderate ones. Fine. Let’s examine the 2010 race for US Congressional District 1. A jungle primary would’ve produced a general election match-up between Anthony Gemma and David Cicilline. Gemma was an incompetent candidate in 2010, but the depths of his incompetency have only recently been revealed. This was a man who recklessly cast aspersions on the legitimacy of Rhode Island elections without proof. If he were supposed to be the “moderate” candidate in 2010, we have to ask ourselves how well he would’ve served Rhode Island should he have triumphed over Cicilline. The moderate candidate is not always the correct one.

The jungle primary also punishes parties with multiple candidates. For instance, if multiple candidates see a chance to win the partisan vote, and they run, they split that vote up. So while that bloc of voters could be a majority of all voters, a handful of relatively similar candidates could end up ensuring that none of them even make it to the general election. Hypothetically, it becomes possible where a party becomes tired of this situation and sets up a primary to select a single candidate to contest the jungle primary.

And if it gets to that point you’ve caused parties to reinvent the primary. This is unnecessary, because the primary is supposed to serve as the party primary. The primary is a function of the political party. The state operates the primary on behalf the political party. There’s nothing inherent to a political party that requires that it even hold elections, it just wouldn’t be very popular if it didn’t (although there is tricky language that the state’s passed mandating that primary elections be held like general elections “as nearly as may be” and prevents political parties from holding conventions and caucuses to elect candidates).

That primaries are for political parties is exactly why you’re required to temporarily affiliate if you’re unaffiliated and cast your ballot in a primary. For that moment, you’re a Democrat or Republican. If the Moderates needed a primary, the state would create one for them. And this gets to a more troubling part of the primary system: state law determines who has one and what form it takes. Parties can request changes from the General Assembly, but the will of the state is the ultimate arbiter of how those primaries work. The jungle primary excises the political party from a process held on behalf of the party.

“Good!” you may say. “After all, political parties are a stain on American democracy, George Washington warned us not descend into political factionalism, etc., etc.” Yes. But they’re also a remarkably effectively organizing tool, such that there are virtually no democracies that operate without them. Factionalism in the United States predates the Declaration of Independence; it’s how any group of people organizes themselves to take on complex tasks like passing items. Parties wouldn’t collapse, they’d figure out new ways of organizing around the constraints.

The final argument against the jungle primary is that there’s a better system in existence for achieving a more representative result. It’s called a run-off election, and it’s what a jungle primary is trying to be without succeeding. The major difference between round one of a run-off election (where multiple candidates compete with the hopes of being one of the top two vote earners) is that a properly-operated run-off election ends if a candidate receives a majority in the first round. Primaries, by their nature of being nominating contests, can’t end in that manner (nor would you want them to, given that they take place so far from election day).

Take the last election for mayor of Central Falls. Because candidates participated in a jungle primary that took place on election day in November, the city was unable to elect a mayor on the date they should have. They had to wait until December. However, it was a foregone conclusion that James Diossa would win, since he annihilated his opponents in the primary. Under a rational system, Diossa would’ve been declared the winner in November. As it was, Central Falls had to wait another month, plus face a conflict over the expense of polling places.

This is because the jungle primary is wedded to the form of the primary, without regard for its purpose. And if we lose the sight of what the purpose of our elections are for, then why bother holding them in the first place?

Television, internet, radio up as main news sources


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The Pew Research Center for the People and the Press Main Source for Newsreleased the chart at right detailing the main sources people get their news from, as part of a larger overview of American attitudes towards news and journalism. As you can see, though both T.V. and newspapers are down from 2001, television has started to swing back up, while newspapers continue to crater. Both the Internet and radio are above where they were in 2001.

In response to the popularity of televisions and the Internet, Ted Nesi, of WPRI, posed this idea on Twitter: “TV and Internet arguably have more in common as media (info via screens!) than papers & Internet.

It caused me to pause and reflect about the barrier to use for each of these four sources of news. I think the commonality all three of the rising news sources (television, the Internet, radio) is that you can get them regardless of whether you want to get them for news, and it never has to be a conscious decision.

Virtually every audio system you can buy comes with a radio, they appear in your car, and prior to the rise of MP3 players, radios were installed on every portable audio device. You can listen to music on a radio or fill your ears with news.

Television isn’t as readily available as the other two, but it’s still virtually everywhere, from bars and restaurants to your home. And it’s easy to switch from reality television, to (more) scripted entertainment, to music, to news. Even within a single channel there can be a diverse range of programming.

The Internet is sort of like television and radio in that it tends to have specialized sources for specific genres, but those genres include everything you could ever want. You want to see a dog riding a skateboard? Check. Read up on what that guy you met in college like one time is doing in Malaysia now? Check. No other medium comes close to the diversity and range of the Internet, your all-in-one stop for everything there is under the sun (and everything that avoids direct sunlight as well). Furthermore, the Internet is now virtually everywhere, thanks to smartphones and wi-fi.

And now this brings us to the poor plight of the newspaper. Here’s the thing, newspapers have to be a major network, and in print, and at least a day behind everything else. Furthermore, unlike television, radio, and the Internet where you can just stumble across news, newspapers don’t have that advantage. Few people just “stumble” across a newspaper (well, maybe the Phoenix). You tend to have to make a conscious decision to go get a newspaper, whether its from your front step or the box. And though they often contain sections related to entertainment, culture, lifestyle, etc.; their name says it all. They’re a “newspaper” and its primary purpose is to deliver news to you.

The point here is not to disparage newspapers. It’s to point out that by their very design, newspapers are disadvantaged in simply getting to their consumer in a way other mediums aren’t. Until the Internet became widely available and used, newspapers were doing just fine. Now, their place in the media landscape is shifting so rapidly that their very future no longer seems assured. That said, despite these disadvantages, they have managed to continue beating radio, which of all media has the lowest cost barrier for consumers.

Other electoral changes that work (Part 13 of MMP RI)


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Currently, for a party to be recognized by the state, they must collect signatures totaling 5% or more of either the Presidential vote or the Gubernatorial vote (whichever was more recent). Then, in the next election, to maintain their party status, they have to win 5% of the vote in that category, and then every four years win 5% again.

That threshold is designed to keep third parties from being recognized. Plurality, winner-takes-all voting schemes like Rhode Island’s practically force voters to vote strategically and over time reduce the amount of parties down to two. Lowering the threshold to a more manageable number like 2% of the vote would be a start. Alternatively, the requirement could be 5% of the Gubernatorial vote and then a requirement to win 5% in any statewide race. Another would be to keep the signature requirement and an interval after a reasonable period of time to force that collection again (however, this would mean that Republicans and Democrats were forced to do this as well). Finally, dropping the signature requirement altogether and making sure that parties met a set number of requirements could also open up our party system.

Instant Runoff Voting (IRV)

I’ve mentioned this before, and the General Assembly passed the Voter Choice Act in 2011 to study IRV. The study commission was due to report on May 1, 2013; but a House bill by Rep. Blazejewski (a member of the commission) was passed on July 3rd to move the date to November 1st. Don’t ask me how that works.

IRV allows voters to rank their choice of candidates, preventing the spoiler effect that third party candidates and independents can have (as a result, IRV systems foster multiple parties). In an MMP system, it could greatly change how district seats are awarded. In Rhode Island, this could ultimately mean the end of Democratic dominance in the districts.

Revamp Election Day

Election Day sucks. A working Tuesday is a terrible day to hold an election. Miss it because you were sick or had work, and you have to wait two years (and no guarantee it’ll be the same election then. Beyond early voting and extended voting times, one of my favorite suggestions was to turn Election Day into a week-long paid-holiday/celebration, complete with things like parades and fireworks. Considering it’s the part of our democracy that’s the most democratic, I think that’s a good idea.

Stop/Reduce Gerrymandering

Gerrymandering can create a way for a party to cling to power even when it should’ve been defeated. This problem is endemic across the United States, but it’s only receives attention in the run-up to redistricting, during redistricting, and in the immediate aftermath. While MMP ostensibly works to counteract gerrymandering, how districts are drawn is a better solution, since it works across electoral systems.

Bipartisan commissions bother me, since incumbents always have a reason to draw themselves safe districts. Independent commissions also bother me, since legislators are pretty good at finding a way to work around nominal independence. I don’t have a very good solution, but the shortest-splitline algorithm seems like a promising way to counteract it; though it leads to districts that often ignore geographical features and boundaries. I’ll let this YouTube video explain it:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kUS9uvYyn3A

 

This is Part 13 of the MMP RI series, which posits what Rhode Island’s political landscape would look like if we had switched to a mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) system in 2002. Part 12 (a revisiting of the 2010 election based on Attorney General election results) is available here. Part 14 ends this series.

Finding our pride


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This week saw the launch of the Rhode Island Foundation’s “It’s All in Our Backyard” campaign, which is targeted at boosting Rhode Island’s self-confidence and “use individual success stories to make points about the Rhode Island economy.” The videos on the campaign’s website highlight businesses and innovation within the state’s economic sector; and as far as advertisements go they’re pretty good overviews of each of the highlighted groups. You can also watch the Foundation’s Neil Steinberg and Jessica David chat with Ted Nesi on WPRI about it (starting at ~12:20).

It’s way too soon to say whether this will have an impact, but I just don’t think it’ll do much to instill the sense of pride of place that it’s aiming for. I’m personally not a fan of the slogan, which is a bit twee for my taste, and reminds me a bit of “NIMBY” (not in my backyard). So while all these thoughts were sort of bubbling around in my head, this popped up on my Facebook newsfeed:

happy_chandler

That’s from the Kentucky for Kentucky which is promoting the slogan “Kentucky Kicks Ass” in opposition to Kentucky’s official “Unbridled Spirit” slogan. In the interview with Nesi, David refers to this “very grassroots” campaign when asked what stood out among the different campaigns they looked at.

Personally, I think the Kentucky Kicks Ass campaign is a very effective campaign, mainly because it explores what Kentucky is, rather than what Kentucky has. The (so far) materialist focus of It’s All in Our Backyard won’t inspire reflexive pride in Rhode Islanders. And we need it; watch this clip from WPRI’s The Rhode Show discussing the campaign:

Once he gets past the “it’s small” angle, Will Gilbert just starts listing places we’re close to; New York and Boston. That’s great for New York or Boston, but if I want to visit those places, why am I coming to Rhode Island? there are places in Massachusetts? What’s going to inspire me?

It’s not going to be discussing our economy at all. It’s simply failing too many people for that to ever be a believable message. Especially when facing the doom-and-gloom messaging that gets action on economic issues, “It’s All in Our Backyard” is flying into serious headwinds; as the observers The Journal gathered said. This isn’t going to “move the needle” or change our position on those big business “friendliness” rankings. Of course, that’s more ambitious than what the Backyard campaign is reaching for.

I’d rather we face those issues head-on. Rhode Island isn’t a place that’s afraid to shy from debate. We should acknowledge that we’ve long been a place for the dissident. We should also acknowledge that we’ve faced long odds before and triumphed. That we are even a state is an incredible feat, given the designs Massachusetts had on gaining the Narragansett Bay combined with intrigue among our founders. We were a haven for pirates, and our most celebrated act of rebellion against British authority was aimed at protecting our smuggling operations. It’s often our moments of defiance that define us as a people.

What’s the most prideful moment of the last week? It was August 1st, as Rhode Islanders turned out to watch their loved ones marry, regardless of their gender; and in opposition to what the vast majority of other states allow. Rhode Islanders counter-protested hate group members who flew in. That’s the kind of state that makes me proud to belong to. Other Rhode Islanders may disagree, but it wouldn’t be Rhode Island if they didn’t.

Perhaps I’m being a bit harsh on the Backyard campaign. With its limited focus on business, they’ve left a gap for something like the Kentucky Kicks Ass campaign; unofficial, out there, and lower to the ground. One that celebrates Rhode Island while also acknowledging our dark side.

The 2010 Election Revisited: Attorney General Results (Part 12 of MMP RI)


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2010 AG Election Results
2010 AG Election Results
Voter percentages from 2010. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, MOD = Moderate Party. Due to rounding, not all percentages will add up to 100% (via Samuel G. Howard)

The problem with the gubernatorial results is the massive amount of independent votes that have to be thrown out. Luckily, the AG race offers a more typically Rhode Island affair, though a large amount of independent votes are tossed, but only about equal to what the Moderate Party candidate earned.

That Moderate candidate is the most interesting. The former chair of Common Cause RI and the former President of Save the Bay, lawyer Christopher Little best represented the “environment and ethics” part of the Moderate platform. And his vote performance was better than that of his gubernatorial counterpart Ken Block. Why Little has never been emphasized by the Moderates since is an oddity to me.

If the AG race is used as our party preference ballot, the result is the best case for the Moderates short of winning a majority (which would require a crisis of voter faith).

What happens is that the Democrats retain a majority in the House (by one seat only) and have a plurality in the Senate (short by one seat). In this case, the large number of Reps and Senators won by the Moderates can act a drivers of policy. In the Senate, Democrats either have to make a coalition agreement with one of the two parties, or they have to manage to get a leadership team put together with the approval of some members of the other parties or independent Edward O’Neill.

O’Neill’s vote actually becomes very important as well. As an independent, he can be the deciding vote in a showdown between a Moderate-Republican coalition and the Democratic caucus.

The House is a bit different. House Democrats have to be really cautious and not bring any legislation to vote that alienates their caucus and fails to win cross-party support. Otherwise, they could see their leadership team overthrown by a group of disaffected Democratic reps allied with the Moderates and Republicans. Alternatively, they could spurn the left-wing of their party and join with Moderate or Republican legislators to form a cross-party leadership. However, that could damage all parties together, making Republican legislators vulnerable to right wing dissatisfaction, Democratic legislators vulnerable to left wing dissatisfaction, and Moderates vulnerable to voter scorn. How it would shake out would be largely due to personalities.

RI GA apportioned according to the D'Hondt method using 2010 AG results. (via Samuel G. Howard)
RI GA apportioned according to the D’Hondt method using 2010 AG results. (via Samuel G. Howard)

 

This is Part 12 of the MMP RI series, which posits what Rhode Island’s political landscape would look like if we had switched to a mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) system in 2002. Part 11 (a revisiting of the 2010 election based on gubernatorial results) is available here. Part 13 discusses other electoral reforms.

2010 election revisited: gubernatorial results (Part 11 of MMP RI)

Because of the problem with the districts, let’s take a step back and look at the 2010 election again. The 2010 election is unique, because it features two statewide races with Moderate Party candidates. The first race, the gubernatorial election, is atypical. It features a well-known independent and a weak Democrat combined with this third party candidate and a somewhat typical Republican challenger. The second race, for Attorney General is slightly less atypical, with a winning Democrat, a Republican challenger, and a Moderate, plus two independents who do reasonably well.

The reason I’m focusing on these races is because they might give us an idea about what an MMP election might look like in Rhode Island with a party list vote. If you’ll remember, when MMP elections don’t rely on district results, there’s a separate ballot question asking what party a voter prefers. It’s like a statewide election for party, with the effect that it’ll change the party proportions in the chambers.

Let’s look at the gubernatorial election.

2010 MMP Election Using Gubernatorial Results

2010 Gov Election
Voter percentages from 2010. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, MOD = Moderate Party. Due to rounding, not all percentages will add up to 100% (via Samuel G. Howard)

I like to think of this as the worst-case scenario for Democrats. First, I’ve removed all the independent voters, simply because it’s hard to simply declare they’d go to the Democratic Party. This means we’re looking solely at the votes that the Democrats, Republicans, and Moderates received. And there weren’t that many for Democrats.

Once again, the districts favor the Democrats. They win handily there, 65 seats in the House and 30 seats in the Senate. However, they have a terribly weak performance in the party list vote. In our alternate history version, we might speculate that in 2010 the depressed turnout of Democratic voters combined with Republican enthusiasm to increase the percentage of Republican votes.

The results in the districts allow Democrats to retain power disproportionate to what the D’Hondt method gives them. The D’Hondt method awards 55 seats to the Democrats in the House, but they win 65 in the districts. That means no one from their list makes it into the House. Republicans have a different result, with 7 out of 8 of their representatives from the list.

Both chambers result in overhang thanks to institutional Democratic advantage and the presence of Sen. O’Neill. What this leaves us with is a House with a Republican plurality (exactly 50%) and a Senate with a slight Republican majority. It’s impossible for either of the two biggest parties to form a veto-proof majority without being joined by many members of other parties. In the House, at least, there needs to be a coalition leadership team. It’s either a Republican-Moderate coalition which fails to give a veto-proof supermajority, or it’s a Grand Coalition between Democrats and Republicans. So it’s probably going to be the former, but the longer MMP lasts, the more likely the latter might get (difficult as it is to imagine now).

In many ways, this is not a good position for the Moderates (despite the fact they’re in the General Assembly). Being a junior member of a coalition is a troubling position to be in, especially when much of the Moderate brand is attempting to say that they’re not Republicans (witness the Liberal Democrats in the UK). On the other hand, should they refuse to sign a coalition agreement in the House, it’ll be easy to portray them as being responsible for that chamber’s instability.

And instability ultimately seems likely to happen. With slim majority control in one chamber and a coalition in the other, Republicans would be forced to find the broad consensus in their decision-making very quickly. It’s a lot easier to whip 10 representatives than to whip 80, and Republicans have never had to whip a majority of a chamber to pass legislation since they last were in power. They’d have to learn fast.

Part of what makes the Democratic Party so effective in its control of the General Assembly is that it usually knows how to shunt aside irrepressible dissenters and how to bring along just enough people to have a large majority. This is what made the failure of the pension amendment to the budget such a surprise. The Democratic leadership doesn’t get blindsided, they blindside others.

Those effective masters of parliamentary maneuver don’t disappear either. They’d be out there causing trouble for Republicans. And with so many new legislators in their caucuses, Republicans would have a hard time keeping any dissenters from breaking ranks.

RI GA apportioned according to the D'Hondt method using 2010 Gubernatorial results. (via Samuel G. Howard)
RI GA apportioned according to the D’Hondt method using 2010 Gubernatorial results. (via Samuel G. Howard)

 

This is Part 11 of the MMP RI series, which posits what Rhode Island’s political landscape would look like if we had switched to a mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) system in 2002. Part 10 (a discussion of limitations) is available here. Part 12 is another look at the Election of 2010 using the Attorney General results.

Limitations of an MMP alternate history (Part 10 of MMP RI)


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The biggest limitation of looking at all this is it’s trying to fit a square peg in a round hole, so to speak. First Past the Post requires voter to vote strategically. It’s simply not worth the risk to vote for the candidate you truly believe in in a three-way race if it means a higher chance that the candidate you despise will win.

So the district results aren’t the best way to figure out how voters would’ve selected candidates in an MMP election. The best way would be to actually run an MMP election. But that’s a constitutional amendment and referendum away.

Another limitation is thinking about this as a series of MMP elections rather than what would be different if each election was the first MMP election ever. It’s not so much a problem with the results, it’s an issue with how the results might have been effected.

For instance, the list candidates would be campaigning all over the state, raising their profiles tremendously. They also are more beholden to the party, making internal party politics incredibly important to voters. In an MMP election, non-district candidates are ranked by their party on a list, in the order that the party wants to be seated. So a party’s number one selection is a person they’ve marked as someone they really want to be in the chamber. This means these top candidates are reflective of the party’s general principles.

Figuring out how this would change things is very difficult. I have no idea how crucial the 2002 election might’ve been, when over half of the General Assembly could have been new members with little understanding or care for the various stupid customs the General Assembly operates on. Would these new Reps and Senators have transformed the GA? Or would they have been totally consumed by its workings? And would the split between list candidates and district candidates have caused fissures in the parties during general election campaigns?

A final thing is the number of times the Democrats lose their veto-proof supermajority in the MMP system. It happens in 2004 and 2010, when they underperform with voters. They regain it in two years, but those four years when they lose it could be crucial. The General Assembly may have been far more conservative in the years immediately after 2004 if Gov. Carcieri could’ve vetoed legislation and made it stick. Gov. Chafee might be more popular if he’d been more assertive as a result of his veto power. We talk about the weakness of the governor in Rhode Island, but in this case the Governor has been weakened by circumstance rather than by design.

Beyond this, we really don’t have much of a party system in Rhode Island beyond the Big Two. Most parties can’t pass the threshold for state recognition, which means they don’t get the advantage of appearing at the top of the ballot or on voter registration forms. Smaller parties also suffer far worse from the recruitment problems that all the parties have to some extent.

 

This is Part 10 of the MMP RI series, which posits what Rhode Island’s political landscape would look like if we had switched to a mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) system in 2002. Part 9 (the Election of 2012) is available here. Part 11 is another look at the Election of 2010.

The election of 2012 (Part 9 of MMP RI)

Voter percentages from 2010. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, MOD = Moderate Party, W-I = Write-In. (via Samuel G. Howard)
Voter percentages from 2010. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, MOD = Moderate Party, LIB = Libertarian Party, W-I = Write-In. (via Samuel G. Howard)

Nationally, Barack Obama was campaigning for a second term. Democrats were convinced they would win, while Republicans were convinced they would win. While Rhode Island was a sure thing, the chance to vote for President increased turnout to historic proportions.

This was bad news for the Republicans and Moderates in the General Assembly. Democratic voters completely overwhelmed their candidates, and many General Assembly candidates never faced opposition in the general election. State Republican Party chairman Mark Zaccaria’s “quality over quantity” strategy was especially foolish in this environment. Republicans actually lost votes from 2010, as many voters were denied the ability to select a Republican for General Assembly at the polls.

The Moderates were unable to hang on to their two seats. Though they finally contested the Senate, they pulled fewer votes than in 2010, and the Democratic tide significantly increased the hurdle to receive seats under the apportionment method. They were less successful than the Green Party had been in 2004, and the Greens lacked the institutional advantage of being a recognized party.

Democrats also avoided a repeat of the Montalbano episode in the House, as Speaker Gordon Fox held off independent challenger Mark Binder. Fox would now preside over a delegation of 109 Democrats, while his Senate counterpart President M. Teresa Paiva Weed would have 55 Democrats. Once again, the Democratic Party had its veto-proof supermajority.

Implications

2012 burst the Republican balloon, especially after conservative media predicted a blowout for Mitt Romney. National Republican obstinacy seems like it may have convinced a large number of Democrats that it’s not a safe thing to stay home. The other thing is that 2012 brought Democratic voters out at levels about what one would expect in a presidential election year. But Republican voters appear at rates just slightly better than 2006; their worst election.

Part of this really is attributable to the lack of competition. As I’ve said before, challenger apathy effects both sides roughly equally, with an advantage going to Senate Democrats. Zaccaria’s strategy of not spending resources on races Republicans can’t win sort of ignores the fact that there’s really little data about what races Republicans can win that they don’t already have a solid lock on. Senate Minority Leader Dennis Algiere regularly racks up around 11,000 votes in his usually uncontested general elections, making him one of the Senate’s highest vote-getters. House swing districts like 71 and 72 (held by right-wingers Dan Gordon and Dan Reilly, respectively) returned lefty Democrats in 2012; in the case of 71, Republicans failed to even put up a challenger.

In an MMP election where the district results are tied to your party’s seat total, failing to run candidates can have a very disastrous effect. A few hundred write-in votes are nothing compared to the huge amount of votes incumbents get. In a purely FPTP system like we have now, it also deprives Republicans of the ability to point out how popular their ideas are statewide. Part of this is because their ideas really aren’t so popular. In this case, it’s actually better for Republican self-image to automatically lose a third of all races and then complain about voters voting for Democrats. In far too many races, voters didn’t have a choice.

RI GA apportioned according to the D'Hondt method. (via Samuel G. Howard)
RI GA apportioned according to the D’Hondt method. (via Samuel G. Howard)

 

This is Part 9 of the MMP RI series, which posits what Rhode Island’s political landscape would look like if we had switched to a mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) system in 2002. Part 8 (the Election of 2010) is available here. Part 10 is a look at the limitations of this series.

The election of 2010 (Part 8 of MMP RI)


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2010 AG Election Results
Voter percentages from 2010. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, MOD = Socialist Party. (via Samuel G. Howard)
Voter percentages from 2010. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, MOD = Moderate Party, GRN = Green Party. (via Samuel G. Howard)

President Obama’s first term had devolved into the massive bungling of the Affordable Care Act. Republican intransigence in Washington combined with Obama’s refusal to stake out positions for his healthcare reform left Democratic partisans confused and disheartened. Meanwhile, Republicans were rallying against any change, and they had fired themselves up into a new movement, the Tea Party.

In Rhode Island, the situation was more confused. While the Republicans had nominated outgoing Gov. Carcieri’s senior communications advisor, the Democrats had selected General Treasurer Frank Caprio. Meanwhile, Ken Block was running at the top of the ticket for Rhode Island’s newly minted third party, the Moderates. But the candidate who had the most name recognition was former US Sen. Lincoln Chafee.

Since his defeat in 2006, Chafee had unaffiliated and back Barack Obama’s election in 2008. He would go on to narrowly win the Governorship, after Caprio insulted the President and it made national news. Staunch Democratic voters were left with little choice but to choose Chafee, the man they had rallied to defeat merely four years before.

The key issue that would effect apportionment of the General Assembly were the Moderate candidates for the House. While they captured only 1.62% of the vote for House candidates, this meant they had enough to gain two seats in that chamber from their list. For first time possibly since the 1850s, a party other than the Democrats or Republicans had access to the most powerful part of Rhode Island government. Democrats also lost their veto-proof supermajority in both chambers.

Those gains came at the expense of Democrats, who lost 10 seats, with two going to the moderates, and eight going to the Republicans. Republicans managed to gain three seats from the districts as well.

In the Senate, Democrats lost six seats to the Republicans, four of which were from districts. Observers attributed the success to an abundance of general election races in the districts, though noted that much of those contests were due to independent candidates.

Implications

The 2010 election is the most interesting to me (after 1996’s Year of the Cool Moose), and it’s one I’ll return to later, but mainly because it features two statewide races with a third party candidate in it. The other thing is the nature of the Republican gains.

Even in real life, Republicans managed to increase their seats by 100% in the Senate and 50% in the House. The gains are less stunning in MMP, but still significant. And the primary reason wasn’t GOP motivation. Take the 2004 and 2006 elections for Democrats. Democrats won in 2006 (in the MMP version of events) due to a combination of Democratic fervor and Republican apathy.

For Republicans in 2010, their gains were almost completely due to Democratic apathy. While collectively, Republicans shed around 3000-10,000 votes, Democrats collectively lost over 90,000. These missing Democratic voters are what give the Republican Party gains, and why in the MMP version, the Moderates are able to enter the House. The Tea Party is really overblown in RI, because 2010 isn’t an election where the right wing rises up, it’s one where the left wing stays home.

The other thing to consider is that 2010 is the election in which the fewest candidates are without a challenger in the general election. It’s stating the obvious, but it’s impossible to beat an incumbent when no one runs against them.

2010 also lends credence to the idea that the way towards a healthy opposition to the Democratic Party in Rhode Island is not from the right as the Republicans and Moderates are trying, but rather from the left. A coordinated statewide campaign that effectively played on the disappointment many Democratic voters have had with the spinelessness of Democratic politicians could reap unexpectedly large dividends.

Alternatively, if Republicans wanted to win, they actually might benefit from a campaign that preyed on this disappointment to drive down Democratic turnout.

RI GA apportioned according to the D'Hondt method. (via Samuel G. Howard)
RI GA apportioned according to the D’Hondt method. (via Samuel G. Howard)

 

This is Part 8 of the MMP RI series, which posits what Rhode Island’s political landscape would look like if we had switched to a mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) system in 2002. Part 7 (the Election of 2008) is available here. Part 9 is a look at the Election of 2012.

Rhode Island elections are broken, on purpose


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It’s necessary for me to respond to Bob’s post about our elections. Here’s the key takeaway:

…why assume our elections and or party structure is broken when it’s much more likely that a state with a strong blue collar, union tradition and a pristine, well-protected environment would attract anything other than a bunch of liberal-minded voters?

So why then are we seeking ways to make our politics more inclusive of of a party system that doesn’t represent our community’s political ethos?

A simpler and more holistic solution would be to make local elections nonpartisan. Of course, this has the same snowball’s chance in hell of happening as does doing away with the master lever or instituting mixed-member proportional voting…

The problem with this is it makes a number of assumptions. First, that we’re attracting pro-environment, pro-union, working class Americans. We’re not. Those people were born here, many back when there was an economy that supported them and that they could in turn support. That economy has been hollowed out, both by market forces and by government forces that helped destroy it.

The other thing is that we really can’t say what RI voters are like or what their policy priorities are. A third of incumbents go unchallenged every election cycle; and even in contested elections, many Rhode Islanders never even given a chance to vote for a Republican or a Democrat (it’s often a choice between party affiliated candidate and independent candidate). We know Democratic presidents win significant victories among Rhode Islanders, but then Donald Carcieri won re-election in a year that saw presidential-year level Democratic turnout and a depressed Republican turnout. I’m always hesitant to label anyone a “DINO” because it appears to me that the Democratic Party of Rhode Island has always encompassed interests as varied as the economically left, socially liberal sort to the economically right, socially conservative sort.

But let’s say that Bob’s description of Rhode Islanders is accurate. How then are we to conclude that Rhode Island’s electoral system isn’t flawed? If we have such voters, why are they electing candidates that are anti-union and anti-environment? If it’s because they support the Democratic Party candidate even when such a candidate is a “DINO”, then we have a problem: we are electing candidates who are antithetical to the party they purport to be in.

However we split the problem, we’re seeing the issue: our elections are causing trouble and aren’t representative.

Now on to solutions.

I want to be emphatic in this: nonpartisan elections are terrible. Full stop. The best time to inform voters about their choices is on the ballot. Our ballots are stripped of information, containing only directions as how to vote. We are not informed of party platforms, candidate policies, or virtually anything else beyond candidate affiliation. Candidate affiliation is the one piece of information that people can rely on. If we strip it, we lose the last piece of information beyond the candidate’s name.

A lot of “good-government” reformers instituted nonpartisan elections in the early part of the 20th Century with the specific goal of suppressing the Socialist Party in municipal elections. Why? Because a lot of people of the time understood what the Socialist Party stood for, and they would vote for its candidates, even if they knew nothing about the candidates. After Socialist Party candidates won in a few cities, the reform effort stepped up, and sold nonpartisan elections as a way to remove corruption. In reality, it tosses elections over to monied interests.

If voters can’t tell what party you belong to, they can’t tell what values you’re supposed to have. A lot of voter contact is educating voters on candidate policy. And voter contact isn’t just a free operation. It costs a lot of money (and time, which equals money). People who have a lot money have the advantage in contacting voters, meaning they get to define themselves better to voters. They also get the chance to define their opponent. Nonpartisan elections are going to exacerbate this.

If we want to elect regular people to office, we have to do two things: clear away the unequal financing of elections and provide protection for regular people to risk the run without suffering economic damage. The Citizens United decision severely restricts us on the former. The latter is difficult because we are the major roadblock. Think about healthcare for the legislators. We get really angry because one representative collects it without paying anything, even though she works for it. Let me put it this way, your job does not involve dealing with the complaints about government from roughly 13,000 people yearly. You also don’t have to spend money to keep your job, nor try to convince 13,000 people that you should keep it.

Officeholders are exceptional in Rhode Island precisely because they can hold office. Why is it this way? Because it was designed that way. Officeholders were supposed to be the well off, which is why we made sure that you needed a level of wealth before you could vote or hold office well into the 19th Century (a commenter here once suggested that our poll tax made it all the way to the last constitutional convention). Nowadays, the poor pay, the weird hours, and the cost of running an election act as a way to keep people out of office. Nonpartisan elections only increase the barriers to regular people participating in politics.

Beyond that, political parties exist for a reason. Their removal isn’t going to make them less necessary. Want evidence? Nebraska’s Unicameral legislature is nonpartisan. Here’s an article in which virtually everyone interviewed admits that the party system still exists, it isn’t overt. Parties were created to help advance agendas, and we shouldn’t pretend like they’ve totally corrupted politics. People always point to George Washington’s farewell address with its warning against factionalism. I always point out that he gave that address with his faction in power. The oppositional faction (the forerunners to the Democrats) would take control four years later.

George Mason Prof. David Schleicher look at electoral competition in big cities was really original, and really interesting (also, he says that nonpartisan races exacerbate the lack of competition). In a lot of ways, it strengthens the party system. One of the most astounding ideas to me was basically forcing the disaffiliation of local parties. Basically, you prevent anyone from running under the banner of Democrat or Republican in a local election. So instead, depending on your locale, you might the Providence Progressive Party, or the Conservative Party of East Greenwich.

I think in Rhode Island, we could go one step further: institute a ban of same party affiliation at all three levels, but allow voters to belong to a party on each level. So I might belong the the Providence Progressive Party, the Rhode Island Action Party, and the United States Democratic Party. Thus, for Providence office, I’d appear on ballot as a Progressive. For state office, I’d show up under the Action Party banner. And if sought federal office, I’d appear on the ballot as a Democrat. It would really shatter our whole understanding of politics, and would make the coattail effect on down-ticket races evaporate.

Now, that’s a radical suggestion, and I understand that. I understand that there are reason things like this don’t get passed. And there are two main forces arrayed against massive changes. One is the political establishment, and by this I mean all those who don’t want to change the system because they understand the current one. There’s a lot of people who know how to work everything just so, and big changes will mean adaptation. If you have a 20-year or more career in office, big changes are naturally going to frighten you. The question is whether we can appeal to the politician (who is supposed to make good policy) and tamp down the person (who cares about their own self).

The other thing is what I think of as institutional inertia. We hear this usually expressed as “that’s the way it’s always been.” People invent these myths about how government works, and we can’t change it or else who knows what will happen. So instead of really reorganizing government, we make little cosmetic changes, and leave the big issues still in place. Just like master lever abolition, nonpartisan elections will leave in place problems of gerrymandering, lack of voter education, the outsized influence of money, lack of competition, etc., etc.

One of my favorite movies is The Prestige. And one of my favorite lines is “man’s grasp exceeds his reach.” That applies wonderfully here. What we reach out to change in Rhode Island is far short of what we can change in Rhode Island. The beautiful thing about democracy is that it is not natural, it is not set in stone. It is entirely human-created, and entirely changeable to the needs of its citizens. States are laboratories of democracy, and we get to run experiments with democracy. Sometimes those experiments will fail. This is the nature of experimentation.

tompaineThis is why the next constitutional convention could be the most vital thing that will happen in Rhode Island in many years. We could make cosmetic changes to our democracy, change the paint, give it a bit of tune up, maybe reupholster the seats. Or we could tear it apart, see how every little bit works, how they fit together, and then rebuild it as as a completely different kind of beast. If we are truly a “lively experiment” we must not fear to experiment.

I think it’s worth ending on this Thomas Paine quote and thinking about how it could apply to our own future constitutional convention: “We have every opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth. We have it in our power to begin the world over again.”

The election of 2008 (Part 7 of MMP RI)


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Voter percentages from 2006. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, GRN = Green Party.  (via Samuel G. Howard)
Voter percentages from 2008. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, SOC = Socialist Party. (via Samuel G. Howard)

The 2008 election promised more bad news for the Republicans. Their nominee for President, US Sen. John McCain of Arizona, wasn’t particularly well-liked by his party’s base. While attempting to shed his “maverick” image (while at the same time attempting to play it up), McCain stumbled badly by adding half-term Gov. Sarah Palin to the ticket. Palin quickly became more popular than McCain, while at the same time becoming an anathema to moderates and liberals; ostensibly McCain’s strength lay in the idea he could appeal across the political spectrum.

In the face of this, Sen. Barack Obama was a stark contrast. His election would make a historic first of America’s first non-white president. Furthermore, he was intelligent, and a stirring orator. Obama was also the beneficiary of a large number of young voters, while he’d proven in his nomination fight he could defeat establishment political figures like Hillary Clinton. On top of NGP VAN, Obama was also establishing a new set of tools to improve campaigning, building a technological infrastructure that would serve to advantage the Democrats.

Finally, on top of all this, in September of 2008, the United States and the world suffered the worst economic catastrophe since the Great Depression. Americans have turned to the Democratic Party in times of economic peril since the Great Depression, and this year was to be no different.

However, Rhode Island’s General Assembly results were not as triumphant for the Democrats as one would expect in a presidential year favoring Democrats. Democrats actually lost 4 seats in the Senate and merely gained one in the House. Among the seats lost in the Senate was Senate President Montalbano’s, which was won by a political independent, Edward O’Neill.

O’Neill’s victory forced the General Assembly to exercise its overhang rules, meaning that one Democrat would become an extra seat. The Senate would now have 77 seats.

Though the results left the Democrats with a supermajority, Republicans were keen to portray it as a victory. In the face of stunning pressure, they’d managed gains.

Implications

2008 worked as a year of gains for the Democrats, who managed to continue an increase in turnout. While it didn’t match the upswing in votes for Republican candidates, it was enough to allow the Democrats to make a gain of seven seats in the House and take a Senate seat from Republicans while losing Montalbano’s. The MMP election shows why that seems out of sync with how we’d expect the results to shake out.

Something noteworthy in the 2008 election is that Republican Senator Francis Maher faced a Socialist Party candidate. That Socialist won nearly 2500 votes in a district that Democrats normally failed to even mount a challenger in.

RI GA apportioned according to the D'Hondt method. (via Samuel G. Howard)
RI GA apportioned according to the D’Hondt method. (via Samuel G. Howard)

 

This is Part 7 of the MMP RI series, which posits what Rhode Island’s political landscape would look like if we had switched to a mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) system in 2002. Part 6 (the Election of 2006) is available here. Part 8 is a look at the Election of 2010.

The election of 2006 (Part 6 of MMP RI)


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Voter percentages from 2004. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, GRN = Green Party, W-I = Write-In. Some percentages add up above 100% due to rounding. (via Samuel G. Howard)
Voter percentages from 2006. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, GRN = Green Party.  (via Samuel G. Howard)

Nationally, the Bush Administration’s bungling of immigration reform and the ongoing failure to end the Iraq War (while the falsification of the cause for war was becoming apparent) had made the Republican Party toxic. At the same time, Howard Dean’s chairmanship of the Democratic Party began institutionalizing data collection for the party via NGP VAN. Democrats were vitalized to throw the Republicans out of power, ending GOP dominance in Washington since the Contract With America.

In Rhode Island, Republicans further weakened incumbent US Senator Lincoln Chafee by primarying him with right-winger Stephen Laffey. When combined with the anti-Republican fervor sweeping the country, he went down against former RI Attorney General Sheldon Whitehouse.

Gov. Donald Carcieri narrowly won reelection over Lt. Gov. Charlie Fogarty, and as usual, the whole slew of general officers below the gubernatorial level were returned as Democrats.

Low Republican turnout meant gains for Democrats in the GA. Close to 50,000 fewer people voted Republican in Senate races than in 2004, while around 30,000 fewer people voted Republican in House races. Combined with a failure to contest district seats, and Democrats saw significant gains. Democrats gained 10 seats in the House and nine seats in the Senate; with Republicans losing the equivalent.

Republicans complained about the master lever costing them votes. Democrats smiled.

Implications

In real life, this was not actually as stunning a shift. In an MMP election, the shifts are 10 seats in the House, 9 in the Senate; all to the Democrats. In reality, Democrats held steady at 33 seats in the Senate, and only gained two seats in the House. What’s even more stunning to me is that while votes for Republican candidates completely collapsed, Democrats actually boosted their turnout over 2004, which defies the common wisdom of “presidential election years favor Democrats because of high turnout.”

Interestingly enough, the vote for independent candidates completely cratered at this point, with House independents only receiving a combined 0.19% of the vote. In 2008, it would soar to the heights it’s achieved in the last three elections.

RI GA apportioned according to the D'Hondt method. (via Samuel G. Howard)
RI GA apportioned according to the D’Hondt method. (via Samuel G. Howard)

 

This is Part 6 of the MMP RI series, which posits what Rhode Island’s political landscape would look like if we had switched to a mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) system in 2002. Part 5 (the Election of 2004) is available here. Part 7 is a look at the Election of 2008.

The election of 2004 (Part 5 of MMP RI)

Voter percentages from 2004. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, LIB = Libertarian Party, GRN = Green Party. Some percentages add up above 100% due to rounding. (via Samuel G. Howard)
Voter percentages from 2004. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, GRN = Green Party, W-I = Write-In. Some percentages add up above 100% due to rounding. (via Samuel G. Howard)

Turnout was expected to be high in a presidential election year. The Iraq War, which had seen a nation toppled in less than a month, was entering a bloody phase. In April, the US Marines had been defeated at Fallujah, almost exactly a year after President Bush had declared “Mission Accomplished” aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln. Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts attempted to hold Bush to one term, in a divisive election that helped solidify the idea of a “red state-blue state” divide in America.

Though Rhode Island was decisively a blue state, a dispute between Providence’s firefighters and Mayor Cicilline prevented Vice Presidential candidate John Edwards from visiting Rhode Island, as he refused to cross the union picket line.

In the General Assembly, Democrats lost seats, even as they won a new seat in Senate. Republicans seized upon that seat gain to suggest that redistricting was a problem; how had Democrats managed to gain a new district seat if their share of the votes had gone down? Democrats countered with the fact that a renewed emphasis on contesting seats had yielded the Republican four new district seats, defeating four Democrats in head-to-head races. Perhaps if Republicans focused on running instead of complaining, they might do better.

In total, Republicans gained two seats in the Senate and five seats in the House. Republicans told their members they were doing better, and the end of Democratic control was coming soon. Democrats grumbled.

Implications

In reality, though the Republicans gained four seats in the House, they actually lost a seat in the Senate. 2004 was the high watermark for Republican turnout, not as a percent wise, but total votes. In both House and Senate races, over 120,000 people cast their votes for Republican candidates. Collectively, Republican candidates tend to must 30,000 to 20,000 votes less. Though Republicans managed to turnout in large numbers, Democrats turnout in even higher numbers, improving somewhere around 40,000 voters over 2002.

RI GA apportioned according to the D'Hondt method. (via Samuel G. Howard)
RI GA apportioned according to the D’Hondt method. (via Samuel G. Howard)

 

This is Part 5 of the MMP RI series, which posits what Rhode Island’s political landscape would look like if we had switched to a mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) system in 2002. Part 4 (the Election of 2002) is available here. Part 6 is a look at the Election of 2006.

The election of 2002 (Part 4 of MMP RI)

Voter percentages from 2002 (via Samuel G. Howard)
Voter percentages from 2002. DEM = Democratic Party, GOP = Republican Party, IND = Independent, LIB = Libertarian Party, GRN = Green Party. Some percentages add up above 100% due to rounding. (via Samuel G. Howard)

2002 was a momentous year for Rhode Island politics. State Representative David Cicilline announced he would challenge Buddy Cianci for Mayor of Providence. The capital city was also seeing a coalition of left-wing voters working to elect a young Green Party candidate David Segal to the city council. The major battle was between liberal standard-bearer former state Sen. Myrth York and conservative businessman Donald Carcieri.

In this atmosphere of change, so too was the General Assembly changing. Though its number of districts had been downsized, nearly a decade prior voters had approved an expansion of the Assembly; both chambers would practically grow by half.

The results of the election were stunning. Carcieri triumphed over York, who underperformed among Democrats. Cianci was eliminated before election day after being found guilty of racketeering conspiracy; after overcoming a primary election, Cicilline cruised to victory. Segal entered the Providence City Council as the minority leader, the sole member whose party wasn’t “Democrat”.

And in the General Assembly, the change was hard to interpret. Certainly, neither party “lost” seats. And yet, proportionally, the Republicans were stronger than they would have been in the old FPTP system. Instead of controlling a mere 14.67% of the seats in the House, they controlled 32% of the seats. In the Senate, the old way would’ve seen them earn 15.79% of the seats. The new method assigned them 30.26% of the seats.

However, the vast majority of Republican seats were from the party list, not from districts. Failure to contest as many seats meant that their candidates were more beholden to party, rather than to constituency. The Democrats had the opposite issue; their victory in the districts meant that they assigned fewer from the lists. The Democratic delegation would be mostly made up of incumbents, while the new Republicans would be mostly fresh-faced.

The Republicans claimed victory. Here was proof that Rhode Island’s corrupt system had prevented the full choice of the voters from being acknowledged. Democrats, for their part, grumbled, and went home with a slim supermajority of the General Assembly seats.

Implications

In reality, Democrats controlled roughly 85 percent of each chamber. Republicans were essentially shunted aside, even while winning slightly less than a third of the vote. So they controlled half of what they should have in the Assembly proportional to the votes they received.

In retrospect, it seems odd that the impetus for the General Assembly being shrunk was to create greater competition for seats. Mainly, because it failed to work; about a quarter of Senate seats were uncontested (10) as were a third of House seats (34).

RI GA apportioned according to the D'Hondt method
RI GA apportioned according to the D’Hondt method. (via Samuel G. Howard)

 

This is Part 4 of the MMP RI series, which posits what Rhode Island’s political landscape would look like if we had switched to a mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) system in 2002. Part 3 (an explanation of MMP and an account of the methods used to create these posts) is available here. Part 5 is a look at the Election of 2004.

11 actually awesome things about RI


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scarborough beach

A Facebook friend of mine posted this piece of crap BuzzFeed list apparently sponsored by Mini USA purporting to be “11 Awesome Facts You Never Knew About Rhode Island”. Of course, there’s tons of cool stuff here, but whoever is in Mini USA’s research department couldn’t be bothered to even correctly pull facts off of our Wikipedia page.

I figured since I actually live here and actually LOVE my state, I could do better. So here’s 11 Actually Awesome Facts About Rhode Island. We know most of them, but this is for non-Rhode Islanders.

1. The Narragansett language is the origin of words like “moose”, “squash” and “pow-wow”. You can thank them yourself for having such great words if you’re ever in the area.

If you're British, you call this a "marrow" (via Wikimedia Commons)
If you’re British, you call this a “marrow”. “Squash” is objectively better. (via Wikimedia Commons)

2. RI has a state drink, and it’s coffee milk (suck it, Indiana). It’s made like chocolate milk, you mix syrup into the milk. We have multiple brands of coffee syrup. You can try Autocrat and Eclipse by Autocrat, or try Dave’s Coffee Syrup.*

Autocrat and Eclipse are both made by Autocrat (via Wikimedia Commons)
I see there’s “gourmet” coffee syrup as well. (via Wikimedia Commons)

3. The shore is publicly-owned for all Rhode Islanders, according to our constitution. The shore in this case goes up to the “mean high water line” although there’s a debate about that. In short, in RI, you can’t own the ocean.

scarborough beach
It’s a constitutional right in RI to gather seaweed from the shore. (via RI Dept. of Parks and Recreation)

4. One of our governors invented sideburns. They’re named after him. But backwards.

Ambrose Burnside
Ambrose Burnside. You wish you had those sideburns. (via Wikimedia Commons)

5. Pell Grants are named after Sen. Claiborne Pell, who was the primary sponsor in the U.S. Senate. So millions of Americans can read BuzzFeed articles like Mini USA’s about RI and go “do they not know what ‘awesome’ means?” thanks to Sen. Pell.

Claiborne Pell
JFK once called him the least electable man in America. Pell won six elections and served for 36 years. (via Wikimedia Commons)

6. The RI State House has the fourth largest self-supporting dome in the whole world; after St. Peter’s Basilica, the Minnesota State Capitol, and the Taj Mahal.* The dome was the third largest when it was completed, but by then, Minnesota had already got jealous.

RI State House (north facade)
You might remember it from the movie Amistad; it played the U.S. Capitol. A building of many talents. (via Wikimedia Commons)

7. We have the First Baptist Church in America. Like, it’s literally the first. So you can go to your first Baptist church in wherever you live in not-Rhode Island, and while it might be the first in your area, it’s not The First. Also, first synagogue in America as well.

Providence First Baptist Church
(via Wikimedia Commons)

8. Thomas Dorr, the guy who led a rebellion against our actual government? We count him as our 16th governor. He’s even got a special governor decoration on his grave.

Thomas W Dorr
Try to do what he did, and see if they call you Governor after. (via Wikimedia Commons)

9. Rhode Island and Providence Plantations isn’t just a quirky, longest name for a state. It also describes the first two areas under British rule in the state. Rhode Island (now called Aquidneck Island to distinguish it; yes, Rhode Island is an island) and Providence Plantations (now a number of towns and cities in the northern part of the state). For a long time, we couldn’t agree on a capital, and just swapped it between the two places, until 1901.

Aquidneck Island
That’s the official “Rhode Island” in red. Whether it’s named after the Isle of Rhodes is debatable. (via Wikimedia Commons)

10. Rhode Islanders burned a British warship and shot one of its officers in 1772, over a year and a half before Bostonians were inspired to toss tea into harbors.

Gaspee Affair
Now that is an act of war. (via Wikimedia Commons)

11. If you confuse Rhode Island with Long Island, a good Rhode Islander will ruthlessly lead you on as though Long Island is a new state. Virtually every Rhode Islander has a story like this.

Confused Guy
Yeah, I’ve had this look before. (via Wikimedia Commons)

 

 

*EDITS: An earlier version forgot about Dave’s Coffee Syrup, and incorrectly stated that there were only two brands of coffee syrup. Thanks to Kathy DiPina for the catch! And RI Grad also points out that I wrote unsupported instead of self-supported.

What is mixed-member proportional representation? (Part 3 of MMP RI)


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The German Bundestag uses MMP
The German Bundestag uses MMP

Imagine that in 1994 voters had approved similar constitutional amendments to those they did. The House would be reduced to 75 districts, and the Senate would be reduced to 38. However, both chambers would actually end up expanded; as the House would receive 75 additional seats and the Senate 38 additional seats.

These seats wouldn’t be attached to districts, but rather they’d be apportioned based on the total vote a party collected across all races for each chamber. Thus if the Democrats won 60% of all votes cast in Senate races and 70% of all votes cast in House races, they could expect a roughly proportional number of seats in the Senate and House.

The results of the district races would be unchanged, and the legislature would grow above the 150 seats in the House and 76 in the Senate based on those results. Thus if an independent candidate won a race, they’d still take their seat, but the legislature would grow by one seat to accommodate them while keeping the party balance roughly even to the vote for parties.

The non-districted seats would be filled from a list of candidates selected by the parties. How the parties selected these candidates would be entirely up to them.

What I’ve just described is roughly how the West German Bundestag set up as its electoral system following World War II. Most of its state legislatures did the same.

Initially, the Bundestag used the system described above, where the votes cast in the district races were used to calculate how the list seats should be apportioned. However, this has since been changed to having a separate vote for party preference. This allows voters to think strategically in their votes in the district races, while still being able to vote for their favorite party. Unfortunately, we can’t do more than guess how voters would select the favorite party, so I’ve chosen to use the original Bundestag system.

There’s a bit more though. It’s not as simple as “you get 40% of the vote, you get 40% of the seats.” There are multiple ways of calculating how many seats a party should get. I chose the D’Hondt method, which is a highest averages method. The D’Hondt method favors large parties and disadvantages smaller parties, which I thought would be appropriate to how our electoral system is already setup.

Many electoral systems also feature a “threshold,” requiring a party gain a certain proportion of votes before it can gain seats. Typically, this is set at 5%. In this case, I’ve left out a threshold. I feel if this really were implemented, there would be a threshold, but I felt it would be more interesting to see whether any third party could break into the General Assembly without that extra hurdle. Currently, Rhode Island political parties require 5% of the statewide vote in either the US Presidential race or the Governor’s race to be recognized as a state party.

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Bad Reputation: RI Leads US in Anticorruption and Transparency

Queue the cries of anguish from the haters: the Better Government Association, a Chicago-based nonprofits that aims to expose corruption and inefficiency, announced today that Rhode Island was the state with the soundest anticorruption and transparency laws in the nation; according to its 2013 “Integrity Index“.

This will undoubtedly come as a shock to many who view Rhode Island through the over a century-old prism of “a state for sale, and cheap” created in 1905 by journalist Lincoln Steffens when documenting how the Republican Party stayed in power here. Or those like Bloomberg Businessweek, which used a corruption trial over a decade old as an example of our supposed corruption.

According to the Integrity Index, Rhode Island leads the country in its Open Meetings laws, while staying within the top 15 for all other categories which also included Freedom of Information (ranked 10th), Whistleblower Protection (in a four-way tie for 14th) and Conflict of Interest (ranked 15th). Rhode Island scored a 69.77% out of a 100 percent scale.

While it’s no cause for celebration (and is troubling for the nation), it continues to resist against the falsified perception that Rhode Island is somehow more corrupt than other states. Legally, corruption is the least tolerated in Rhode Island. This sort of information strikes a mortal blow against those that argue that corruption is more permissible under Rhode Island law when it’s pointed out that incidences of corruption in Rhode Island are middling to low when compared against other states.

Given that Rhode Island is joined by New Jersey and Illinois in the top three in the integrity, it’s hard to argue with the conclusion of the BGA’s president and CEO Andy Shaw, who suggests that because of their high-profile reputations for graft and corruption, all three states have passed tough laws to prevent it. This contrasts with states like Montana and Wyoming, which have weak anticorruption laws, likely because it hasn’t been in the public eye.

No one should suggest Common Cause RI pack its bags, though. Unless grading scales have significantly changed since I left school, a 69.77 is a D+, which is passing without much room for maneuver. There’s a lot of work left to get that into the 90s. So critics shouldn’t stop speaking up, they should just tone down the hyperbole unless they want to find themselves with their pants on fire.

I think Joan Jett has some words to play us out.

Trends from last 6 RI elections (Part 2, MMP RI)


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Senate_ChmbrIn 2002, the General Assembly was re-shaped as a result of constitutional amendments approved by voters in 1994. Ostensibly the amendments were passed to increase competition for seats in both chambers; yet over the past six general elections 32.02% of Senate seats have gone uncontested on average, along with 37.33% of seats in the House.

While common wisdom might be that this type of apathy has benefited Democrats, that’s only half true. In the House of Representatives, both parties have benefited proportionally from this apathy; an average of 37.34% of House Democrats have not faced a general election challenger since 2002. House Republicans have an average of 36.04% over the same period. The difference is negligible.

The Senate is where there is disproportion. Since 2002, an average of 35.74% of Senate Democrats have had uncontested general elections. Senate Republicans have only averaged 18.06%. Why this might be is unclear to me; with a larger district, Senate candidates should require more resources to reach their constituents, meaning House races should be cheaper and thus more accessible.

Alternatively, the large Senate districts mean a larger pool of potential candidates, and the prospect of well-gerrymandered districts combined with a Democratic advantage in voter registration could assist Democrats in generating opponents for Republican candidates while keeping Republicans from contesting Senate elections.

The data gets more revealing of our current state of affairs when one calculates statewide votes cast for each party in each chamber of the General Assembly.

Democratic control over the General Assembly chambers has been extremely disproportional to the actual votes they’ve received. While Democrats typically win about 65% of the vote across Rhode Island when the results of all districts are added together, their control of the chambers is about 20 points higher, hovering around 85% of all the seats in each chamber.

At the same time, Rhode Island has seen a number of third parties compete for seats in the General Assembly; the Greens, the Socialists, the Libertarians, and the Moderates. Only the Moderates have captured above a percentage point of the statewide vote when calculated across all districts.

One final trend has emerged over the past six elections since the General Assembly was reduced. There’s been a growth in votes cast for independents since 2008, with all independent candidates capturing above 4.5% of the vote each of the last three elections. In the three elections prior, independents never managed to eke out above 3.7% of the vote, and were often well under 1%.

It’s possible that there’s a growing discontent with the Democratic Party, which combined with a dislike of the Republican Party, is boosting independents. It’s also possible that as the Millennial Generation began voting in the late 2000s, it’s turned more towards independents than its predecessors. Remember, Millennials were becoming aware of politics in the era between the Clinton Impeachment and the Iraq War; both of which were extreme blows to the credibility of the political establishment. Alternatively, I could be dead wrong.

You can take a look at the spreadsheets I created for yourself:

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What If RI had a different electoral system? (Part 1 of MMP RI)


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Example ballot for a mixed-member proportional representation system (via Wikipedia)
Example ballot of a mixed-member proportional representation system (via Wikipedia)

Rhode Island is entering the 2014 election cycle with major decisions to make. First, there will be the election of all of the state’s general officers. Second, there will be the usual elections of the entirety of the the General Assembly; commonplace as it may be, it has a major impact on Rhode Island. Thirdly, there is a requirement to ask whether Rhode Islanders want to hold a constitutional convention.

The last that is the most important. A lot of things will be at play here. There is impetus for reform across the political spectrum. Which means many competing interests as to what should be changed and why and how.

There’s also the issue that there’s an established political set that may not want to see large-scale reform, and that will also matter.

Then that each delegate will be elected from across the 75 Rhode Island House districts drawn after the 2010 US Census, meaning that many of the dynamics that go into House races will apply to the race for the delegates.

Finally, we should take into consideration that a constitutional convention cannot fundamentally transform power dynamics. What it can do is transform how those dynamics play out. Thus, the abolition of slavery and acknowledgement that all Americans were equal didn’t suddenly equalize all Americans. What it did do is prevent the enslavement of black Americans. It took a hundred years of resistance to bring about legislation that would guarantee equal access to rights, and even then the structures built up during the whole of American history continue to discriminate.

What I specifically want to look at in this series are constitutional changes that transform elections; which can best be described as transforming how (and which) citizens can access the power of the state. Specifically, I want to create a picture of how the General Assembly would look under a different electoral system; one that prized balancing the General Assembly to the votes for each party.

This system is known as mixed-member proportional representation (MMP). It’s not the be-all and end-all of electoral systems, but it’s better than the current system, which is known as plurality voting or “first-past-the-post” (FPTP). I’ll explain the difference in a bit. But first, I want to talk about the last six elections in Rhode Island.

This is Part 1 of the MMP RI series, which posits what Rhode Island’s political landscape would look like if we had switched to a mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) system in 2002. Part 2 is a retrospective of the last six elections.

Journalist Michael Hastings Dead at 33


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MichaelHastingsIt seems to be antithetical to his life to compare journalist Michael Hastings to General George Patton, but they both worked extensively in war zones, and both met their ends in automobile accidents. Hastings is most famous for publishing a report in Rolling Stone magazine that brought down General Stanley McChrystal, then commander of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan. Hastings was also a journalist who critically examined U.S. foreign policy, the U.S. military, and the media’s relation to power. His take down of COIN (counterinsurgency) in his book The Operators is among the most important pieces of writing about military policy I’ve ever read, and gets to the heart of the hubris in thinking one can defeat an insurgency with military operations.

It was a privilege for me to be able to sit and watch a 2012 Netroots Nation panel on “progressive security policy” which featured Hastings, Ali Gharib, Kristin Lord, and Tom Perriello (Mother Jones’ Adam Weinstein moderated). Alone among the panelists, Hastings pushed backed on the idea of the existence of a progressive security policy. In the wake of confirmation of the NSA wiretapping program, the way drones have come to the front and center in recent months, and as we debate the policy of intervention into Syria, the loss of Michael Hastings will seriously handicap our ability to have an expansive conversation about U.S. national security. Progressives critical of overreaching foreign policy and the national security state will no longer have Hastings’ brilliant journalism to help broaden their ideas.

Rolling Stone obit

BuzzFeed obit


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