Don’t cut sales tax based on flawed economic model


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tax-cut-fairyA few months ago, I wrote about the intellectual bankruptcy of the economic model called STAMP, for State Tax Analysis Modeling Program, created by the Beacon Hill Institute (BHI), and beloved of the Rhode Island Center for Freedom and Apple Pie (CFAP). The good folks at the CFAP have been heavily promoting some of the results of this model, that predict that Rhode Island will enjoy a tremendous economic boom if only we would eliminate our sales tax.

As I detailed in that article, the RI STAMP model is flawed not only by a host of questionable assumptions, but also the laughable attempt to obscure those assumptions under an absurdly over-complicated presentation of the relevant equations. Really, there is no reason to do what they do except as a conceptual bulwark against reporters who are easily cowed by that sort of thing.

Now comes the Institute for Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP) to say the same thing as me. In an epic takedown (summary here, report here), they cite STAMP’s many assumptions that either cannot be justified by the research literature or are completely contradicted by that literature or by experience. They further point out that the STAMP model accounts for almost no possible economic benefit of public spending, such as, say, educated children or good roads. The STAMP model also contains little help in estimating the actual rates of change due to new tax policies, allowing them to

“… mask the fact that some tax plans they believe would be economically beneficial are guaranteed to shrink the economy in the short-term.”

ITEP concludes that from this alone,

“STAMP analyses are of no use in informing the debate over what will be necessary to balance the state’s budget in the wake of a major tax change.”

There is plenty more, such as STAMP’s implicit assumption of full employment (!) and the assumption that households spend money in more or less similar ways to governments. (How many police officers did you employ last year?)

I am gratified by the validation of my review of this model, but really, the damning evidence is right in BHI’s own footnotes. That’s where, just to pick one example, the STAMP designers tell us they assume that all rich people — you know, the ones who have expensive houses and extensive business and social ties to their community — are more likely to move to another state for financial reasons than poor people, who frequently own nothing and have no such ties.

Of course that’s not how it reads. The actual text talks about elasticities and the sensitivity of participation rates, but that’s what it means, once you wade through the verbiage.

In an email responding to the ITEP analysis, Justin Katz, of the CFAP, said they think the appropriate response is to average their results with model results they like less.

“…[T]he Center has long maintained that it is an opportunity for policymakers that they have such divergent models. As we recommended in our recent brief, the General Assembly should take advantage of the two projections as a high-end and a low-end and implement the elimination or reduction of the sales tax with plans to adjust down or up as the monthly results become apparent.”

This, of course, is not the way it’s done. When the clown honks his little horn and says the sky at noon is inky black, the proper response is laughter, not to average his views with yours.

There are two ways people analyze mathematical models. One way involves detailed examination of the assumptions used to generate it. The STAMP model fails this test in spectacular fashion, according to me, and now according to ITEP. The other way is to validate the model against past events. That is, a model good at predicting the future should be good at predicting things that have already happened. If a model can predict 2014 results from 2013 data then it makes sense to use it to predict what will happen in 2015.

We have cut taxes several times in the past 20 years. There were the Almond income tax cuts of 1997-2002, the capital gains cuts passed in 2001, the flat tax passed in 2006, and several smaller cuts. When the CFAP can show us that their STAMP model would have accurately predicted what actually did happen — and that the same model predicts what they say about future tax changes — only then will it be useful to listen to their results. Until then, nothing but laughter from me, and hopefully everyone else they honk their little horn at.

Economists Agree: Income Tax Cuts Didn’t Work


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While conservative activists claim the Ocean State can cut its way back to prosperity, most academic economic studies agree that lowering income tax rates hasn’t worked that way, according to a new report from the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities.

In fact, the study uses Rhode Island’s recent income tax cuts as an example of how not to grow an economy.

Rhode Island, Arizona, Louisiana, New Mexico, Ohio and Oklahoma, says the report, all “enacted significant personal income tax cuts.  In every case, proponents claimed the tax cuts would improve the state’s economic standing, just as proponents of similar cuts today are claiming.”

But, according to the study, “that has not worked particularly well in the past and is not supported by the preponderance of the relevant academic literature. The results make clear that deep personal income tax cuts are no panacea for state economies.”

The report uses a quote from then-majority leader Gordon Fox praising the 2010 income tax cuts (here’s the article the quote comes from):

“This new tax rate. . . is certain to create new jobs, spur economic development, put money back in taxpayers’ pockets, and otherwise bring Rhode Island to a position of twenty-first century economic leadership in the region and, indeed, in the country.”

As has been well-documented, the tax cuts were followed by a sharp economic downturn in the Ocean State. According to the new CBPP study, in Rhode Island personal income fell by 2.4 percent; unemployment increased by 3.7 percent and the state’s share of the gross national product dropped by 3.9 percent between instituting the flat tax in 2010 and 2011.

Legislation before the General Assembly this year would reverse the tax breaks for those who earn more than $200,000 a year.

Who Pays for Tax Cuts to the Rich? The Poor


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A correspondent tells me that last week there was a meeting over at University Heights where some residents got bad news about their rent. University Heights was built in the 1960s as a mixed development, split about half and half between market rate apartments and subsidized apartments, available to poor people and families. It’s had quite a history since then, including a period in the early 1990s when it was owned by the tenants’ association.

The recession of the early 1990s brought that dream to an end, and Rhode Island Housing became the owner. In 2006, they sold the project to Fairfield Residential, securing a promise that the affordable units (175 of them) would remain below market rent for forty years.

Now there are a couple of things you have to understand about the practice of affordable housing. One is that almost all the housing out there built under the title “affordable” has a term, at the expiration of which it converts to “market rate” housing. The term might be for 20 years, 40 years, or whatever, but after that, the landlord can rent it for whatever they can get. Sometimes the affordability is extracted from the landlord with a promise of rent subsidies. Other times it’s made in exchange for lower acquisition cost, low-rate financing, or some other way to save money on the project. For an older project like University Heights, most of these ways are not possible, since the project was built long ago. This leaves rent subsidies as the only practical option.

Last week, though, RI Housing announced to some distressed tenants that the apartments they live in have to be transferred to another, less generous subsidy program. Essentially the agency cannot afford to keep the subsidies at the level they had been, so in 2014, the rents for 48 of the apartments will rise substantially.

Why can’t RI Housing afford to keep the more generous subsidy?  Well, in the winter of 2008, as Governor Carcieri looked to the end of the year, there was a looming shortfall. Not only was it the second year of the “flat” tax cutting into revenues, but the coming recession’s bite was already being felt in sales tax collections, too. Rather than admit that the state couldn’t afford the tax cuts under the current conditions, the Governor looked around and noticed $26 million on the balance sheet of RI Housing. So he scooped it out of the housing agency and into the general fund, in order to balance the state’s budget that year.

Why was there a deficit in the winter of 2008?  Partly because of the recession, but also because some of the tax cuts for rich people turned out to be too big. The historic tax credit was too popular, and the renovation of the Masonic Temple hotel used them heavily. The tax credit program was ended that year, because so many credits were outstanding. The data can’t tell us exactly how much these cuts cost, but the income tax receipts that year came in $23 million less than predicted. Personal income in the state didn’t begin to fall until months later, so it’s hard to attribute the loss of income tax collections to the faltering economy.

The $26 million lifted from RI Housing was to fill a small part of a budget hole due in no small part to income tax cuts for rich people. But it wasn’t lying in RI Housing’s accounts unused. It was money intended for the purchase of housing, for subsidizing rents, and for the construction of new units. In other words, it was intended for the benefit of poor people, but Governor Carcieri — and the willing General Assembly leadership — redirected it for the benefit of rich ones. Can there be a clearer example of our state’s priorities over the past decades?