Occupy URI, David Dooley on Tuition Increases


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Protesting years of cuts to public higher education in Rhode Island that have caused rampant tuition increases, Occupy URI mic checked the meeting of the Board of Governors for Higher Education Monday night with a song.

While their tactics were lighthearted, the issue is a serious one. The Board of Governors recently approved a 8 percent tuition increase that will mean this September an in-state student will pay an extra $1000 a year, up from $10,400. Since 2008, said spokesman Mike Trainer, the legislature has cut some $45 million to the three state colleges in Rhode Island. But because the cost of an education is only getting more expensive, students are running up enormous student loan debt to pay for the cost cutting.

There was a brief moment of tension when Professor Scott Molloy, who showed up late, asked to speak even though he didn’t sign up to and Chairman Lorne Adrain asked officers to prevent him from doing so.

Aftewards, I spoke with URI President David Dooley about the issue. He told me that legislators seem to view funding higher education as “discretionary” because when they make cuts, tuition goes up and enrollment doesn’t suffer. He also said the state would be wise to invest more in higher education.

The Moderate Party Needs An Identity


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Moderate Party RI's Logo

Moderate Party RI's LogoIn 2010, Kenneth Block, Chairman of the Moderate Party took a run at Governor. His decently-publicized (for a third party) campaign achieved 6.5% of the vote (22,146 votes); enough that if only half his voters had shifted to Republican candidate John Robataille, Republican would now be in their fifth term as governor. Considering voter rolls the year before placed the number of registered Moderates at 52 in the entire state, Mr. Block had a good turnout.

More astounding was the Attorney General candidate, the near-unheard of Christopher Little, who pulled 14.4% of the vote and out-did the Moderates’ top-of-the-ticket  candidate. Mr. Little had 47,328 voters select him, over 25,000 more than picked Mr. Block. In Providence, Mr. Little actually came in second over the Republican candidate, Erik Wallin. Both ultimately lost to Peter Kilmartin.

Did anyone else in the Moderates accomplish anything? Not really. Four candidates contested seats in the House. Mostly Democrats sailed to victory (often uncontested), with the closest races being where Republicans triumphed over Democrats. Moderates did best in the House races when Republicans weren’t running. Not a single candidate for Senate existed ran.

Ken Block
Kenneth Block, Moderate Party candidate for Governor (via Rotary Club of Providence's facebook)

The argument for me is pretty clear here: the race for Governor was at least a distraction for the Moderates. At best, it should’ve been a rallying point. I seem to recall there were rumors about having Lincoln Chafee on the ticket as a Moderate. Regardless of his policies, this would’ve been a massive boon the Moderates. If it could’ve happened, it probably should’ve. But even with a well-known, and at that time, well-liked candidate, the Moderates wouldn’t have solved all their problems.

Their main problem, is this: what are they about? Well, their website and Wikipedia pages offer their “4 E’s”: Economy, Education, Ethics, and the Environment! Under the economy: be more like Massachusetts, reduce spending, cut spending, and end “waste and fraud”. WPRI reporter Tim White probably has something to say about that last bit. Educations is the slate of education deforms we’ve come to expect from those advocating the corporate model; don’t pay teachers attractive wages, evaluate their students rigorously, put the inexperienced in teaching jobs as though this will make students learn better (it takes about three years for a teacher to become truly effective). Ethics is just a shot at the not-really corrupt political culture. The Environmental policy is actually pretty progressive, and something I can get behind.

Still, all it does is position the Moderates as “not-Republicans”. Just as the Republicans can’t afford to be merely the anti-Democrats, the Moderates have to be more than not-Republicans. Independents function just as well as not-Republicans, and are more reliable in terms of contesting races than the Moderates. So, how to solve these dilemmas?

First, drop the terms “moderate” and “centrist”. First, they’re relative. Moderate to what? The Democrats? The Democrats are all over the map. Moderate really only means “moderate Republican”, because the Democratic Party hasn’t rooted out its moderates in the same fashion conservatives have gone after moderate Republicans. Centrism is likewise a malleable ideal. You’re only in the center in appearance to other parties. If those parties shift (like if Republicans tilt leftward or Democrats tilt right), then you’re no longer centrist. Centrism just means you’re letting other people set the terms of the debate. Let’s put it this way: if you were centrist in the 1850s on slavery, then you probably favored something like Jim Crow. Jump ahead thirty years. Are you centrist any more?

If the counter-argument is that “Democratic” and “Republican” are just as relative terms, that’s true, but not in the same way. See, Democratic and Republican are both terms that their owners give meaning to (well, their opponents are often involved in ascribing negative meanings). It means that the parties never have to be reactionary, they’re almost always setting their issues for themselves.

The other problem with “moderate” is that it’s not really a rallying cry. Take Occupy Wall St. That organization has its battle cry right in its name. It lends itself to posters of shouting people with “Occupy” flying from their mouths. It’s active. When you hear the word “moderate”, you don’t think action. Here’s Thesaurus.com’s list of synonyms for moderate: abstinent, balanced, bearable, careful, cautious, compromising, conservative, considerate, considered, controlled, cool, deliberate, disciplined, dispassionate, equable, even, gentle, impartial, inconsiderable, inexpensive, judicious, limited, low-key, measured, middle-of-the-road, midway, mild, modest, monotonous, neutral, nonpartisan, not excessive, pacific, peaceable, pleasant, reasonable, reserved, restrained, sober, soft, steady, straight, tame, tolerable, tolerant, tranquil, untroubled”. Not all of those are bad things to be associated with, but most don’t lend themselves to partisanship. Untroubled people don’t campaign, they don’t really vote. Impartial people don’t care. Low-key people don’t attend rallies. Monotonous people shouldn’t run for government (although many do).

Swedish Moderate Party Logo
Logo of the Swedish Moderate Party (via Wikipedia)

But what about the Moderate Party in Sweden? They’re the government. But a quick perusal of their history and you’ll discover that the Moderate name is a rebranding of what was called the Rightist Party previously. Furthermore, they stand for liberal conservatism, not moderation (economic free-market liberalism combined with traditional conservative values). The RI Moderate Party is trying to stake out its own position under the Moderate label, not rebrand themselves to play down their extremism.

But rebranding is precisely what they’ll have to do. Their policies can’t be moderate positions between left and right, they have to be clear alternatives to those presented by Democrats and Republicans; or at least presented that way. Furthermore, liberal voters are a large, reliable portion of the state’s voters, but there is nothing on the Moderate Party’s website that would appeal to them past the environmental issues. If you could attract liberals and progressives on the environment alone, then the Green Party would be a force to be reckoned with.

Second, stop insulting Rhode Islanders. Don’t say the state is corrupt. Why? Because it implies that voters are willingly enabling corruption. Voters tend to trust their own representative to do the right thing, and view other representatives as causing trouble. So a candidate for office can’t succeed by portraying another candidate as corrupt unless that candidate actually is corrupt, and has been proven to be so. Rhode Island is great, and any party has to say they’ll make it better than it is. Even in the depths of its despair, there is still greatness in Rhode Island, and that greatness is what any party needs to focus on. Makes ethics important, but don’t make it a major plank of your party. Furthermore, by not emphasizing it so much, it won’t hurt you as much when you violate ethics laws.

Georges Clemenceau
Georges Clemenceau, Prime Minister of France, wry wit (via Wikipedia)

Third, get rid of any “X-Point Plan” that is not three points (the Moderates have a Six-Point Plan for ethics). Anything overly complex leaves you open to Clemenceau’s criticism of President Wilson’s Fourteen Points: “Fourteen? God Almighty only had ten!” People also stop paying attention after too many (Angel Taveras had something like a twelve point plan for Providence, but it’s never mentioned these days). Three points is enough; the weakest comes second and the strongest comes last. This is basic rhetoric.

Fourth, ignore the governor’s office (and most statewide offices). This might seem counterintuitive, but given that the Moderates are on the ballot because of gathering enough signatures, the governor’s office means nothing for them. The Governor can do little in Rhode Island, especially against a Democratic General Assembly which hasn’t had a Democratic governor to cooperate with since Bruce Sundlun. By not competing for the governor, you also don’t get the stink of being a perennial loser on your party. Cities and towns are where the Moderates should be focusing. Successfully run one of those and then you have a case to make about responsible administration to the rest of the state. Take Senate and House seats, but only when you have enough that you are power-brokers should you run for governor. Then you can pass your agenda.

A party shouldn’t be a vehicle for Ken Block to become governor. It needs to be something more. A party persists. By not focusing on down-ticket races, the Moderate Party shows it’s not committed to building a party. Those small races and positions should be thought of as your farm league. They’re going to provide a large portion of the talent that will make any party last. They also point the way on positions and issues that will be important to your party down the line. Furthermore, gathering signatures for the party is such a ground-game method of running, it’s surprising that wasn’t translated into more candidates down-ticket.

Do I think the Moderates will listen to this? Not really. But if their goal is to become a genuine party and not just a Rhode Island sideshow, then hopefully they’re already having this discussion.

ACLU: Flanders Flouts Law By Delegating His Duties


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The Rhode Island ACLU filed a lawsuit today against Central Falls receiver Bob Flanders saying he is improperly delegating authority to his chief of staff Gayle Corrigan.

Flanders, ACLU attorney Jennifer Azevedo said, “is stepping in for the mayor and city council. If he is going to do that he should have to do what mayor and council do. He has no authority to pass off his duties to a third party.”

Corrigan presides over Central Falls public meetings and makes recommendations that Flanders later signs off on. Azevodo said Flanders has no more a right to pass off this responsibility to a third party than would a mayor and council. Her suit contends that by doing so, Flanders is violating the Financial Stability Act, the law that put a receiver in place in Central Falls.

“The citizens of Central Falls have had their mayor and council taken away from them they have no self government,” Azevedo said. “If receiver can’t turn up for meeting himself then the people essentially have no one listening to them at all.”

She said the Rhode Island Supreme Court case Moreau v. Flanders spoke to her case when a justice wrote, according to her press release, “the receiver may exercise the powers of an authority or office to the limits of that authority or office, and no further.” Flanders is a former member of the state Supreme Court.

Flanders told me “there is nothing that requires there to be meetings,” let alone that he attend them. He said the Financial Stability Act empowers the receiver to make decisions through orders and because it expressly says that it is to, as he said, “take precedence over any contrary laws” he can make orders without holding public meetings as a mayor and council would have to do.

In a letter to the ACLU dated January 30, he wrote:

“There seems to be a fundamental misunderstanding on your part that “third parties” are exercising the “extraordinary powers” ofthe receiver. Nothing could be further from the truth. With regarding to the parking ordinance, neither myself nor any member of my staff enacted any such ordinance at any public meeting. Whenever I exercise the powers ofthe Central Falls City Council, I do so by order, as R.I. Gen. Laws  45-9-20 requires me to do. I personally execute all orders of the receiver, and I assure you that I have never delegated that authority to anyone. In the case ofthe parking ordinance specifically, a copy of the order that I executed on January 6, 2012, is enclosed.”

The suit is expected to heard on March 30 in Superior Court. It could go before Judge Taft-Carter, who has seen many high-profile cases as of late, though it could also be moved to the business calendar and be heard by Judge Silverstein who has heard other cases relating to Central Falls.

Budgeting for Disaster Part VII: Quasi-appropriate?


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FY2013 budget

FY2013 budgetTrick question: Why is Rhode Island’s housing policy not made by the state government? How about economic policy? Why do we have two environmental agencies? Two elections agencies?

The questions sound unrelated, but they have very similar answers, and they’re all related to the state’s bevy of “quasi-public” agencies—whose budgets are in Volume I of the budget.

The Airport Corporation is here, who runs all the state’s airports, including Green. The Economic Development Corporation is also here, along with Rhode Island Housing, RIPTA, the Narragansett Bay Commission (sewers in Providence and Pawtucket), the Resource Recovery Corporation (runs the central landfill), and several others.

Truthfully, it’s more correct to say the outlines of their budgets are in Volume I [B1-331-366]. There isn’t much information there about some very important agencies, and in some cases this was part of the point of keeping them separate from the regular parts of the state government.

Some of the quasi-publics were formed when the state took over existing private corporations. RIPTA, for example, was formed to save the last private bus company. Others have a separate existence for legal reasons. The Turnpike and Bridge Authority, which maintains the Pell and Mt Hope Bridge, was formed to issue bonds against the toll revenue collected at those bridges. But many quasi-publics—along with some other agencies less quasi and more public—were formed out of power struggles between the legislature and the governor.

The Coastal Resources Management Council, for example, our extra environmental agency, was originally formed in the 1970s so that powerful members of the legislature could circumvent new DEM coastal regulations on behalf of their friends who owned waterfront property. Rhode Island Housing (technically the RI Housing and Mortgage Finance Corp.) may have originally formed to access some federal HUD funding, but it was also a creature of the legislature, witness the mortgage scandals of the 1980s. Later, under a stronger Governor, the Economic Development Corporation was created out of the Department of Economic Development to give the Governor Lincoln Almond more control over economic policy (and to pay its executives more like the corporate executives they lunch with).

EDC has another distinction. When it was spun out of the government into a quasi-public, it took over the shell of the RI Port Authority. Why? Because after Bruce Sundlun effectively put the Public Building Authority out of business (it was a campaign promise), the Port Authority was the only agency with unlimited authority to borrow money without voter approval. And boy have they used that authority. EDC now owes debt used for the Fidelity campus in Smithfield, the Shepard’s building in Providence, the Masonic Temple hotel across from the state house, the I-Way boondoggle, the Sakonnet River Bridge, and much more. Subsidiaries owe the debt used to build the airport and renovate Quonset.

Under Ed DiPrete, the PBA’s record of borrowing without voter approval was considered a minor scandal and contributed to his election loss in 1990. But none of these subsequent projects got voter approval. Don Carcieri managed to double the state’s debt, and almost all of it was unapproved borrowing, so it’s difficult to remember why it was such a problem for DiPrete.

There will be more to say about this borrowing when we look at the Capital Budget document. For now, let’s look at one of the quasi-publics that spends a lot of time in the news lately over its budget.

RIPTA

The state’s public transit authority was formed when the private bus company that ran transit in Providence and vicinity went under in the 1960s. It wouldn’t be correct to say it has had an untroubled existence until recently, but it did not always have the persistent deficit it has now.

What’s happened to the agency in recent years is a few things. First, like the rest of the state, it is a victim of our crazy health care system. Ten years ago, employee benefits were $10.5 million for a $28.7 million payroll. (For union employees, pension payments are a fraction of the health care costs, though their growth has tracked the health care costs fairly well.) In 2013, we’re looking at $24.8 million in benefits for a $45.8 million payroll [B1-355]. The cost of health care is going up almost two and a half times faster than payroll costs.

Second, transit for disabled people has taken a tremendous number of resources. Paratransit services between 2001 and 2011 more than quintupled, from a cost of $1.8 million to $9.1 million, and there are other categories of service that provide more or less the same function.

Finally, the gas tax has been a problem of its own. A portion of the gas tax is dedicated to RIPTA. The problem is that the gas tax is constituted as a number of pennies per gallon of gas. When gas prices rise, the gas tax actually falls, as people buy less gas. But when gas prices rise, RIPTA’s cost for fuel also rises. In other words, as gas prices rise, RIPTA’s ridership rises, and so do its costs, at exactly the same time that its gas tax revenue falls. Why does it seem that RIPTA is permanently in trouble? Because its funding system makes no sense, and provides falling revenue when expenses rise.

And for those who wonder what is the value of RIPTA to Rhode Island, take it from me that it’s actually pretty hard to get a seat on several of the lines I use frequently. High gas prices mean lots of riders, and also mean service cutbacks.

Unfortunately, pretty much none of the people who make funding decisions about RIPTA—its board, legislators, the Governor or his staff—actually use the system, so it turns out that RIPTA’s funding problems are thoroughly unaddressed in Governor Chafee’s budget. The documents cheerfully predict a $10 million operating deficit by June 2013 so we’ll be seeing lots of RIPTA headlines in the coming year.

RI Progress Report: Reinvent RI, Receivers and OccupyURI


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The Providence Journal kicked off a great new series on Sunday called Reinvent RI in which the paper does a great job analyzing and identifying the problems with our economy. The Projo says the state’s downturn is a result of a slumping housing economy coupled with a transition away from manufacturing – not high taxes or union dominance as some would have you believe.

Kate Bramson details five priorities for Rhode Island, including taking better advantage of our ports, keeping our college graduates here in state, retraining our workforce and taking advantage of what Allen Tear of Betaspring called our “unfair lifestyle advantage, an unfair cool advantage.”

Of course, Rhode Island’s business climate was also cited as a priority, but Bramson keeps great perspective writing that RI must, “reach out to help traditional small companies and the innovative start-ups that are developing new technologies and will be future job creators.”

— Meanwhile, over on the editorial page, Darth Flanders penned an op/ed with Gary Sasse extolling the benefits of municipal bankruptcy. It read as if Flanders and Sasse were selling the idea of municipal receivers to mayors and managers across the state, even though they led off by saying, “If the reader takes one thing from this article, it is that only after exhausting all other options should financially troubled Rhode Island municipalities” consider bankruptcy. Of course the next sentence started with a big giant, “But…”

— In other financial news from this weekend, Ted Nesi made a great observation about Rhode Island’s economy. Namely that public sector unions aren’t nearly as powerful as people think, and Wall Street is much more so.

“For all the talk about labor unions’ power in Rhode Island, their influence over political leaders is still trumped by the might of another formidable institution: Wall Street. When Rhode Island’s leaders are faced with a choice between investors and public-sector union members, they consistently side with the former. The bondholders law, which explicitly protects creditors over pensioners, is one example of that; the suspension of democracy in Central Falls is another.”

— Economic inequality has become such the debate dejour that they are even talking about it in East Greenwich, home of Rhode Island’s largest concentration of the 1%. Lisa Sussman wrote a great piece for EG Patch about why this upscale suburban enclave really shouldn’t complain about Chafee’s municipal plan. Read the comments to see me get beat up for sticking my nose into the fray!

— Given all this gloomy news about the state of the state, what are we to do about it? Well, Occupy URI will be protesting at the Board of Governors for Higher Education meeting today at 5:30 at the URI Bay Campus “to object to the unrelenting diversion of funds from public education in Rhode Island, and to bring to the Board’s attention grave concerns regarding the constitutionality of those diversions,” according to a press release, which also says:

“In addition to being patently unconstitutional, the diversion of funds from education is morally reprehensible. Nevertheless, The RI Board of Governors, continuing a trend spanning decades, approved an explosive 9.5% tuition increase for the University of Rhode Island for the 2012-13 academic term. This has led to an unconscionable burden on those seeking the opportunities guaranteed to them in the RI Constitution.”

 

Whitehouse Bill Would Regulate Super PAC Ads


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Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse at a community supper in East Greenwich.

Senator Sheldon Whitehouse is planning on introducing new legislation later this week that would require Super PACs, corporations and other big donors to divulge their associations with political advertisements.

“In the same way at the end of my ads I have to say, ‘I’m Sheldon Whitehouse and I approve this message,'” said the most progressive member of Rhode Island’s congressional delegation, “they would have to have an actual disclaimer in the ads that says we’re Exxon Mobile and we approve this message or I’m a billionaire from Macau and I approve this message so that is clear from the actual advertisement itself who the sponsor is.”

The legislation, Whitehouse said, would apply to “anyone who spends more than $10,000 on electioneering activities, 80 to 90 percent of which is advertising.” It would also apply to phone banks, which make robo-calls and other get out the vote efforts.

He said it is one of the ways a new coalition of Democrats is working reverse the damage the Citizens United Supreme Court decision, which allowed corporations and Super PACS to spend unlimited amounts of money on political messaging, has had on public discourse. As an example, he cited the $14 million Mitt Romney supporters spent before the Florida primary on ads attacking Newt Gingrich.

“If you are as far left as occupy movement or as far right as the tea party you’ve got something in common,” Whitehouse told the audience at a community supper Sunday night in East Greenwich. “You do not want to American system of government of, by and for the people, taken over by big corporations that can spend other peoples money … their stockholder’s money, in unaccountable and anonymous ways.”

Watch this short video to learn some of the insidious ways in which Whitehouse says corporate lobbyists can use the Citizens United decision to manipulate the political system.

Likening Citizens United to Plessy vs. Ferguson, the Supreme court decision that temporarily codified separate but equal, he added, “”To my mind it’s one of the worst decisions out of the supreme court. Corporations are not people. They are a way of organizing human behavior that is very efficient when you want to make money  … but when it comes to politics there is a huge risk of coprs drowning out the voices of regular people.”

He said he and seven other senators have been working on the bill, which he expects will be introduced this week. He said it has the blessing of Majority Leader Harry Reid and he hopes it will get some floor time this session.

“The goal to get every Democrat on board and show some real momentum and hope we can draw some Republicans over like John McCain, who has a long and proud history of fighting for disclosure,” Whitehouse said.

He said he the coalition also drafted a brief to the Supreme Court about a recent Montanta Supreme Court decision that could reverse the Citizens United decision.

“So the Supreme Court may have an opportunity to rethink that decision,” he said. Noting that Citizens United was a five to four decision, he added, “All it would take is one of them.”