The Buffett Rule: Your Straight Deal on Taxes


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Back in 1985, President Ronald Reagan said: “We’re going to close the unproductive tax loopholes that have allowed some of the truly wealthy to avoid paying their fair share.”

Almost three decades later, we’re still hearing about ultra-high income earners like Warren Buffett paying a lower tax rate than his secretary.

According to the IRS, the wealthiest 400 Americans, who earned an average of roughly $270 million in 2008, paid an average tax rate of just 18.2 percent that year. That’s about the same rate paid by a single truck driver in Rhode Island. It’s not right, and we need to restore fairness to our tax code.

And next week, we have a key opportunity to do just that. The U.S. Senate has scheduled a vote on the eve of tax day, April 16, on the Paying a Fair Share Act, legislation I introduced to require multi-million-dollar earners to pay a minimum federal tax rate of 30 percent.

Implementing the so-called “Buffett Rule” would restore some badly needed fairness to our tax system. It would also generate an estimated $47 billion in new revenue that could help reduce our federal deficit or repair decaying infrastructure. President Obama has already thrown his weight behind the bill, urging the Senate to pass the Paying a Fair Share Act — but the GOP has made it clear that they want to safeguard tax loopholes for the ultra-wealthy.

You can lend your voice to this important fight by becoming a citizen cosponsor of the Buffett Rule at www.BuffettRuleBill.com.

This would be a real win-win for middle-class families at a time when so many Americans are fed up with a system that gives special deals to the wealthy and well connected. Polls have shown that Americans across the country strongly support the Buffett Rule. And the Rhode Islanders I’ve heard from say the same thing: They’re feeling more and more squeezed by this economy, but they pay their fair share in taxes, and they expect millionaires and billionaires to do the same.

We need to act now to correct this inequity and show the American people that we are on their side. This is a test of Congress to show that we can give them a straight deal, not just help special interests.

I’m not saying this will be easy — the reality is that this will be a tough fight. But you know what? It’s the right thing to do, and we should keep at it for as long as it takes.

We know the special interests that fought for unfair tax loopholes will fight against the Buffett Rule, and you can bet that they will continue to urge Republicans to oppose our efforts to restore fairness.

That’s where you come in. As we get closer to our vote on April 16, we need to demonstrate that there is a groundswell of support to turn the Buffett Rule into law — and your voice can be part of that groundswell.

Please become a citizen cosponsor of the Paying a Fair Share Act, then call your senators and tell your friends to do the same.

If the American people make their voices heard and put enough pressure on Congress, we can restore fairness in our economic system, do what’s right for the middle class, and show that Congress can stand up to special interests.

I hope you’ll join me in this fight. It’s one worth fighting.

This post originally appeared in the Huffington Post.

Bills Would Protect Homeless, Renters, Mortgage Holders


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A House committee today considers a number of bills that would protect people from banks, and one that would create what’s being called a “Homeless Bill of Rights.”

The Homeless Bill of Rights, sponsored by Rep. Christopher Blazejewski, D- Providence, would “provide all residents with an equal opportunity to live in decent, safe and sanitary accommodations regardless of housing status,” according to a press release. Specifically, the bill would guarantee that homeless people have the same access to housing, voting and social services as do people with legal addresses.

The three other bills before the House Judiciary Committee this afternoon would protect home owners and renters from fallout from the real estate collapse.

One, sponsored by John Edwards, a Tiverton Democrat, would “provide tenants of foreclosed properties greater protection against eviction” and another, sponsored by Stephen Ucci, D- Johnston, would prevent people from being evicted simply because the building they are living in has been foreclosed, according to the press release. So long as the tenant kept paying the rent, they couldn’t be evicted for 60 days after the sale.

Also, Rep. Richard Morrison’s bill that would require mortgage companies to make a “good faith” effort to renegotiate troubled home loans by  appointing a HUD-approved agency as a sort of mediator. “The goal of the process is to facilitate an agreement between the lender and homeowner that will avoid a foreclosure,” said a press release.

RI Pols Are Overhyping Fundraising Prowess


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Occupy's Best Visual Summation (via Oregon Live)

Perhaps I should be amazed and shocked by the “extraordinary” fundraising numbers that Barry Hinckley put up recently: over $300,000 by the end of the first quarter of 2012. I’m sure Mr. Hinckley’s campaign would like me to be. They certainly don’t want me to focus on the nearly ten times as much sitting U.S. Senator Sheldon Whitehouse had in his war chest last quarter.

But the fact is that I’m not. According to the tools provided by the Sunlight Foundation, 83% of the cash he’d raised through 2011 was from out-of-state donors. $50,000 of it is his own.

The Sunlight Foundation isn’t really clear on where Mr. Whitehouse’s money is coming from this year, mainly “Victory Funds”. But perhaps he doesn’t need it this year, after all, he gave nearly half a million dollars to himself to finance his successful campaign in 2006 (for the record, Mr. Whitehouse’s funding is 82% out-of-state).

But it’d be wrong to assume that our Class 1 Senate race alone attracts such strong self-financing; it’s typical of most of the state. The overall largest portions of our most prominent politicians’ campaigns come from themselves. Take Gina Raimondo. She raised nearly  a million dollars during the 2009-2010 cycle, and had a virtual 50-50 in-state vs. out-of-state contribution. But of the roughly $445,000 she raised in-state, $100,000 came from: Gina Raimondo.

It’s no better in U.S. Congressional District 1. Brendan Doherty: $50,000 raised from Brendan Doherty. Anthony Gemma’s already started raising money from himself, and he doesn’t announce until the 15th! Though, you have to go back to the ’09-’10 cycle to see Mr. Gemma’s real fundraising prowess: virtually all of his cash came from himself, especially in the waning days of the campaign (at least it’s in-state). David Cicilline’s numbers aren’t up for the ’11-’12 cycle, but he gave himself a pick-me up in the final day of the 2010 campaign, he gave himself $70,000.

The gubernatorial race wasn’t much better; nearly $100,000 donated to Frank Caprio came from the candidate himself. Now-Governor Lincoln Chafee gave over $1.5 million to himself.

In contrast to all of this, seven candidates ran in four races using public financing; as statewide candidates are allowed to do under the law. Of them, only A. Ralph Mollis and Peter Kilmartin won their races, for Secretary of State and Attorney General, respectively. The others, all Republicans and one Moderate, all lost. There’s a special irony in Republicans using public financing for campaigns, but given the tough fundraising hurdles any Republican candidate must face (namely, the perception of being about to lose), they do need to use anything that comes to their disposal.

The problem with all this is not that candidates self-fund, it’s that candidates will then use their fundraising numbers as a shorthand for how much support they have. “I have $1.5 million raised,” they’ll tell us. Rhode Islanders would be wrong to assume that number represents the willingness of Rhode Islanders to invest their money in such candidates. It most likely represents how much the candidate has invested in their own campaign. No wonder Rhode Island rarely gets regular folks to run for office. They can’t afford it.

RI Progress Report: Romney in RI and Wildfire Warnings


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Mitt Romney will make his second campaign stop in the Ocean State today. The GOP presidential hopeful will be at the Crowne Plaza Hotel in Warwick for what his campaign calls a Small Business Town Hall. The last time Romney was in Rhode Island he held a fundraiser at a Newport mansion, where the millionaire famous for being out of touch no doubt felt more at home than he will at a hotel in Warwick.

Meanwhile, yesterday at the Crowne Plaza Hotel, business owners disagreed with the congressional delegation on the reasons for RI’s high unemployment rate.

Not the AFL-CIO, though, which endorsed the three Democrats running for re-election to Congress this year.

I thought we only got springtime wildfire warnings in the West? Not only is it a particularly dry year here in Rhode Island, it’s also the warmest year on record.

Speaking of putting out fires … Ozzie Guillen, the new manager of the Miami Marlins, displays how NOT to ingratiate oneself to baseball fans in Florida by praising Fidel Castro.

The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation becomes the latest organization to sever ties with ALEC, the business (and, evidently, non-profit)-backed political powerhouse that authors right-wing model legislation for state legislatures.

Need a free bike? Head to South County on Saturday for the Bicycle Recycle, part of Bike Day in South Kingstown.

Gov. Chafee tells the Johnston City Council that the state didn’t do enough over the past three years to help struggling cities.

This page may be updated throughout the day. Click HERE for an archive of the RI Progress Report.

Budgeting for Disaster: How RI Pays for URI


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Should URI Faculty get a 3 percent raise? Let me tell you a story and you decide.

URI is the big kahuna among the three institutions run by the Board of Governors. It educates about 16,000 students, around 10,000 of whom are from Rhode Island. Researchers there pull in about $80 million each year in research funding, largely from federal sources, like the National Science Foundation and the National Institutes of Health, but also from corporate sources.

There are some important financial issues going on at URI, and none of them are about raises for faculty. One is that state dollars continue to decline in importance to URI’s budget. Twenty years ago, state general revenue funding of $57 million provided about a quarter of the overall budget of $214 million. Today, we provide $75 million for a budget of $705 million, or just a tiny bit more than 10% [B3-46], making URI essentially a private university with a small public subsidy. State contributions over that time grew at an average rate of 1.3 percent per year while the overall budget grew more than four times as fast.

The Governor is proposing to raise the state’s contribution by a little more than $3 million, which is $2 million more than level funding, so that will hike the percentage of the budget contributed by the state a smidge.

But wait, shouldn’t we be concerned about growth of more than 6 percent a year? Why yes, we should. This is a national problem; universities across the country are seeing this kind of cost inflation. Tuitions are pretty much the only thing around that rivals health care costs in the inflation department.

So what is URI spending its money on? Answer: Not professors. To teach more or less the same number of students, URI has almost a hundred fewer professors than it did in 1994. (I’ve used the 1994 personnel budget in this, because they changed the presentation that year and it matches the 2013 presentation better.) In 1994, the “Education and General” part of the budget had 623 professors of the three ranks (full, assistant, and associate), and in 2013, we expect to have 540. The collection of all full professors have seen their pay climb about 2.8% per year over that time.

Looking at the administration shows a different picture. The top couple dozen administrators—the deans, provosts, and vice presidents—have seen their pay go up an average of 4.5 percent per year. There aren’t more people at the top level of administration, but in 1994, there were 65 people with the title of “Director” of something (or assistant director), and in 2013, there are 89. Individually, their salaries didn’t grow quite as fast as all the deans’ and vice-presidents, but because there are so many more of them, they also saw approximately a 4.5 percent average growth rate.

That kind of growth is high, but doesn’t make it to 6%. How about capital projects? In 1994, URI spent $6.4 million on construction and debt service. This year we’re looking at $68 million, and next year it will come down to $59 million. This is a growth rate of 13 percent a year! If you walk around one of the URI campuses, you’ll see lots of new buildings. But few of them are very crowded.

The other huge growth is in the account that provides student aid to cover rising tuition costs. Tuition this year is expected to go up 9.5% as it has for a number of years in the past. Consequently, the aid bill also rises very fast.

So that’s the story: declining aid from the state, declining numbers of professors, increases in administrator pay and numbers, construction of fancy new buildings, and huge increases in tuition. The construction part makes it seem like investment, but all together, does that really sound like an investment in education to you?

There’s another dimension here. By 1995, URI had already lost a tremendous proportion of its state aid budget. In 1989, state dollars covered 58 percent of the budget, but by 1994 it was down to a quarter. This was a crisis. The University (under its new President Robert Carothers) responded by doing a revenue analysis of all the departments, to see which ones made money, and they abandoned most of the programs that didn’t. They stopped admitting students in 47 degree-granting programs, including 16 in science and engineering. From a financial perspective, this seemed to make sense, though it was virtually unprecedented in American university administration.

From an academic perspective, the benefit was hardly as clear. Consider philosophy. URI still teaches some introductory level philosophy courses, so they still need some faculty. So if you love philosophy enough to pursue a doctorate in it, what URI has to offer you is a career of teaching classes to students who don’t really care about it. This immediately makes URI a second choice for anyone in that field. Maybe you don’t care about philosophy, but there were 46 other programs that got the same treatment.  Is that the best way to get good faculty?  How about not giving them money?

Now I learn from a 2010 “Research and Economic Development” presentation to the URI Strategic Budget and Planning Council that over the ten years from 1996 to 2006, URI saw its research funding grow by 29 percent. Over that same time, UNH saw its research funding up by 271 percent, UVM’s went up 162 percent, and UConn saw its funding rise 136 percent. (All larger than the national average of 117 percent.) This was immediately following that downsizing. Do you think maybe this could have been related to a shrunken faculty? Downsized programs?

The presentation was clearly meant to show how worried the University should be about this poor showing. After all, after educating students, research is most of the point of an institution like URI. Research brings in grant funding, research builds prestige, and research is where the real economic benefit of universities comes from.

But not to worry. The folks who put together this presentation had a plan, which was, I gather, put into action. Their plan: Create a new Vice President.

Read previous posts from this series