Should we really be able to drive before we can smoke?


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Rep. Teresa Tanzi introduced legislation to change the tobacco buying age to 21. I came across this in my Twitter feed just the other day, although upon further investigation, this has been reported on in The Projo.

I respect Rep. Tanzi, and oftentimes I agree with her on a lot of issues. I disagree with her on this. Adults are adults at 18, and unless there’s a strong public interest in their behavior, 18 year olds should be free to make decisions, including really bad ones like smoking. The issue of further restricting smoking raises questions for me about where we socially place smoking (i.e., Is smoking a poor person thing now?). It also feels like an overreach on account of the fact that so many important public matters remain unregulated–are we wasting our political capital annoying people with regulations while not regulating things we should? This issue is a private one, and should stay that way.

Okay, James, So Why Take this On?

Drug policy is something I’m interested in, but it’s definitely not my focus. I debated when I saw Rep. Tanzi’s tweet whether I even wanted to get involved in challenging the idea of raising the tobacco age. But ultimately, what it comes down to is trying to work out what the appropriate place for public intervention in private affairs is, and that’s something that I do want to work out for myself, philosophically.

My grandmother died of emphysema and multiple heart attacks in her early 70s because of smoking, and that experience made a big impact on me, such that as a kid I was a bit of a Puritanical crusader against other people’s smoking. I’d lecture other relatives. Hide packs of cigarettes. I really can’t know what draws Rep. Tanzi to this issue, but the reason I feel like I respect where her heart is not to be patronizing, but because I really do understand where her heart is. I can only assume that some kind of human suffering underscores this urge to bring people to a healthier lifestyle.

As you all know, I’m a pretty strong proponent for various measures that would lower our reliance on cars. Some of those proposals very much use regulation to achieve their goal. Arguably, you could say that trying to do this is Puritanical in exactly the same way. What’s central to me in this conversation is trying to figure out what qualifies as the “public” good, and where it makes sense to start impinging on people’s choices to do as they please. I believe that this proposal to change the smoking age impinges on people’s personal freedom in a way that mostly impacts individuals’ rights to be their own persons, rather than for a genuinely public good.

18 Should be 18. Mostly.

One of the issues here is what rights adults over 21 should have to legislatively limit the rights of adults 18-21. I’m 30–Wow!–but I’m surprised by how much the feeling of being marginalized as a young adult still resonates with me, emotionally. I would argue that 18 should mean 18, unless there’s an overwhelming public interest at play.

Rep. Tanzi points out that 18 year olds’ decisions differ greatly from 21 year olds’ decisions. For me, this isn’t a point of contention. The more we come to know about the science of the brain, the more it is clear that our minds change continuously throughout our entirely lives. The decisions I made even five years ago were related to the kind of person I am today, but I certainly wasn’t an identical person to who I am upon greater reflection, experience, and biological growth. The first question is teasing out to what extent this justifies taking away young adults’ rights. I made a similar appeal in a series of housing pieces I wrote about Providence City Council and Mayor Elorza enacting harsh zoning restrictions against college students in Jo-Ann Ryan’s district and other sections of the city (The ACLU backed me on that position, by the way).

I’m not exactly a purist on this. I’ve jokingly but not-so-jokingly said many times that I think the driving age should be raised to 45, and that the only people who receive exceptions should be people living in very rural areas, and people whose disabilities would benefit from being able to drive. One place that is making great gains in reducing people’s reliance on cars is Cambridge, UK. The university doesn’t allow students to bring cars to campus, and instead supplements their mobility with an excellent bus system and superb bike amenities.

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I would argue that restricting the right to drive by age is different qualitatively than doing so for smoking. Yes, in both cases it’s true that younger people are more impulsive. But in the first case, the young person is at the wheel of a very heavy piece of fast-moving machinery that can not only hurt them, but lots of other people. Young people are also uniquely capable, more than any other group, of using active transportation. So long as reasonable exceptions are made for people who really have to drive, restricting driving by age is at least arguable on the basis of public safety and well-being.

In the case of smoking, I’m not convinced. The entire State of Rhode Island and its Providence Plantations could light up at once, and so long as I’m standing a bus-length away from them and outside, their activity will have little impact on me. Smoking kills more people than car crashes or car pollution, but it also tends to kill people who have chosen smoking. In terms of actual volume and severity of pollution, cars are way worse, it’s just that typically we don’t sit in an enclosed room with the tailpipe directly in our mouths. I’m fully in favor of regulations of indoor, publicly accessible buildings to keep them smoke-free because I think the public health benefit of being able to choose whether or not one wants to be a smoking (i.e., not experience second-hand smoke) outweighs the personal freedom of individual smokers. But I’m also concerned that we’ve now passed the peak of what kinds of legislation can both be effective at nudging people away from smoking while still respecting them as individuals. Restricting smoking is more like restricting 18 year-olds’ housing (could make noise!), or restricting 18 year-old’s sex (could get AIDS, after all) than it is like restricting their ability to drive (could kill someone).

Sloe Gin

One thing that concerns me about continuing to regulate smoking beyond a reasonable balance point is that I think it’s trying to kill the golden goose. We can’t make the world perfect. We can regulate things, for sure, and those regulations are not idle. But if we go beyond a certain level of regulation, we’re in danger of creating social stigmas that hurt people.

In the 19th Century Britain, whiskey was considered a gentleman’s drink, and gin was illegal. Obviously the two have a similar effect and danger, but the difference was a social one. More recently, we have the example of differing levels of enforcement and different sentencing requirements for rock cocaine vs. crack cocaine. As a non-smoker who hates being around the second-hand smoke, I nonetheless get the feeling that tobacco is changing places with marijuana in our society. Who smokes (or at least, who is perceived to smoke?). I’m not–not even a little–suggesting that the reason that Rep. Tanzi wants to regulate tobacco more is because she personally has any kind of class bias. But I think what is true is that past movements of drug regulation have tended to draw people from varying backgrounds for varying reasons. A law like the ordinance Providence just passed to keep smoking out of public parks gained support probably as much from earnest people who want people to be healthy as it did from people who like the idea of being able to shuttle poor people out of Burnside Park, if the poor people’s smoking habits allows it. We’ve got to confront this shared alliance that tends to happen. This is one reason I think regulation of smoking in indoor public places is reasonable, but not going beyond that. Having outdoor public places that are accessible by everyone is really important. On another level, too, I wonder what will happen if we start to squeeze people out of public life entirely because they smoke. So far, no one says we should stop people from smoking in their homes, but if we don’t allow people to smoke on the sidewalk or in parks, that’s exactly where they’ll do it. And for those of us who care about childhood asthma, the biggest thing we can do to prevent smoking parents from harming their children is to get the parents to enjoy their habit somewhere where it doesn’t stick around in the air.

Medicaid/Medicare Costs

Rep. Tanzi points out that public costs for Medicaid and Medicare go up because of smoking. No doubt! Smoking is one of the worst things you can do to your body. I would support allocating taxes on cigarettes to Medicaid and Medicare, as a way of discouraging smoking and making smokers internalize costs they put on the public. But restricting the age, to me, feels like it goes well beyond this.

I often make the argument that driving less will be good for our health. But the measures I propose are different than the ones Tanzi is proposing. For one, that major way that I think we publicly impact one another’s lives with cars is by killing each other in crashes, killing each other with pollution, and tearing up our public spaces so as to make it impossible to walk or bike. Each of these requires public intervention, but the focus of the public intervention is to give people more options through collective action. A social-democrat-type liberal should always be looking for ways to collectively come together as a society for these types of goals.

On the other hand, not driving also means that people might exercise more, but I think it’s none of my business to tell people that they have to exercise. It’s totally fair for me to say, “hey, if you want to drive you’ve got to pay what the costs are” and it’s totally fair for me to say “everyone should have the option to walk or bike.” But we don’t get out their with a whistle and a sweatsuit and chase people around the yard. The goal of smoking cessation policies should be to encourage good decisions, make resources available for people to take the right steps, and regulate certain shared spaces (like publicly-accessible buildings) for the common good. We shouldn’t say “you can’t smoke because someday you’ll get sick.”

What Works to Stop Smoking?

I don’t know 100% what stops people from smoking, but I have some guesses.

In a lot of other countries, the drinking age is 18, or even lower. The big campaign to make drinking rights go to 21 was led by MADD, which ironically didn’t see that car-culture, at least as much as drinking, was the cause of drunk-driving. A lot of countries have much more consistent enforcement of DUIs than we do, while also not necessarily preventing young people from drinking, or even favoring the harsh penalties our politicians propose. And the attitude towards drinking is different in other ways. People tend to drink and ride a bicycle down the street, and there isn’t an open stigma of “walking with under the influence” which I’ve heard more than a few DOT officials use as an excuse for pedestrian injuries (How are people supposed to go to bars, then?).

I’ve not been to Europe, but I’ve had a few friends and acquaintances that live there, and their impression (anecdotally) of drinking in those countries has been that is is more moderate. There’s something to be said for the idea that if you’re introduced to drinking earlier, in a social setting among family members, and are taught that the purpose of drinking is casual enjoyment rather than getting drunk, that you might have fewer problems with alcoholism (although, I admit that I don’t have the level of expertise to prove that statement definitively).

Smoking obviously varies from drinking in that almost everyone who smokes gets hooked, and also in that the optimal amount of smoking is generally understood to be zero cigarettes, while the optimal amount of drinking is a glass or two of wine. So, to that extent, I realize that the two are not apples to apples. But don’t we owe ourselves questions about what raising the smoking age to 21 will do, from this social perspective? It starts to give smoking an even greater image of “adulthood”. It makes it more likely that one will be able to buy cigarettes at a point when one is only surrounded by other young people (as with binge alcohol experimentation in college dorms). I’m not entirely convinced that what ails us in smoking policy is that 18 year olds can do it.

Get to the Point, James.

Alright, alright. My summary is this: government should help us do things we can only do collectively, but it’s goal should be to create opportunities for choice within that framework. Government can educate us to dangers, internalize costs of our bad decisions, and create safety nets for our mistakes. But government shouldn’t go as far as to take away our decision-making ability unless there’s a very solid, very public reason for doing so. Smoking is a private decision. There a reasonable things government can do to lower smoking, but raising the smoking age of consent to 21 is not one of them. We have other problems that are genuinely impinging on our ability to function as a society, which are public. We need to regulate those, and part of being able to do that means conserving our political capital. There are also issues here in terms of how we infantilize young people. Young adults are different than older ones, but we shouldn’t let that truth guide us into black-and-white corners.

I would urge members of the State House to vote no on this bill.

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Teriyaki House ruining Christmas for unpaid employees


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2015-12-22 Teriyaki House 09Former Teriyaki House workers and their supporters picketed, held signs and sang Christmas Carols outside the downtown restaurant Tuesday afternoon to remind the owners that they have agreed to pay $36,000 in unpaid wages by March 5, 2016 as per an agreement made with the US Department of Labor. Workers held the action to “to keep up the public pressure” against Teriyaki House and “to make sure they make good on this settlement and pay up as soon as possible because workers have waited long enough for their wages.”

The workers organized through Fuerza Laboral / Power of Workers, a community organization that builds worker leadership to fight workplace exploitation, and RI Jobs with Justice, a coalition of community and labor groups. In June 2015, former Teriyaki House workers filed a complaint with the US Department of Labor regarding their unpaid wages. The employees who filed the complaint had worked at the restaurant for up to three years, between 72 and 85 hours per week. During that time, they were only getting paid between $450 and $600 a week. The restaurant management discounted two hours of lunch/break each day when workers were actually given only 15 minutes to eat their lunch and took no other breaks.

The Christmas theme was especially poignant, as unpaid workers will be foregoing many aspects of Christmas that many who celebrate the holiday take for granted. “Christmas is an important time to be with family and buy gifts for your children, but we won’t have money this holiday,” says former Teriyaki House employee Fidel de Leon, “By stealing our wages, Teriyaki House stole Christmas from us and our children.”

During the action, a man who identified himself as the manager of the restaurant stood nearby with his cellphone, filming those who spoke out about the wage theft they experiences. his actions seemed intended to intimidate the former workers, and he laughed as speaker’s asserted the facts of their case. Later, the same man exited the restaurant a second time. This time he attempted to force a worker to lower his protest sign so that the cellphone camera could capture the worker’s face.

“I worked first 6 days a week, 12 hours a day but I was only paid $514 a week, which comes out to only $7/hr without any overtime,” says Vicente Lobos, one of the former Teriyaki House workers taking action today. “I’m very happy that the DOL has reached an agreement with Teriyaki House to pay us, and we want Teriyaki House to know that we will make sure they come through with this payment. I need my money now, I cannot wait any longer than I already have.”

Teriyaki House workers are part of a greater push to organize workers all along the food chain through Food Chain Workers RIsing, led by Fuerza Laboral and other members of RI Jobs with Justice. The workers’ struggle against wage theft at Teriyaki House is also part of a larger national campaign with Jobs with Justice to pressure the US Congress to pass the Power Act. The Power Act would expand protections for undocumented workers who are organizing for their rights in the workplace.

See also:

Workers claim unpaid wages at Teriyaki House rally

Fast food workers rally for $15 and a union at Wendy’s in Warwick

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The lessons of TAXI DRIVER and THE SEARCHERS


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The last few years have seen a great deal of racial animus and language, premised on criticism of the Obama presidency, that has been directed at all African people in America. I have found that a lot of this can be traced back to a type of angst that is informed by a better understanding of Martin Scorsese’s film TAXI DRIVER and the film that inspired it, John Ford’s THE SEARCHERS.

Beginning with Francis Ford Coppola, the generation of Scorsese, which included Lucas, Spielberg, Milius, De Palma, Walter Murch, and later Kathleen Kennedy, brought to Hollywood their film school education and began a project which arguably continues to this day. Inspired by the Popular Front era films of John Ford, Howard Hawks, and other directors of the period, they set about making big-budget homages to those films from the 1930’s-1950’s, a period they saw as Hollywood’s Golden Age. STAR WARS was essentially a remake of serials featuring Superman, Buck Rogers, and Flash Gordon. ET was a live action Walt Disney film. THE GODFATHER was a three hour James Cagney gangster film combined with Sir Lawrence Olivier’s wartime Shakespeare tragedies. APOCALYPSE NOW was a World War II Pacific theater of combat film gone to hell. Milus’s other major screenplay, CONAN THE BARBARIAN, was a Robert E. Howard pulp magazine and combined with the Johnny Weissmuller TARZAN pictures. Murch’s forgotten RETURN TO OZ was a remake of the Judy Garland classic. And De Palma’s SCARFACE was a remake of the Howard Hawks picture, with the prohibition of cocaine replacing alcohol and Miami standing in for Chicago. Even Spielberg’s ‘serious’ films, such as SCHINDLER’S LIST or SAVING PRIVATE RYAN, are fundamentally indebted to Classical Hollywood films. The cinematography of SCHINDLER is based on the deep focus work of Gregg Toland in CITIZEN KANE, who also worked on many John Ford films that these film makers quote liberally, most notably THE SEARCHERS. PRIVATE RYAN, for all the blood and gore, is a Frank Capra film, complete with a happy ending that either leaves one weeping or retching. Scorsese, who came from NYU as opposed to USC or UCLA, has always injected tributes to European films in his work that the others have not, but a good deal of his work still owes a debt to Classical Hollywood Cinema.

In better grasping these two films, perhaps the dialogue we have with and about Africans in America and their lives can be advanced in a fashion that includes a better understanding of how film informs it.

BackPage and bust: how to harass sex workers and influence people


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Bella Robinson, sex worker advocate and activist.
Bella Robinson, sex worker advocate and activist.

Following Steve Ahlquist’s coverage of the vigil in memory of murdered sex workers, it seems appropriate to further discuss the nonprofit industrial complex – colloquially called the “rescue industry” – that profits off the stigma of sex workers and the key role played by the police, courts, and elected officials. An instance of this is the ongoing pursuit of sex workers and clients who utilize the website BackPage.

Local sex worker and activist Bella Robinson, who has previously faced police harassment due to advertising on Craigslist, a forum akin to BackPage, told me in the final part of our interview that the various experiences she has had with the civil infrastructure, her own reflections on reforms necessary to improve lives for sex workers, the plight of under-aged persons who turn to sex work when homeless, and blatant flaws in the nonprofits that claim to advocate for sex workers that are called victims of human trafficking.

Last May, Providence Mayor Jorge Elorza oversaw 13 arrests of men in a police sting called Operation Backpage, covered by the prohibition-toned Providence Journal:

Mayor Jorge Elorza said the stings aren’t over.
“We are speaking to anyone out there thinking about trafficking or soliciting for sex on BackPage,” Elorza said. “Beware: If you’re coming in to Providence to take advantage or abuse women, watch your back, because we’re going to get you,”
Standing at the Public Safety Complex on Tuesday afternoon with police commanders, the city solicitor, and executive director of Day One, Elorza promised more action to combat sex trafficking crimes. The police will arrest sex buyers. Day One will assist girls and women caught in prostitution.
And Elorza said he is looking at joining a federal lawsuit against Backpage.com that alleges the website is used for sex trafficking. The lawsuit was filed in U.S. District Court in Boston by three women who allege they were trafficked on Backpage.com — two of whom were 15 years old when they were first advertised as escorts on the website. The Massachusetts attorney general and the cities of San Francisco and Denver have joined the lawsuit.

This BackPage lawsuit has caused much consternation. By shutting down the websites that allow sex workers to manage their own business with a degree of autonomy, it would close a major revenue stream and give way to a return for those who victimize sex workers, the ranks of which have decreased with the rise of the internet. It is worth emphasizing that the Journal, which has a long-standing anti-labor and anti-sex worker editorial position, is sloppily misconstruing the international crime of human trafficking with a business exchange between consenting adults that was once legal in Rhode Island while simultaneously promoting so-called ‘free-market’ ethos in the business pages. This kind of yellow journalism is akin to when the press used to conflate homosexuality and activity between consenting adults with pedophilia and the rape of minor children. There is a genuine problem with human trafficking in this world but we are seeing the notion invoked to target working adults engaged in consensual activity. Meanwhile, Cardinal Bernard Law continues to not be prosecuted in Boston for one of the most widespread and systemic examples of human trafficking in recent American history. Much like the word socialism, the definition has been so totally abused and misused it has taken on two different meanings. For one group, it means protecting the vulnerable from sexual abuse. For another, it means harassment of laborers who want to remain in their line of work and pay taxes on their wages.

The mayor’s call for more BackPage sting operations is especially disingenuous because, by painting all those who utilize the website as human trafficking victims or human traffickers, it creates no gradation or allowance for variety and exercise of constitutionally-protected rights. If a sex worker is just using the site to offer legal BDSM services that do not involve actual coitus, they still can be charged with human trafficking, as was the case with Frances Franson in 1993 or the experiences of writer Kitty Stryker in 2014. The way police target legal BDSM participants is particularly disgusting. According to the National Coalition for Sexual Freedom, BDSM activity, even when totally consensual and legal, can be prosecuted under state criminal laws dealing with assault, aggravated assault, sexual assault or sexual abuse. Police can play cruel games where, if even a man’s breast is touched, that qualifies as contact with genitalia, or if blood or other non-sexual bodily fluids are even accidentally excreted due to chafing or abrasions, the participants can be arrested under prostitution and trafficking statutes. This type of state violence towards honest workers would be unacceptable in any other industry yet, because sexuality is involved in the equation, all existing norms of decency and respectability are ejected in the name of sensationalism.

Robinson points out a September 2015 news story from Oklahoma with the headline Prostitution sting: Police use Backpage.com to make 300-400 arrests since 2012; four arrested Monday and says “When the [legal] escort wouldn’t agree to [engage in a] sex act, they couldn’t arrest her for prostitution so they charged her with trafficking herself. Do we really believe that all 300 women verbally agreed to have sex for cash?” Police have even arrested suspected sex workers for charges of soliciting prostitution because they were carrying condoms! If a sex worker was to give their spouse or child monies gained from their sex work income, that beneficiary could be charged with trafficking, pandering, promoting prostitution, or profiteering based on these 2014 federal definitions and Rhode Island’s 2009 Prostitution and Lewdness law along with definitions provided in the law.

There have been instances where giving a sex worker a ride or shelter has resulted in the provider being charged with pimping or trafficking. In August 2014, Priscilla L. Franz, 31, of Chicago was arrested and booked on prostitution charges because she posted an ad on BackPage. Robinson says of this story “Ironically none of the BP ads are prostitution ads, but the cops tell the media it is so. The articles will always say this but when we pull charging documents we find the [legal] escorts did not allow cops to verbal solicit them for an illegal sex act.” Tara Burns, commenting on the extremely important BackPage v. Dart case where the court ruled in favor of BackPage’s right to host adult ads that were the target of an over-zealous sheriff, told reporter Susan Elizabeth Shepard:

“Several people contacted me and asked if I would post their ads, and I’m like, ‘No, I can’t, because that’s sex trafficking,'” Burns said. “Then once people figured out how to mail in money or use Bitcoin, then they would have other people asking them to post their ads, and I kept telling people, ‘Don’t do it, it’s sex trafficking.'”

This is what prohibition does, it forces sex workers to support the status quo of dissuading co-workers who want to work by any means necessary from doing so. These Kafkaesque laws, much like drug laws, could hypothetically also be used to target landlords who knowingly allow the operation of a sex worker venue without a license.

After a sex worker is handed over to the rescue industry, they oftentimes find themselves forced into low-wage menial labor and subjected to puritanical ethics that prevent them from private access to the internet, sexual activity outside of marriage, and contact with former associates. Or, as in the case in the film SELLING OUR DAUGHTERS, a documentary now in the final days of a crowdfunding drive on KickStarter, the head of the NGO will tell parents one thing about education of young girls in the Thai language while saying another thing about human trafficking of the very same girls in English (see video below).

While the nonprofits gain directly from sex workers, a whole cadre of professional hucksters build careers off hyperbole, ad hominen, and histrionics. They speak before legislatures while collecting handsome compensation for various publications, lectures, professional advisory opinions, speeches, public appearances, and other stops on the academia industrial complex. The war on sex workers is a racket, to paraphrase Smedley Butler. And all this for putting an advertisement on BackPage.

The publishing industry is loaded with both fiction and nonfiction titles about the sex worker who escapes the dastardly denizens of the industry. For example, the recent writings of the otherwise-decent Chris Hedges, who is giving a platform to prohibitionist and con artist Rachel Moran, are fully-loaded with typical hallmarks of the prohibitionist movement and slams those who support decriminalization as monstrous. In an earlier piece, he wrote “If we accept prostitution as legal, as Germany has done, as permissible in a civil society, we will take one more collective step toward the global plantation being built by the powerful.” Hedges may say that sex work is a manifestation of the neoliberal agenda and that ending prohibition is allowing it to take more power over our lives, but it seems clear to most proletarian anti-prohibitionists that in fact his ideas are feeding directly into the neoliberal mass-incarceration project. Anti-sex worker laws have a vicious tendency to target poor people of color. And once they are jailed, low-cost labor provided by the prison generates cheap goods for major manufacturing corporations. And while this goes on, politicians who pursue these BackPage busts are able to use the arrests as campaign talking points while aiming for higher office.

As was said at the outset, it is an industry. In a future, post, we will discuss one particularly nasty instance of a rescue industry profiteer and in another policy moves that need to be taken to make life better for sex workers.

Sex worker readers interested in contributing their voices to this continuing project are invited to contact our publication. Conscientious of the challenges facing laborers, we will offer a variety of options to protect contributors. Interested parties can contact Andrew.James.Stewart.Rhode.Island@gmail.com.

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