Ed Fitzpatrick, Center for Freedom & Prosperity, RI Future agree on library funding


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RI Future, the Center for Freedom and Prosperity and now the Providence Journal’s Ed Fitzpatrick all agree on this one: Rhode Island’s library funding formula is way too regressive. This odd trio represents a fairly decent cross-section of the local punditry, and another great reason why the General Assembly should pass Rep. Shelby Maldonado’s and Sen. Betty Crowley’s bill that would help reduce the library funding disparity.

Rhode Island is very generous to libraries in affluent suburban communities and relatively stingy to the libraries in poor urban cities. In fact, the state library funding formula funnels the most state aid per resident to, in order most to least: Barrington, Jamestown, North Kingstown, East Greenwich and Cumberland. The least state aid goes to, in order least to most: Central Falls, Pawtucket, Woonsocket, West Warwick and Providence.

RI Future analyzed state library aid in March of last year and found per resident the state offers the most financial aid to some of the most affluent communities in Rhode Island while the poorest communities receive the least state aid. Click on the image to read the post from March, 2014.
RI Future analyzed state library aid in March of last year and found per resident the state offers the most financial aid to some of the most affluent communities in Rhode Island while the poorest communities receive the least state aid. Click on the image to read the post from March, 2014.

RI Future first reported this in March, 2014. The state funding formula for libraries is so regressive that even the Koch brother-aligned Center for Freedom and Prosperity recognized it needs to be altered in its Spotlight on Spending report last year. The attention inspired Rep. Maldonado and Sen. Crowley, both of Central Falls, to author legislation that would increase state library funding to the poorest cities in the state.

Fitzpatrick joined the chorus in his Sunday column, with an endorsement of Maldonado’s and Crowley’s bill. It is “absolutely a good idea because libraries are especially crucial sources of information and education in poorer communities, where fewer people have the money for laptops or books from Amazon,” he wrote.

It’s worth noting that Central Falls’ library was shuttered when the city went through bankruptcy and at the time the state gave more matching funds to Barrington than it would have cost to keep Central Falls’ library open.

Debating the Heritage Foundation


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Stephen Moore, conservative economist who doesn’t understand Rhode Island.

Stephen Moore, the Royal Economist at the Heritage Foundation came to town last Saturday, to debate me in an event sponsored by the Rhode Island Center for Freedom, Prosperity, and Apple Pie. Was it an educational experience?  Well, possibly.

I did learn, for example, that Moore knows pretty much nothing about Rhode Island politics, economics, the history of its manufacturing sector, or even the legislative history of the past 25 years. And he admits it, too, though he very much wants our state to take his advice. For example, he made repeated references to the way we “demonize” business owners and tax them at high rates without being able to be specific about what he meant, or to contradict the long list I gave him of tax cuts for rich people we have enacted over the past 20 years. In fact, the number of broad-based tax increases enacted by the state legislature since 1993 is zero, while taxes were cut for rich people in 1996, 1998, 2001 (twice), 2005, 2006 and 2010.

Sam Bell was with me and between the two of us, we cited not just the tax cuts, but specific facts about abortion, guns, and labor at the state house, to point out that Rhode Island has been in the grip of conservative ideology for two decades — despite control of the Assembly by the Democratic party. Faced with these examples, Moore persisted in saying there was no evidence (his words) that Rhode Island was not ruled by liberals. After that, it’s difficult to imagine what, precisely, he would think constituted evidence.

Moore even repeated the right-wing shibboleth that raising the minimum wage will make unemployment rise. Now of course he has to claim that, or else go back on years of his writing. Still, it’s an odd thing to baldly make the claim in a state where the minimum wage went up in January and the unemployment rate has just ticked down, a month or two later. Do I think those are cause and effect?  No, not simply, but it is at least consistent with the effects I predict for an increase in the minimum wage. It seems to me that there is a heavier burden on the person who claims that the future will be exactly the opposite of what happened just last month, but Moore does not appear to see it that way.

Despite both his ignorance of our state and utter disregard for the evidence Sam and I did present, Moore happily claimed that yet more tax cuts for rich people — doing away with the estate tax, or even better, the income tax — are the cure for what ails our state. Late in the debate, he fell back on the claim commonly used by people who can’t win on the facts: “perception can become reality.”  As if if the only rational way to address the misperception of business magazine editors and conservative economists is for the state to sacrifice a billion dollars of revenue.

He further insisted that we needed to do something “bold” and suggested Rhode Island should become a “right to work” state. He blamed our loss of manufacturing on unions, though of course our state’s biggest lost manufacturing sectors (textiles, plastics, costume jewelry) were not heavily unionized. Beyond this, there is a decent body of evidence to suggest that Rhode Island’s economic troubles stem mainly from underpaying its lowest-paid workers, but time limitations and the moderator prevented me from presenting that evidence. (It is, however, described in my book, “Ten Things You Don’t Know About Rhode Island” a copy of which I inscribed and gave to Moore since he so obviously needed it.)  But all the other evidence I presented was ignored, so I don’t see that Moore’s side of the debate suffered much for this.

So in the end, what do we learn?  That Steve Moore, and those who enable him, such as the Center for Apple Pie that sponsored this debate, care very little for evidence or for anything that might disturb or even enrich their understanding of our state and its economic woes. But that’s ok for them, because they are supported by a legion of people who agree with them, like those in the audience on Saturday.

Here’s the problem, though. As I’ve written before, there is a moral dimension to lobbying. Lives are ruined and people die because of bad decisions made at the state house. Advocates have a responsibility to test their hypotheses in an intellectually honest fashion. Our state has a high unemployment rate. That is where inquiry begins, not where it ends. It matters a lot to sensible policy whether that is due to state policy, federal policy, history of the labor market, the decisions of private employers, the conditions of the local credit market, the price of tea in China, or anything else. A responsible advocate will examine as many possibilities as seem reasonable before insisting on a solution. But I didn’t see any of that curiosity on display Saturday. Indeed, I got a couple of indignant snorts from the audience merely for suggesting that if you look at our state’s unemployment rate in terms of metropolitan areas, it might tell a different story than looking at state rates. (There are 32 metro areas in the country, in a dozen different states, in worse shape than Providence.)

Quite to the contrary, Moore is willing — even eager — to parachute into our state and make outrageous recommendations about state policy while remaining ignorant of pretty much all the actual facts. This, it seems to me, is a deeply irresponsible use of the prominent position he holds. So that’s what I learned on Saturday. I was paid to be there, so that was ok for me, but if you slept in on that rainy morning, and weren’t at URI to see our little show, it seems to me that you probably came out ahead.

Wingmen: Austerity report uses samuri sword to do work of scalpel


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wingmenThere’s been no shortage of cursory – and even congratulatory – reporting on a new report from a right wing think tank that details how to shrink government to make way for more tax cuts. But when I debated Justin Katz, one of its authors, about its merits, it turns out there is much less substance to the report than it would appear.

Because it uses a samurai sword to do the work of a scalpel, it makes at least a few errors as well as makes some incorrect claims that were repeated by the media. Watch here and then I explain a few examples below:

News, Weather and Classifieds for Southern New England

One example we discussed on this weekend’s NBC 10 Wingmen segment was the idea that the state would save money if it eliminated a golf course at Goddard State Park. While I don’t love the idea that the state operates a golf course, the report wasn’t about public spending items we love and/or hate, it was about ways to save the “taxpayer” money. I will bet both Katz and Mike Stenhouse that eliminating the golf course at Goddard Park will actually increase the cost of operating that state park, not reduce it. (I don’t know this for certain, but neither did Katz – and he co-wrote a report saying it would save money to eliminate it.)

I happen to live near Goddard Park, so I know it well, but I suspect the report is littered with such fallacies that I don’t happen to know intimately. True story: the state used to charge admission to Goddard Park until we were reminded that the Goddard family gave it to us with the stipulation that it be open and available for free. Perhaps, by extension, it should be free for the people of Rhode Island to golf there. But it’s not free, and making it free or eliminating this source of revenue will not save the state money.

Another fallacy with this report is that it doesn’t cut social services. It does. The report itself details a $2,500 legislative grant to the Johnnycake Center, a food pantry in South Kingstown that provides nutritious meals to poor children when school isn’t in session. While legislative grants are by no means perfect, by the report’s own admission some are used to fund social services. Either the report cuts the social safety net or the Johnnycake Center isn’t part of the social safety net.

And this is just one such example of an agency or organization that works with people in poverty was singled out in the report. Another is the John Hope Settlement House. The reality is small government budget hawks have pushed some “essential” or “social service” public spending outside of the traditional budgeting process. Good, bad or indifferent it simply isn’t true to say this report doesn’t cut social services.

Other ideas in the report are simply economically foolish, like ending the full day kindergarten program or selling off the state’s nuclear reactor to a private entity.

It’s at least worth noting that such reports aren’t really about public policy. Its authors know well that many of its proposals are either politically untenable, wrong or just silly. But, in the same way this report cites Ken Block’s widely discredited report on SNAP fraud in Rhode Island, the real hope is that it will be used as a talking point in political debate. To that end, the small government activists who authored it have done their job well. But the political reporters who repeated its errors and/or gave a less than accurate account of its findings did not do theirs very well.

Economists agree: Little reason to trust stink tank’s economic modeling


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mrmoneybags Tom Sgouros and Jason Becker are both well-respected critical thinkers in Rhode Island politics, though they don’t often have opportunity to agree – for example, Sgouros has been critical of the new state education aid funding formula that Becker helped devise.

But it turns out the two have found common ground when it comes to the Center for Freedom and Prosperity. Both agree the science, as it were, associated with the right wing think tank’s plan to eliminate the sales tax is built on rosy predictions and politically-charged assumptions.

Last week Sgouros wrote two posts on the right wing think tank’s specious use of economics in their proposal to shrink state government by reducing the sales tax (here and here). This inspired Becker to take a closer look at the modeling used for its report. After doing so, he tweeted, among many others:

and

Additionally, he tweeted these questions and concerns:

Becker also tweeted this report compiled by an University of Arizona economist (you can check her credentials here) disparaging the same economic modeling tool that the RI right wing think tank used to push its preferred policy here as the Goldwater Institute was using in Arizona.

In it, she wrote, “They should know that models can only be used for modest changes from existing economic conditions and that results from modest changes cannot be used to predict what would happen with large, never before seen, changes in policies.”