Justin Katz, Joe McNamara, and all this Gaspee chatter


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mcnamaraWhat do Democratic Party Chair Joe McNamara, Justin Katz, the burning of the HMS Gaspee, and a concentration camp have in common? Quite a good deal!

There is a bit of a schoolyard tiff being had out in public today between Joe and Justin where they are trying to see who can be the most bloviating about colonial history in Rhode Island. Joe is having a fit because some outfit called the Gaspee Project is doing typical right wing think tank nonsense and Justin is posturing and preening about how this is all within the heritage of the Gaspee.

Joe is very involved with the annual Gaspee Days celebrations of these events, including marching in the parade every year. He is very dedicated to this image of civic engagement and the role the Gaspee plays in that image, ergo the use of that historical incident to go after him and/or his colleagues is a huge taboo.

As someone who spent five years researching every aspect of the Gaspee incident, I find this spectacle patently offensive and white supremacist, not to mention banal as all hell after communing with the soul of Hannah Arendt.

An advertisement for a runaway slave in the predecessor of the ProJo.
An advertisement for a runaway slave in the predecessor of the ProJo.

In 2010, with the help of Drs. Richard and Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban and Ray Rickman, I decided to make a film about the Gaspee and what really happened.

The Gaspee was a revolt by American colonists against English efforts to abolish slavery, plain and simple. The English Parliament had begun to levy a series of taxes on slave trade-related commodities, including rum, molasses, and sugar cane, and slave traders like Moses and John Brown did not like that. As such, they decided to launch a nighttime citizens militia attack against a government tax enforcement agency, the HMS Gaspee. Whereas Joe and thinkers like him look at the Gaspee and think red, white, and blue, I see the same iconography and think of Auschwitz.

The fact that Justin Katz, whose political movement to criminalize abortion uses American abolitionists as a rhetorical device sometimes, does not know this basic element of the history of the abolitionist movement in Rhode Island indicates just how preposterous such analogues truly are. The fact McNamara consistently calls the Gaspee raiders, who were engaging in a vanguard attack on behalf of the Triangle Trade genocide against Africans, patriots and heroes is indicative of what Frantz Fanon described as cognitive dissonance.

130808b Frantz Fanon

On behalf of this cognitive dissonance, in November 2014 Joe premiered a documentary created with the Gaspee Days Committee about the Gaspee, produced after he had seen my film about this topic, AARON BRIGGS AND THE HMS GASPEE, that totally leaves out the fact this whole incident was all about the enslavement of human beings and treating African people as if they were lower than pig droppings.

So, in closing, I hope we all learned something.

I hope Katz has learned to stop giving praise to slave traders and actually do some basic historical research that goes beyond the tawdry material offered by the Gaspee Days website. But then again, looking at the Gaspee Project’s website and ideology, perhaps he is actually correct, their mission is pretty much in line with the ideology of John Brown.

I hope the general readership has learned that, when the Tea Party does it over taxes that can unfairly target working class people while giving freebies to the rich, Joe and his fellow Democrats call it extremism, but when rich white men who trade in human slaves do it, they are “patriots”.

And I hope we all have understood that part of getting rid of white supremacy is beyond going after random personalities who say boo about people of color and gets into toppling structures such as our Disney-fied colonial history to show the ugly, racist, despicable nature of it all.

This country was founded on two genocides that are inter-connected. The first was the extermination of the Native Americans, begun here in Rhode Island when Roger Williams sold captives taken from the Pequot War out of Boston to Bermuda, which proves that his glory as some kind of freedom fighter is white supremacist garbage.

The second was the genocide against Africa, which was enacted because the refugees from the Pequot War escaped inland and told their fellows to migrate West to escape the wrath and wickedness of the white man. That migration reduced the number of Natives the colonists could enslave, therefore they looked across the Atlantic to the Gold Coast for a fresh supply of human beings.

The Gaspee incident was our Warsaw ghetto uprising. Aaron Briggs, who I profile in my documentary, was the Afro-Indian youth who tried to rebel against the slavery system by trying to testify against the Gaspee raiders in the trial the British set up to figure out what happened.

And the Gaspee raiders were the Nazis who suppressed the uprising and continued the murder.

Some would perhaps say that using an analogue between the Shoah and American slavery is problematic for any number of reasons. Ah, but here’s the rub, Adolf Hitler said in Mein Kampf that his plans for the Final Solution were modeled on the American treatment of people of color.

Those who are curious about further elements of this story can find a good deal of scholarship in Dr. Gerald Horne’s excellent monograph The Counter-Revolution of 1776: Slave Resistance and the Origins of the United States of America or my film AARON BRIGGS AND THE HMS GASPEE.

If you like my reporting,please consider contributing to my Patreon!
If you like my reporting,please consider contributing to my Patreon!

Ray Rickman on Elorza, possibilities for Providence


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Ray Rickman, the head of Stages of Freedom and a former member of the General Assembly, offered tough criticism and some sage advice for Providence Mayor Jorge Elorza, who recently announced severe fiscal problems in the Capital City.

Rckman14_360_239_90“So he’s trying to signal to us bankruptcy might be required,” Rickman said. “I think it’s inappropriate.”

Rickman isn’t confident Elorza can handle the task. “He doesn’t have the fiscal understanding or experience to manage this problem nor does his administration,” he said. “It is so obvious that they don’t have the ability to tackle this.”

“First thing he should do is assemble a group of people,” Rickman said. “I don’t know if it’s 15 or 20, but he needs to get some financial advice… He has to take responsibility. I think he should get a group of people in place that understand municipal finance.”

Rickman said property taxes can fairly be raised on those with the largest lots in the city.

“The more land you have, the lower your taxes,” he said. “So if you’re on the East Side and you have three lots, they charge you less money, no matter how valuable your land is… There are twenty people, very, very rich people with very big pieces of land and they don’t pay the tax that they would pay if they had a piece of land 1/3 of the size.”

Rickman said bold new ideas are necessary.

“I think you have to examine the whole ball of wax before you start deciding what to do,” he said. “We have scores…[of] millionaires on the East Side of Providence… Could we get a fund for Providence?”

For more of Rickman’s insights, click to listen to the audio below.

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A #BlackLivesMatter winter reading list


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black-child-and-booksRace and racism is the topic of discussion in the press. Yet it remains to be seen if this discussion will include the use of the dreaded c-word (class) or dare use the g-verb of what harms people of color daily (gentrification). Here at RIFuture, we want to spice it up a little and talk about those issues as part of a guide to activists in #BlackLivesMatter and other movements.

We are approaching winter. I hope to suggest some books that activists can study amongst themselves so to better grasp how to radicalize their movements. Included on the list are suggestions by Antoinette Gomes of the Rhode Island College Unity Center, Ray Rickman of Rhode Island Black Heritage and Stages of Freedom, Jim Vincent of the NAACP, and Imam Farid Ansari of the Muslim American Dawah Center of Rhode Island, who has a background as a member of the Nation of Islam. Although these individuals have contributed to this list, the politics of volumes I suggest should not be construed as their own nor should my comments connected to my suggestions be conflated with their views. I would also be remiss if I did not add that, even though I consider myself a white ally, the reality is that any person of color has a better understanding of these issues in their little finger than I might in all my years of research. This is not intended as anything other than polite suggestion.

  • Lies My Teacher Told Me: Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong by James W. Loewen (Suggested by Antoinette Gomes)
  • Citizen: An American Lyric by Claudia Rankine (Suggested by Antoinette Gomes)
  • In the Matter of Color: Race and the American Legal Process: The Colonial Period (Race and the American Legal Process, Volume I)/Shades of Freedom: Racial Politics and Presumptions of the American Legal Process (Race and the American Legal Process, Volume II) by A. Leon Higginbotham (Suggested by Farid Ansari)
  • The New Jim Crow by Michelle Alexander (Suggested by Jim Vincent)
  • Between the World and Me by Ta-Nehisi Coate (Suggested by Ray Rickman)- A meditation on race in America.
  • March: Book One by John Lewis (Suggested by Ray Rickman)- Congressman Lewis writes about his childhood and the beginning of his work in the Civil Rights Movement.
  • The Autobiography of Malcolm X As Told to Alex Haley– This book remains a vital manual for understanding the inherent value of any member of a minority group. Despite the problems in the text caused by Haley’s intentional distortion of Malcolm X’s politics, it is a critical volume.
  • A Lie of Reinvention: Correcting Manning Marable’s Malcolm X edited by Jared Ball and Todd Steven Burroughs- When Marable’s biography of the slain leader was published posthumously, the Left in America was stunned by its lunacy. Obsessed with tabloid sexuality issues and trying to say that Malcolm X prefigured the neoliberal Obama administration, it was roundly condemned by everyone who knew the truth. Several rebuttal volumes were published but I would argue this is perhaps the finest. There is a corresponding collection of media files featuring discussions with various Left African American scholars at Prof. Ball’s website.
  • The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon– Fanon was lying on his deathbed and dictated the material to his wife as it was written. The book analyzes the decolonization and how oppressed peoples can reorganize their societies. The first chapter, titled On Violence, was a stunning riposte to pacifists.
  • Black Skin White Masks by Frantz Fanon– Here the author writes a classic psycho-analytic dissection of racism and how it affects the victims.
  • The Souls of Black Folk by W.E.B. Du Bois– The book that argued ‘the problem of the Twentieth Century is the problem of the color line’, something all the more relevant today. Du Bois spared no punches when he fired across the bow of Booker T. Washington and dared people of color to dream of something greater than the lives of vocational workers dictated by the Tuskegee Institute.
  • John Brown by W.E.B. Du Bois– John Brown, the abolitionist martyr, was not the first to say Black Lives Matter, but when ‘he captured Harper’s Ferry, with his nineteen men so few/And frightened Old Virginnia till she trembled thru and thru’, the entirety of the United States was rocked so hard it caused a Civil War. I have previously written CounterPunch where I argue this is an essential volume for all white activists to read.
  • Race and Racism: An Introduction by Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban- A fantastic volume that explains the intricacies and contradictions of race written by a longtime member of the Rhode Island Black Heritage Society who taught classes on this topic at Rhode Island College.
  • Orientalism by Edward Said– A classic dissection of the notion of ‘The Orient’ as an imperialist construct.
  • The America in the King Years Trilogy by Taylor Branch- Branch’s epic biography of Martin Luther King, Jr. has some flaws, especially considering his too-close-for-comfort relationship to President Bill Clinton, yet this is essential reading, especially the first volume, Parting the Waters.
  • Hopeless: Barack Obama and the Politics of Illusion edited by Jeffrey St. Clair and Joshua Frank- This volume is a Left-progressive response to the Obama administration. It includes essays from radical African writers to poor white southerners who have been equally marginalized by the neoliberal policies of this president.
  • Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paolo Freire– This volume that argues for a re-definition of how teachers teach and students learn. Our charter school champions in the state and city governments could learn a thing or two from Freire.
  • What Gandhi Says: About Nonviolence, Resistance and Courage by Norman Finkelstein- Finkelstein is originally a Marxist and advocate for the Palestinians. Yet he turned to Gandhi to develop a manual for the people he loves so dearly and ended up giving us all a gift, dedicating the book to members of Occupy Wall Street. He has no delusions about the Mahatma and is very open about this but also has some stunning insights to share.
  • Communists in Harlem During the Depression by Mark Naison- A fantastic case study of liberation politics and a cautionary tale. The Communist Party had some truly brilliant moments, such as their campaign for the Scottsboro Boys, and some truly problematic ones.
  • A Brief History of Neoliberalism by David Harvey– When you go to another country, you find political parties that have wildly different economic programs. Yet both the American Democratic and Republican Parties rely on identity and social issue politics to win votes. Why? The reason is that both parties subscribe to a brand of economics called neoliberalism, which dictates mass-privatization of public utilities, eradication of the social safety net, and austerity policies. Harvey presents a very readable and vital history of how America got to where we are today economically.
  • Here I Stand by Paul Robeson- One-half memoir, one-half manifesto, this testament of the unabashed champion of his people, who faced censure from the McCarthyist mob in the 1950s, is a brilliant short collection of writings.
  • Anarchism: From Theory to Practice by Daniel Guérin– A classic pamphlet that explains the basics of libertarian socialism and the history of a communist movement that values liberty in a fashion far more honest than the old Leninist tradition did.
  • On Liberty by John Stuart Mill– Whenever one talks about rights and liberty, they consciously or unconsciously are invoking the ideas laid out by Mill.
  • A People’s History of the United States by Howard Zinn– The author was open in his later years he made some mistakes and tried to impose a doctrinaire vision of class on the history of America that had some blind spots, including a gap regarding LGBTQQI people. Yet the book is so beautiful in some parts I still find myself misting up, especially when I read this passage:
    There is no way of measuring the effect of that southern movement on the sensibilities of a whole generation of young black people, or of tracing the process by which some of them became activists and leaders. In Lee County, Georgia, after the events of 1961-1962, a black teenager named James Crawford joined SNCC and began taking black people to the county courthouse to vote. One day, bringing a woman there, he was approached by the deputy registrar. Another SNCC worker took notes on the conversation:
    REGISTRAR: What do you want?
    CRAWFORD: I brought this lady down to register.
    REGISTRAR: (after giving the woman a card to fill out and sending her outside in the hall) Why did you bring this lady down here?
    CRAWFORD: Because she wants to be a first class citizen like y’all.
    REGISTRAR: Who are you to bring people down to register?
    CRAWFORD: It’s my job.
    REGISTRAR: Suppose you get two bullets in your head right now?
    CRAWFORD: I got to die anyhow.
    REGISTRAR: If I don’t do it, I can get somebody else to do it. (No reply)
    REGISTRAR: Are you scared?
    CRAWFORD: No.
    REGISTRAR: Suppose somebody came in that door and shoot you in the back of the head right now. What would you do?
    CRAWFORD: I couldn’t do nothing. If they shoot me in the back of the head there are people coming from all over the world.
    REGISTRAR: What people?
    CRAWFORD: The people I work for.

This list of books is not perfect and I do not pretend to that. I would be a fool not to note that there are almost no titles that deal with feminist issues and almost no women authors. I would in fact love to see Elisha Aldrich or another woman put together that list. But I hope that, armed with a curriculum that will keep these young people busy until spring, the winter will not kill the activist spirit as it did in the case of Occupy Providence. In the era of the charter school and cops who body-slam young women to the schoolhouse floor as if it were wrestle-mania, critical thinking in minority youths is a public enemy and democracy is the real terrorist threat. My hope and the hope of many is they will embrace their potential and create a big-tent movement that embraces labor unions, progressive religious bodies, women’s groups, LGBTQQI liberators, and a radical press to start a peaceful rebellion and win a bloodless class war.

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AARON BRIGGS AND THE HMS GASPEE: How white supremacy still reigns in RI


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AARON BRIGGS AND THE HMS GASPEE will be screened on November 24 at 9 pm. All proceeds will benefit the Providence Industrial Workers of the World Office Fund. Tickets are $2. We invite RIFuture readers, contributors, and message board writers to come and engage in an open discussion about these topics. A version of this essay was previously published by CounterPunch!

“Why not make a film about the Gaspee?”

CLICK HERE TO VISIT THE EVENT PAGE!

In 2010, I was out of work with a BA in Film Studies from Rhode Island College and nowhere to go. My mother, one of the primary supporting forces in my life, suggested I produce an independent documentary about the 1772 burning of the HMS Gaspee in Warwick, Rhode Island, an attack on a British ship that is seen by many local residents as the ‘First Blow For Freedom’ in the American Revolution, predating the Boston Tea Party by more than a year and involving gun violence against a British officer, much more bombastic than tossing some beverage mix overboard. However, what I found along the way would prove to be much more than purely educational. In my work trying to better understand the particulars of June 9, 1772, I discovered the way that white supremacy works in New England, what the forces of power will do to maintain control, and how people will sometimes violently react to suggestions that alter their perspectives.

To begin, what exactly happened when the Gaspee was burned?

aaronbriggsOn June 9, 1772, a ship called Hannah, owned by the merchant John Brown, was returning from sea and sailed into Narragansett Bay, the major waterway of Rhode Island. The HMS Gaspee, captained by a man called Dudingston, hailed the boat for inspection, as the vessel might have been carrying untaxed goods and was returning from trade on the Notorious Triangle, as the slavery circuit was called by Dr. Jay Coughtry. But instead, the Hannah gave chase. Brown’s boat, a lighter packet ship, angled in close to the shore in the shallows at Namquid Point, tricking the much-heavier schooner Gaspee to run aground. The Hannah continued on to Providence and alerted John Brown, who led a marauding party later that evening. Returning to the beached ship in the early morning, the raiders opened fire, wounding the captain, and setting the boat ablaze. Beginning in 1965 and celebrated every May into early June, residents in the community near the site of the original attack commemorate the event with a series of parades, fairs, and re-enactments called Gaspee Days.

But things are never so simple, and to understand what really happened, you must understand who John Brown was.

John Brown is a figure whose life and money is intertwined with the very fabric of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. Since his ancestor Chad Brown was one of the original settlers of Providence, he and his brothers, through their business Brown Brothers Incorporated, created a mercantile empire to make the Rockefellers seem like like amateurs. They ran a successful import/export business across both the Atlantic and Pacific. They built ships and materials necessary for nautical voyages. They funded Samuel Slater, the man who built the first textile mill in America, and therefore jumpstarted the Industrial Revolution. They founded the first bank in the state. But the hinge of the entire Brown fortune was their trade in human beings. As early as 1636 and until well after the foundation of the United States, the Brown family was one of the most active and prosperous families in the slave trade.

From a simplistic mathematical perspective, the Brown family did not put the most human bodies on the shores of Rhode Island, so one can argue that they were not the largest slavers in the state. But from a Marxist perspective, taking into account the basic political economy of their business interactions, they were the most impactful business in not just New England but perhaps in the entire country. They built the ships that were sold to other slavers. They owned metalworks that forged the chains that were used to hold men and women in bondage below deck. In the time of the slave trade, merchants worked in markets operating under up to five different foreign currencies, so instead the day-to-day transactions of the trade were based on a barter system of sugar cane, molasses, and rum. Up and down the East Coast and in the Caribbean, the Browns owned and operated sugar plantations and distilleries, not to mention businesses that built barrels to transport these various sugary extractions. They were not merely involved in the Triangle Trade, they were the Triangle Trade. On the night of the Gaspee attack, an African/Native American teen named Aaron Briggs was brought to help aid in the raid. Later, Briggs would go on to try and testify against his master so to gain manumission, something that was prevented by an active campaign of silence by colonists who were opposed to the British. For such a dire infraction, it can be said Briggs did receive blows, but they certainly were not for freedom.

This heritage proves to be quite problematic in New England, a region that likes to pretend it was on the right side of history because it provided Union soldiers to fight the Civil War. But this is far from the reality. People in Rhode Island have no qualms about maintaining a status quo where black and brown people live in ghettoes while millionaires go yachting in Newport. For a state that prides itself on history, people are apt to forget the Boston bussing riots, where Louise Day Hicks threatened to assassinate Sen. Edward Kennedy for supporting desegregation. Racism is something that happened in the South a long time ago and is not a problem here because this state is solid blue Democrat and gave its electoral college votes to Barack Obama both times.

In the case of Brown University, endowed with John Brown’s fortune and built using slave labor, the administration has been historically reticent. For centuries, literally, the topic was a taboo that was not talked about. In 2000, Drs. Carolyn and Richard Fluehr-Lobban of the Rhode Island College Anthropology Department, along with colleagues from the Rhode Island Black Heritage Society, recognized the moment had come when they might force this discussion into the open. The John Brown House, previously a private museum, had come into financial arrears and needed to be absorbed by the Rhode Island Historical Society, meaning it was now being funded by tax payers who had the right to insist that the building tours be modified to include mention of slavery. This led to an 18 month dispute, culminating in August 2002 with the unveiling of a plaque from Black Heritage that said the words ‘slave trader’. In 2003, Brown President Ruth Simmons, granddaughter of a slave herself, appointed a Steering Committee that later issued a report with suggestions for future scholarship and memorial.

However, Brown is quite territorial and wishes to maintain absolute control of the narrative. The head of the Center for the Study of Slavery and Justice, Prof. Barrymore Bogues, has accused me of unprofessional conduct for interviewing the Fluehr-Lobbans and other figures who forced the discussion to begin while not including him. The people in charge of the Gaspee Days celebrations have vandalized my posters advertising the film (though I must admit that a select few members, such as Latina educator Marta Martinez, bookseller Karen Calkins of Twice Told Tales, and Jeff St. Germain, owner of Little Falls Cafe and father with his husband Matt of an adopted African American child, have been supportive). Last year, with the assistance of the State of Rhode Island’s video production unit Capitol TV, traditionally used for the broadcasting of sessions from the State House, the Gaspee Days Committee produced its own documentary that white-washes the unsavory aspects of this story and glorifies men who traded in human flesh as heroes. This is the definition of racism in New England, not a glaring image like a burning cross but a conspiracy of silence and ignorance.

At this point, I have no delusions of grandeur about making it big with my documentary. But I remain forceful in fostering the discussion through screenings and other promotions. Why? In cities like Ferguson or Baltimore, the recent protests occurred because the reality is that community celebrations and heritage festivals did not make a place for historical persons of color. That cultural apartheid is dangerous.

The Pawtuxet area has evolved in a way where black and brown children are now moving into the area thanks to the suburbanization of a growing black middle class. Unless we create a narrative that not just has space for a few token blacks but instead celebrates their contributions from the beginning, we will have a tragedy on our hands very quickly. Gaspee Days began this year on April 3 and there is no discussion of Aaron Briggs. The children of color continue to expand in population and grow in age.

Like a pressure cooker, one can feel the white supremacy at work.