Op/ed writers pick up ‘political football’ fumble


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wallstmainstForget the football analogies, maybe Ed Achorn was writing this morning’s misleading Providence Journal editorial while his beloved Boston Red Sox were getting goose-egged by Detroit (his most reviled municipality) last night?

Like Gina Raimondo did in 2011, the Sox crushed the ball against Tampa Bay. But last night the hirsute home team looked more like the Gina Raimondo of 2013, swinging and missing against more major league pitching. Raimondo’s only hit since being at-bat against the likes of Ted Seidle and Matt Taibbi has been to label the recent influx of high-and-tight, hard-hitting, anti-Wall Street journalism as “political football.”

I posted about political football Wednesday morning and both ProJo op/Eds (Fitzpatrick and Achorn) followed suit this weekend. It was an obvious great line right from the get-go. Interestingly, the Providence Journal news coverage led with the quote in print and the online version ended with it.

Ed Fitzpatrick looked at how the national narrative about Raimondo has gone from protagonist to “Wall Street Raimondo.” (we like to call Raimondo a Wall Street Democrat). I wrote that I thought it hypocritical that Raimondo used pensions as a political football when it was to her advantage and dismissed them when it did not.

Conversely, Ed Achorn wrote that people in unions are against good. And those who support their interests are childish. And failing to cut pensions would have been akin to “murdering” the private sector. (I am not making this up, you can read it for yourself here!!) It begins:

Frank Caprio, the last Democratic nominee for Rhode Island governor, made his mark by pledging to stand up to the special interests and fight for the common good. Public-employee unions did not like that very much, and turned on him with a vengeance in 2010, tearing down Mr. Caprio while dragging Lincoln Chafee into the governor’s office.

But wait, it gets even more ridiculous. Those who don’t agree are just being childish:

It would be nice to make politically powerful groups happier with more generous retirement benefits, but grownups realize the state has only so much to spend on government. There are other areas that cry out for funding; notably education, roads and bridges, and programs to help the neediest among us.

I would agree that education, infrastructure and ending poverty are more important that pensions, and so would every single retiree. Where we disagree is whether these are either/or propositions. Well, Rhode Island’s paper of record’s official editorial voice actually wants you to believe that cutting pensions was necessary to save capitalism!

Murdering the goose that lays the golden eggs — the private sector — would have hurt public employees vastly more than making some reasonable changes in the system. Reform was a question of math, not politics.

Well Rhode Island, if you thought the Ed Achorn era as op/ed editor was bad, wait till we get a healthy dose of the Ed Achorn era minus Froma Harrop. The ProJo really needs to send Achorn to the showers and bring in someone from the bullpen who isn’t scuffing the ball.

Taibbi is still missing the real story


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taibbi democracy nowI want to thank Matt Taibbi.  Unlike many national journalists, he admits when he goes far too easy on Rhode Island Democrats.  On Friday, he published a new article acknowledging Raimondo’s party affiliation and tying her to the national trend of conservative Democrats in the Wall St. camp.  If you ignore a glaring and egregious spelling error, it’s a great piece.  Taibbi ends with my favorite line, “Readers, if I’m missing something, please let me know.”

That’s an invitation I can’t turn down.

There is still much that bothers me about Taibbi’s approach of going soft on Rhode Island Democrats.  I wish, for instance, that he wouldn’t use the deceptive right-wing phrasing “pension reform” to describe the pension cuts.  But I have a much more foundational critique.  He is missing the bigger story–what has happened to the General Assembly.

Raimondo, as Taibbi rightly notes, is very similar to a number of conservative Democrats around the country with strong ties to the finance industry.  But this sort of pro-finance attitude is a fairly common feature of the modern Democratic party.  Sadly, the conservatism of General Assembly Democrats takes on an entirely different character.

Most out of state pundits forget this, but the legislature that so gleefully passed the pension cuts is the same legislature that passed a voter ID law.  These are the people who gave us a D+ rating from NARAL Pro-Choice America–the worst of any solid blue state.  It was these so-called Democrats who pushed through the steep 2006 tax cuts for the rich that blew up the budget in the first place.  The top four leaders of the Democratic caucus in our state legislature–House Speaker Gordon Fox, Senate President Teresa Paiva-Weed, House Majority Leader Nick Mattiello, and Senate Majority Leader Dominick Ruggerio–have each taken thousands of dollars from the NRA.  And I believe those contributions were illegal.  (The Board of Elections is still deliberating on my complaint.)

Down the line, the policies the General Assembly’s leadership has enacted have not been the policies of ordinary Wall St. conservative Democrats.  They have been the policies of Republicans.

As Ann Clanton famously put it when she was Executive Director if the Rhode Island Republican Party, “We have a lot of Democrats who we know are Republican but run as a Democrat–basically so they can win.”

Raimondo is not as extreme.  When leadership wanted to skip a pension payment during the recent budget battle, Raimondo and some of the more moderate conservatives in the House balked.  I don’t know how true this is, but she does claim that she opposed one of the more odious components of the pension cuts.

On social issues, Raimondo makes a cleaner break from the extremists in the General Assembly.  She is pro-choice.  Unlike the leaders of the General Assembly, she is not an NRA Democrat.  Although she never issued a full divestment statement, she did pressure a distributor to stop distributing assault weapons, and she did send out a press release saying she would look into divestment.  (Full disclosure: I led an unsuccessful calling campaign to try to get her to issue a formal divestment statement.)

Let me be clear.  I am no fan of Raimondo.  I plan on voting against her in the primary.  But I understand that she is not as conservative as the nominally Democratic leadership in the General Assembly.

I trust Rhode Islanders to stand firm against the money tsunami and vote Raimondo out of politics this September.  In a gubernatorial race, there is enough press scrutiny that it is very hard for this sort of conservative to win.  But in tiny, low-turnout Democratic primaries for General Assembly seats, where politics has more to do with personal connections and money than issues, candidates far more conservative than Raimondo routinely win easily.  That’s the core problem Rhode Island faces.  And that’s the story I wish Matt Taibbi would cover.

Rolling Stone on RI: ‘Looting the Pension Funds’


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wall street democratWhen Wall Street broke the American economy, the Pew Center for the Public Trust told Rhode Island and others it was the retirees’ fault. So we cut their salaries and transferred the savings to the same sector that broke the economy in the first place. That’s how renowned Rolling Stone journalist Matt Taibbi describes the Ocean State’s 2011 pension cuts.

The blockbuster article accuses Raimondo of transferring wealth from local retirees to Wall Street tycoons, which has become an increasing narrative about the rookie general treasurer since Ted Seidle exposed her reliance on hedge funds.

Today, the same Wall Street crowd that caused the crash is not merely rolling in money again but aggressively counterattacking on the public-relations front. The battle increasingly centers around public funds like state and municipal pensions. This war isn’t just about money. Crucially, in ways invisible to most Americans, it’s also about blame. In state after state, politicians are following the Rhode Island playbook, using scare tactics and lavishly funded PR campaigns to cast teachers, firefighters and cops – not bankers – as the budget-devouring boogeymen responsible for the mounting fiscal problems of America’s states and cities.

It also ties together the Pew Charitable Trust and former Enron trader and Engage RI financier of working together to overstate the “unfunded liability.”  This is especially interesting because legislators, experts and reporters all relied on research done by the Pew Center during the lead up to the pension legislation.

In 2011, Arnold and Pew found each other. As detailed in a new study by progressive think tank Institute for America’s Future, Arnold and Pew struck up a relationship – and both have since been proselytizing pension reform all over America, including California, Florida, Kansas, Arizona, Kentucky and Montana. Few knew that Pew had a relationship with a right-wing, anti-pension zealot like Arnold. “The centrist reputation of Pew was a key in selling a lot of these ideas,” says Jordan Marks of the National Public Pension Coalition. Later, a Pew report claimed that the national “gap” between pension assets and future liabilities added up to some $757 billion and dryly insisted the shortfall was unbridgeable, minus some combination of “higher contributions from taxpayers and employees, deep benefit cuts and, in some cases, changes in how retirement plans are structured and benefits are distributed.”

What the study didn’t say was that this supposedly massive gap could all be chalked up to the financial crisis, which, of course, had been caused almost entirely by the greed and wide-scale fraud of the financial-services industry – particularly with regard to state pension funds.

A study by noted economist Dean Baker at the Center for Economic Policy and Research bore this out. In February 2011, Baker reported that, had public pension funds not been invested in the stock market and exposed to mortgage-backed securities, there would be no shortfall at all. He said state pension managers were of course somewhat to blame, but only “insofar as they exercised poor judgment in buying the [finance] industry’s services.”

In fact, Baker said, had public funds during the crash years simply earned modest returns equal to 30-year Treasury bonds, then public-pension assets would be $850 billion richer than they were two years after the crash. Baker reported that states were short an additional $80 billion over the same period thanks to the fact that post-crash, cash-strapped states had been paying out that much less of their mandatory ARC payments.

So even if Pew’s numbers were right, the “unfunded liability” crisis had nothing to do with the systemic unsustainability of public pensions. Thanks to a deadly combination of unscrupulous states illegally borrowing from their pensioners, and unscrupulous banks whose mass sales of fraudulent toxic subprime products crashed the market, these funds were out some $930 billion. Yet the public was being told that the problem was state workers’ benefits were simply too expensive.

It concludes:

The bottom line is that the “unfunded liability” crisis is, if not exactly fictional, certainly exaggerated to an outrageous degree. Yes, we live in a new economy and, yes, it may be time to have a discussion about whether certain kinds of public employees should be receiving sizable benefit checks until death. But the idea that these benefit packages are causing the fiscal crises in our states is almost entirely a fabrication crafted by the very people who actually caused the problem. It’s like Voltaire’s maxim about noses having evolved to fit spectacles, so therefore we wear spectacles. In this case, we have an unfunded-pension-liability problem because we’ve been ripping retirees off for decades – but the solution being offered is to rip them off even more.

It’s well worth a read if you still don’t understand how Raimondo used pension cuts to enrich Wall Street or if you still don’t understand how the the 1% wants pension funds to fuel their continued economic growth.

NN Panel: No Such Thing as Progressive Security Policy


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Left to Right: Michael Hastings, Ali Gharib, Dr. Kristin Lord, Tom Perriello

That’s my takeaway from the Netroots Nation panel Intervention, Isolation, and the Future of Progressive Security Policy (watch the full panel in that link), which was moderated by Adam Weinstein of Mother Jones; and featured Tom Perriello (fmr. U.S. Representative for VA-5 and now president of the Center for American Progress Action Fund), Dr. Kristin Lord (here on her own behalf, but from the Center for a New American Security), Ali Gharib (of ThinkProgress), and Michael Hastings (a reporter for BuzzFeed and contributing editor for Rolling Stone whose coverage of Afghanistan forced the resignation of Gen. Stanley McChrystal). Like the Occupy Our Homes panel, this was a last-minute decision

Mr. Weinstein opened up with a question about what a progressive foreign policy looks like if President Obama wins a second term. To which nearly all the panelists argued that the President had not pursued a foreign policy based on progressive grounds but on realist grounds. However, they mainly argued for intervention on humanitarian grounds. At which point Mr. Hastings was given a chance to speak, and said: “I didn’t know there was a progressive security policy.” He made the point that to be included in the national security conversation, you have to be either a neocon or a liberal hawk, and folks like Ron Paul or Dennis Kucinich see their views sidelined by establishment thinking.

There was quite a lot of talk about “humane intervention”. When do we do it, when don’t we. Mr. Gharib pointed out that the Libyan intervention, and the pursuit of such wars via air strike avoid the responsibility for post-war order. Dr. Lord thought that the Libyan intervention had turned out to be the right call, though she was opposed at the time. Mr. Hastings said that the problem with “humane intervention” is that it’s only deployed when the principles align with strategic interests; witness the reluctance with Syria versus the active response against Libya. Mr. Perriello said that ultimately a large military interest will always trump a humanitarian interest.

The problem to me with the “humane intervention” argument is that it essentially ignores the views of the American people: 76% of Americans would cut the national defense budget. It’s pretty clear that Americans are consistently tired of focusing on military intervention. And yet, even as we have claimed that our military is advancing democracy around the world, our own government has been hesitant to advance democracy through other means: the Arab Spring caught us almost completely by surprise. I can think of no statement about Tunisia. I do remember the pathetic response to crackdown on the Egyptian Revolution by Hosni Mubarak. Instead of threatening to remove military support, the United States called for cellphone and internet service to be turned back on. Instead of saying we supported democracy, we said we supported “stability.”

Progressives have been incredibly acquiescent to the whims of a president who has a kill list, has assassinated American citizens while expanding the definition of “militant” to include anyone who happens to be shot, expanded a secret drone war, and who threw more troops into Afghanistan with no real purpose. When Mr. Hastings says he wasn’t aware there was a progressive security policy, it’s not because he hasn’t looked hard enough. It’s because when you scratch the surface, there’s nothing there.