Cutting low income dental care costs as much as it saves


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LInda Katz, the executive director of the Economic Progress Institute, at a recent conference.

Making budget cuts to low income dental care may sound like a good way to save money but it will actually cost the state slightly more than it will save, says Linda Katz, the executive director of the newly named Economic Progress Institute.

That’s because, she said, for every dollar the state spends on low income medical assistance the federal government provides matching funds.

So while the state would save $2.6 million by cutting low income dental care for the tens of thousands of Rhode Islanders who make use of this program, the Department of Human Services would actually lose more than $5.2 million in funding. More than $5.2 million because the feds actually match $.52 on the dollar, Katz said.

“It’s easy to talk about raw numbers,” she said. “But you have to understand what is behind those numbers.”

At a presentation last week, Katz said for the last few budget cycles those on the right have talked about making cuts health and human services spending because it has gone up 72 percent over the past decade while the overall state budget has only increase by about 40 percent.

While that’s true, much of that increase to health and human services comes in the form of federal dollars.

Consider food stamps, for example. Yes, the state distributes some $298 million worth of food stamps, but 99 percent of those dollars comes from the federal government, Katz said.

Given that food stamp spending has gone up some 368.5 percent over the past ten years, according to her presentation, it accounts for a significant increase in the health and human services spending in Rhode Island, but almost all of it comes from the federal government, rather than directly from Rhode Island taxes.

Of course, the vast majority of the increases to health service spending has been in providing medical benefits. But this increase has mirrored the increases in the private sector, Katz said. Citing a Kaiser study, she said family medical coverage has increased 11 percent over the past ten years.

“The same factors that are driving up costs in the private sector are driving up costs in the public sector as well,” she said.

These increased costs should be something that Rhode Island is willing to absorb.

“Certainly everybody should have access to high quality affordable health care,” she said.

Why Should Politics Be Boring?


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“Friends, I shall ask you to be as quiet as possible. I don’t know whether you fully understand that I have just been shot; but it takes more than that to kill a Bull Moose. But fortunately I had my manuscript, so you see I was going to make a long speech, and there is a bullet – there is where the bullet went through – and it probably saved me from it going into my heart. The bullet is in me now, so that I cannot make a very long speech, but I will try my best.”

Roosevelt (top) speaks emphatically during a stump speech

So begins Teddy Roosevelt’s “It Takes More Than That to Kill a Bull Moose” speech, which he delivered for 90 minutes with a bullet in his chest. Moments before he had been the victim of an assassination attempt but, true to his image, he decided to make his speech anyways. Though he veered from his prepared remarks, Roosevelt made an impassioned speech asking the voters of Milwaukee to support him in his bid as the Progressive Party’s presidential candidate. A third-party candidate in a multiple candidate race, former President Roosevelt utilized the wound spilling blood into his shirt to attack newspapers supporting his opposition; sitting President William Howard Taft of the Republican Party, future President Woodrow Wilson of the Democratic Party, and future political prisoner Eugene Debs of the Socialist Party. Even in 1912, media bias was an issue, media objectivity a farce.

Roosevelt was not the last great American orator, but the end of the 20th Century seems to have finished most of them off. If President Obama is the greatest speaker of his generation, then it reflects poorly on his apparently inarticulate generation. The era of the sound-bite should’ve sharpened oration, not dulled it. Every sentence should be a sound-bite. Instead, we nestle them away, like jewelry hidden in a sock drawer. Modern speeches have all the pep of socks in a drawer, you know exactly what’s coming. There is only one way the State of the Union ends: some slight variation on “the state of the Union is strong,” and then “thank you. God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.”

Perhaps much of this is the media’s fault. With its eagerness to jump on any misstep by anyone, the result has been that candidates shy away from powerful imagery or anything that could be taken out of context. Reliably tested and polled talking points dominate. No one wants to be Mitt Romney, quoted as saying “I like being able to fire people.” The full sentence was “I like being able to fire people who provide services to me. You know, if someone doesn’t give me a good service that I need, I want to say, ‘I’m going to go get someone else to provide that service to me.'” This was all in the context of how the tax structure makes it hard for individuals to purchase health insurance. But those seven words, “I like being able to fire people,” fit into a media narrative of Mr. Romney and the nuance got lost. That’s what happens, you get reduced.

Roosevelt also stands apart for being interesting. Patrician, imperialist, patriarchal reformer; all these things are true about him. But Roosevelt fought against the excesses of the Gilded Age and for conservation of land. It’s largely thanks to his Presidency that many of our open spaces exist at all. Plenty of Roosevelt’s successors were interesting, but after about 1968 our presidential candidates have largely lost any real interesting backstory or compelling narrative, instead descending more into the seedy. What can be said of President Obama’s or Mr. Romney’s careers? There is little drama there. The tension of President Obama was his historic first, that an African-American President would finally rule over the country, nearly 150 years from the end of the Civil War and 50 years from the end of Jim Crow’s pseudo-slavery. No one today, however, looms larger than life.

Buddy during Bristol's Fourth of July Parade

Perhaps the largest figure produced in Rhode Island in recent years is Buddy Cianci. Despite the obvious corruption which seems to have quashed his political career, Cianci without a doubt changed Providence for the better. It would have been impossible for him to rule for over 21 years (with a seven year interruption) otherwise. In all honesty, I miss the Renaissance City image he cultivated; it conjured up da Vinci and Michelangelo. “The Creative Capital”, with its $200,000 “P” seems a pale imitation. I was too young to ever hear Mr. Cianci speak, but he seems energetic and emphatic if not overly eloquent in the sole clip I can find of him at the 1980 Republican National Convention. It won’t endear him any to anyone but you get a quick sense of what his speaking ability was like. I do remember him briefly taking the stage at my sister’s high school graduation to hand out jars of his marina sauce. Mr. Cianci has always struck me as much like Huey Long, although without the populist message.

In contrast, Rhode Island has always dealt with patrician politicians of an odder mold, along with its share of awkward policy wonks. Though I view the latter as necessary, the former generally entrench elite interests except for the few that push to assist the poor. Claiborne Pell was one of those exceptions. The recent State of the City speech by Providence Mayor Angel Taveras hasn’t made Mr. Taveras appear much more than a man in a difficult position to me. Hamstrung by the budgetary demands of austerity, Mr. Taveras may simply be unable to be the robust booster the city needs, and it may not be in his style to appear a fighter. He has an opening with Brown University, but it’s unclear whether he’ll take it.

Finally, Lincoln Chafee to me seems someone with a chance to be interesting who just hasn’t managed to find his voice. A former farrier, a defier of the Bush Administration while a Republican (voting against the Iraq War when so many “progressive” politicians got that call wrong), the state’s first independent Governor… There is much to Chafee that just doesn’t come through. This may well handicap him if he decides to pursue reelection in the 2014, though that is too far away. But it certainly will handicap him over the next three years of his term. Without charisma, Chafee can be easily misconstrued and portrayed negatively by his opponents.

We decry the reduction of media to entertainment, that it cheapens politics. But we can be overzealous in our application of this as well. PolitiFact works fine when it checks actual facts; too often it has strayed into opinionated statements about rhetoric. Frankly, I’d rather have politics entertaining than dull. People sat and listened to Roosevelt speak for 90 minutes while he bled from the chest (some tried to stop him and get him to seek medical attention). Do you think they were all there because they really loved Roosevelt, or do you think the fact that there weren’t televisions, electronics, movies, or even radio had something to do with it?

Politicians compete for attention with every other possible distraction in the world. This is the society we live in. Why should I listen to a politician when I’ve got work to do or can play Angry Birds on my smartphone? It’s pretty simple. Engage people and win.

‘Utter Chaos’ on Compassion Centers Less Chaotic Than It Appears


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Gov. Lincoln Chafee

Rolling Stone recently published a story about President Barack Obama’s policy about face on medical cannabis which has inaugurated Bush-style crackdowns and raids. In it, Rhode Island’s own Governor Chafee is quoted as calling the results of the shift “utter chaos.”  Ted Nesi published a quick overview of the issue on his blog, Nesi’s Notes along with many links on the issue. Mr. Chafee has signed a joint petition along with fellow governor Christine Gregoire of Washington asking the DEA to reclassify cannabis as a Schedule II drug; one that has a legitimate medical use. That petition was delivered in November, and though it meets federal requirements, no one expects the Federal Government to get around to changing the rules any time soon.

It’s surprising to see the Governor coming out so forcefully against federal policy in the pages of Rolling Stone, since here in Rhode Island he’s faced local opposition after blocking the dispensaries/compassion centers from going ahead. Christine Hunsinger, the Governor’s press secretary said that the Governor was pursuing the “dual paths” of pushing for federal reclassification while also looking to tweak state law as to prevent incurring federal wrath. There’s some fear on the part of the State that larger amounts of cannabis and money could trigger a raid, one that would potentially involve state employees. An April 2011 letter from United States Attorney Peter Neronha to the Governor never specifically mentions state employees, but does say that “others who knowingly facilitate [dispensaries]… should also know that their conduct violates federal law.”

JoAnne Leppanen, the executive director of the Rhode Island Patient Advocacy Coalition (RIPAC), doesn’t think that fear is legitimate. Though a letter similar to Mr. Neronha’s was delivered to Governor Gregoire in Washington which did threaten state employees with felony charges, Ms. Leppanen says this may have something to do with the nuances of Washington law. Ms. Leppanen says an attempt by the Governor of Arizona to not follow that state’s law regarding medical cannabis on the grounds of protecting state employees was tossed out by federal courts, and state courts forced compliance.

Regardless, Ms. Leppanen says RIPAC has no immediate plans to sue the state. Indeed, she says the patients, many of whom have turned to cannabis as a remedy of last resort, have no desire to “be at odds” with Governor Chafee. She says that RIPAC supports the tweaks, and believes that the law’s driving force, state Senator Rhoda Perry (D – Providence) is receptive to making changes intended to keep the federal government away from any particular compassion center. Ms. Hunsinger says that the Governor understands the importance the dispensaries. Both Ms. Hunsinger and Ms. Leppanen aren’t optimistic that the federal government will reclassify cannabis any time soon.

There seems to be agreement between both sides as how to proceed. As Ms. Leppanen says, “everyone wants to see these open. Let’s just do it.”

Drinking Liberally Tonight (Weds)

From DL:

Just wanted to put out a tickler to join us for drinks, conversation and an all around good time tomorrow at Wild Colonial. And our apologies for the duplicate messages last week, we were obviously working out some technical kinks! See you then!

DL Providnece Presents Faces you should know – Feb. 22 from 7 – 9pm

2012 is already shaping up to be an exciting year in politics. Not only is it a presidential election year, but we have our local politics to keep us entertained. With the ongoing redistricting fight, the many social and economic issues that will be at play in elections, and Netroots Nation coming to RI in June, we knew we needed to get the gang back together and kick-start Drinking Liberally Providence. As the new hosts of DL Providence, we thought it was fitting to dedicate our first month to the new faces in Rhode Island politics.

On the Docket for Wednesday:

Continue reading “Drinking Liberally Tonight (Weds)”

Chase bank charges fees to use unemployment debit cards


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Trimming the costs of governance isn’t inherently a bad thing, but charging the unemployed fees to access their account information probably isn’t the best way for the state to save money.

However, that’s exactly what happened when Rhode Island outsourced the management of unemployment fund accounts to JP Morgan Chase in 2007.

“JPMorgan Chase agreed to operate the system at no cost to the state – if it could charge fees to those receiving unemployment benefits,” reports David Klepper of the Associated Press.

About 35 percent of the 41,000 Rhode Islanders on unemployment use what’s called an Electronic Payment Card to access their benefits. Ostensibly, these would be the people that are so poor they don’t even have a bank account. But Laura Hart, a spokesperson for the state Department of Labor and Training said others on unemployment “may appreciate the convenience of the EPC format.”

Or they may not, once they consider the fees JP Morgan Chase charges to use the service: a $.50 fee to check your balance; $1.50 to withdraw funds more than once per week; $3 for using a bank out of the system.

“The fees shift the cost from state governments to the consumer,” Lauren Saunders, a lawyer with the National Consumer Law Center, told Klepper.”These are people living on thin margins already.”

While Rhode Island isn’t the only state to outsource these costs – at least 40 other state do, according to the AP – the state senate last week voted to have the governor review the fees Morgan is charging.

The bill, if passed, would require that all fees for using the debit card be stated on the card itself. It was sponsored by Sen. William Walaska and Erin Lynch, both Warwick Democrats.

Currently, according to Hart, cardholders are given “literature” that explains the fees. “Additionally,” she said in an email, “DLT produced an information video about avoiding EPC fees” that is on the DLT website.

She also said that “most” fees associated with the EPC cards can be avoided.

Laboratories of Democracy Must Push for More Democracy


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In case you’re not following the steady stream of bills being introduced in the General Assembly (I only do it because I was asked to), you might not have noticed the introduction of a pair of bills that entered both the House and the Senate. If brought to a vote, they should pass, and this would make it the fourth time they’ve come up in the General Assembly, defeated by various methods despite their popularity.

I’m talk about H7388 and S2333, which sign Rhode Island onto the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact (NPVIC). Introduced by Representative Raymond Gallison and Senator Erin Lynch, respectively, these bills have pretty wide support in both houses. H7388 has 45 co-sponsors, meaning if each co-sponsor votes for it, it’s passed. S2333 has exactly half of the Senate as co-sponsors, with 19. The only thing that kept this from getting passed last session was that somehow it never made it to the floor of the House for a vote. In the Senate, it passed overwhelmingly, supported by vast majorities of both parties.

Now, naturally, there’s always going to be pushback. Anchor Rising has discussed criticisms of the NPVIC before, and I encourage you to read their criticisms. Then I encourage you to read the myriad responses National Popular Vote has listed over the years (there’s a lot of it). I would expect AnchorRising to be against this, because they’re conservatives. Conservatives, naturally, are supposed to be resistant to change (hence, conserving the government as it is), and there’s nothing wrong with the impulse of “if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it.”

But the reality is we live in an ever-changing world. There are other impulses in the world. The Electoral College as a system isn’t exactly broke, but it doesn’t work perfectly (four out of 56 elections have produced skewed results) and it certainly doesn’t work everywhere. Just a handful of states got more than 15 visits in the last presidential election. The fact of the matter is that a national popular vote is wanted by the majority of voters in the country (majorities in both major parties and independents), in the state, and the General Assembly.  This isn’t a get onto the streets and march for it sort of support, it’s more of the casual; “yeah, that would be good.” Government works best, in my opinion, when it responds to those sorts of needs. When it does the thing that’s not only popular but also good for the nation before citizens have to rally to get it.

One of Anchor Rising’s alternatives is one I’m in agreement with as a general reform anyway; increasing the size of the United States House of Representatives. This is another good-government policy that is actually in keeping with longer traditions. The reasons there’s all this redistricting hullabaloo each year and states fretting over losing an electoral vote is because back in 1920, Congress decided not to expand its numbers; had it done so, power would’ve concentrated in the hands of the cities and the Northeast; where most people lived at the time. Since then, our numbers have been stuck where they are, with representatives representing vastly disproportionate numbers of citizens.

Anchor Rising calls this a “simple fix” but really, it’s not. If it was a simple fix, then it’d be done already.

States have alternatives when Congress is unwilling to act to implement positive change for the country. Too often, even among those who say they’re proud proponents of states’ rights, we forget just how radically and differently our states are allowed to act from the country. We argue about tax rates, about how to get federal money, etc., etc. Very few states are actually undertaking any real change, any real experimentation, any novel ideas. Rhode Island needs to be a state that does. Signing onto the NPVIC is a step in that direction. It should be brought to a vote speedily and efficiently, in both chambers this session, and then signed by the Governor.

Occupy East Bay tonight, Occupy URI teach-in on Thursday

A new Occupy group is starting in Rhode Island and while the first one focused on Providence this one will focus on the East Bay.

“People there are interested in doing something,” said Randall Rose, one of the organizers of Occupy East Bay, which meets tonight at the Bristol Library (525 Hope St.) from 6 to 8 p.m.

“It’s not the only place,” said Rose, who was heavily involved with Occupy Providence, “but it’s the furthest along.”

Occupy URI is another new local offshoot of the 99 percent movement that is forming in the Ocean State. The group has met twice so far and a “teach-in” is planned for Thursday at 3:30 to 6:30 in White Hall, room 205. Presentations will include Helen Mederer, of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology and Scott Molloy, a professor of Labor and Industrial Relations.

Here is a video from a previous Occupy URI meeting:

Payday Reform and Policy Change: A Recent Conversation on Sonic Watermelons on BSR


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PROVIDENCE, RI – Are Rhode Islanders paying fees for loans that are higher than what residents in other states are paying? The answer in some cases is yes – 260% versus 36%. Learn more about the type of loans that charge these rates, the impact of these loans on RI families, and what you can do to stop the practice in this excerpt from my interview with Margaux Morriseau and Nick Figueroa of the RI Coalition for Payday Reform.

It’s from the February 8, 2012 edition of Sonic Watermelons on BSR (Brown Student and Community Radio) – a show I produce as part of my work on VenusSings.com and with Isis Storm, a collective of artists, writers, and educators who empower women and underserved communities through performances, workshops, and media projects.

For more information on the topic, click here to listen to the full interview or click on the handouts provided below by the RI Coalition for Payday Reform.

FYI:  Hear Sonic Watermelons live every Wednesday, from 6:00-8:00 PM…

Presented by Venus Sings and Isis Storm
Because the World is a Big Place
With Big Ideas and Lots and Lots of Music

Live or archived: bsrlive.com
Studio phonelines: 401-863-9277
Contact: IsisStorm.com, VenusSings.com

Jack Reed Work-Sharing Language Passes

Little fanfare, but this work-sharing legislation will (hopefully) come to make a difference in the lives of millions of Americans by creating incentives for employers roll back hours during downturns rather than lay people off wholesale.

If you needed to cut payroll by 10%, the new law would make it more sensible to reduce everybody’s hours by 10% rather than lay off one out of ten employees.

This week, Congress passed the Middle Class Tax Relief and Job Creation Act of 2012 that carried the essential provisions of work-sharing bills proposed by Sen. Jack Reed and Rep. Rosa DeLauro. The bill would have the federal government pick up some of the expenses associated with state work-sharing programs, thereby giving them more incentive to promote work sharing….

Work sharingor short-time compensation as it referred to in the bill, allows workers who had their hours reduced to receive benefits equal to half of their reduction in pay. From the standpoint of the worker, the employer, and the economy as a whole, it is likely to be a better outcome if workers can be kept on the job working shorter hours rather than being laid off.

Brown can and should pay Providence more


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While it was the hospitals Mayor Angel Taveras met with late last week, the focus again this week will likely be a new deal with Brown University.

After all, the hospital industry in Rhode Island is struggling, reports Megan Hall of Rhode Island Public Radio. The hospitals here lost a combined $4 million last year, the Hospital Association of Rhode Island said. Six of the 11 lost money, but the lobby group wasn’t saying which ones.

Brown University, on the other hand, is doing quite well.

It’s endowment is worth $2.5 billion this year, an increase of 19 percent from the year before. That’s the money the Ivy League School has in the bank. While the endowment invested some $100 million in offsetting the university’s costs last year, a mere 14 percent of the school’s overall budget, its nest egg grew more by more than $400 million.

Taveras expected to get about $4 million a year from Brown – or about 1 percent of what the school earned on its investment last year. That’s not a big slice of the profits.

It’s true, Brown may have lost much more than that in the 2009 crash, but over the last ten years it’s endowment has gone up by a comfortable 7.7 percent. It’s also true that Brown has the smallest endowment in the Ivy League, but that’s a little bit like being the biggest city in Wyoming: Cheyenne is no more urban than Brown is poor. This Wikipedia list ranks it as the 28th richest college or university in the country.

Brown may be the single best influence on the city of Providence – its employs thousands of people, the commercial districts on Wickenden and Thayer streets owe their very existence to the students and staff there and its cultural offerings are a boon to the entire community.

But Providence is a pretty good thing for Brown, too. And it’s very safe to assume that the best and brightest will think twice about spending $50,000 a year to attend the prestigious university if its located in a financially destitute city.

Brown should pay up not only because it can afford to do so, but also because it’s in its best interest to do so.

The Gospel Is Too Important to Put Down

I’m an atheist. Let’s put that aside right away. I’m an atheist for very personal reasons, and it’s a decision I arrived at after very careful thought and much emotional difficulty. And I understand that this distinction sets me apart from a large majority of my peers and indeed the rest of Americans. To say that life is difficult for an atheist is an understatement, we can see the proof of this today with Jessica Ahlquist in Rhode Island. And as we put a close to this chapter in our history I want to make a call for unity going forward.

Plenty of religious leaders have already made the call for civility from their congregations after the horrific response from people as a result of the court decision. No doubt these folks who put out such an outpouring of hate considered themselves good Christian people, but I hope the aftermath of that hatred made them question that. Christianity is based far more on the New Testament than the Old Testament, and as such is far less violent and more martyr-based. The God of the Old Testament is a violent, jealous God. The God of the New is a loving, forgiving God. In this sense, it might be good to ask, are those who are quick to lash out when they feel their beliefs are under attack followers of Elijah or followers of Jesus?

That said, I do take issue with many atheists. Take for example, Rick Perry’s “Strong” advertisement. It was awful. It still is awful. It never should have aired, and it sort of signaled the end of Rick Perry as a viable candidate for President (if he ever had been). But one of the things that struck me was the angle that some of the inevitable parodies chose to take. The worst “parody” was almost as bad as “Strong” itself. Go ahead and watch it. Personally, I find it unwatchable. In every way, it’s just as bad as what it mocks. It makes me ashamed.

The best parodies, in my opinion, tapped into the shame religious folks felt watching Perry proceed to make an ass out of Christianity (my personal favorite). The best put Perry out there as something most people aren’t like. They didn’t dwell on religion, and instead relied on an exaggeration of Perry’s own words to make a fool of him. There wasn’t a sense of superiority. Too many atheists I run across have a sense of superiority combined with a unwillingness to listen. I understand, religious issues force visceral reactions; it’s why the religious right relies on them heavily. And I understand that there are religious folks just as superior and unable to listen (“Bill, you’re such a good person, it’s a real shame you’re going to hell”). The main difference is that atheists aren’t backed by large community organizations like churches. They exist in the minority and on the fringe.

Despite the case of Cranston, Rhode Island is still one of the least religious states; 79% of Rhode Islanders/Connecticuters are absolutely or fairly certain in a God or Universal Spirit, according to Pew Research’s most recent poll on the subject (their sample size required them to combine Rhode Island and Connecticut, there’s a 5% margin of error). Anyone reading that sentence has pretty much understood the issue here; agnostics and atheists are in the minority, by a long way. As I said, being an atheist is no walk in the park. Much of American life is still organized around churches and religious centers.

The secular left cannot afford to be ignorant of this. It cannot pretend to live in a non-religious America. A secular society is a tolerant society, not an atheistic one. There is a well-established precedent that there is a wall of separation between church and state, and this is good. Religion gets corrupted by politics as it has been many times over. The first argument for a secular America should be the protection of religion. How many times in the past did the Vatican intervene in politics? How many died for the political ambitions of past Popes? Take a look at the Lord’s Resistance Army, and tell me this isn’t a corrupt version of Christianity.

But understanding that does not mean that religion must be exorcised from political talk. For much of America’s history, the Bible acted as the main form of literature of the majority of households. People learned to read from it, they learned how to write, its language continues to seep into American speech today. Three of the world’s major religions use parts of it. Even those who have never read the Bible know phrases from it, or at least bastardizations of those phrases; “…it is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of God,” “…the love of money is the root of all evil…” etc., etc. The King James Bible is more influential on the English language than Shakespeare. To be unable to utilize its very rich language is to be unable to speak to a huge audience. The study of the Bible is important for the secular left, if only to grasp the very real arguments Jesus makes against greed and corruption.

But beyond that, we must understand more about Christianity than many would perhaps like. One of the most interesting shifts in American thought is a shift in religious doctrine from postmillennialism to premillennialism. To put it briefly, millennialism (nowadays condemned by the Catholic Church) is the belief in a thousand-year reign of Christ prior to the Last Judgement that will be a paradise on Earth. Postmillennialism is the belief that this paradise will come before Christ’s second coming. Premillennialism is that it will come after Christ’s second coming; the famous idea of the “rapture” where the good are called to Heaven is a strain of premillennial doctrine.

The implications are vast. In the former, it is possible for humanity to build a good and just world and make it last. In the latter, humans are sinful and only the good will survive. Leftists must make the appeal to the former, for a nation that strives for a postmillennial world, where we can indeed build a good and decent society. Where we all need to pull together to create a perfect society, where we have it in our power to be so. The implications of the other idea are selfish and greed-based, they resist interaction, they resist society, they resist each other.

To succeed as a movement, there must be a willingness to engage all who would assist, no matter whether they believe in God or express strong doubts. We must recognize the good in each other, our commonalities, and learn to accept our differences. No one should want their beliefs unfairly foisted on another person, just as they would not want the beliefs of that person foisted on them. Hatred wins no one friends.

Cicilline’s Race to Lose

Saying U.S. Representative David Cicilline is vulnerable isn’t news, it’s akin to saying the sky is blue. But despite his flagging popularity, it will be difficult for a known-quantity challenger to knock him off in the primary. It seems likely that Anthony Gemma will be that challenger, having all-but made the announcement. David Segal seems unlikely to attempt to challenge Cicilline again and Bill Lynch’s last-place showing two years ago puts him out of the running, as Mr. Lynch never managed to define himself as much more than a member of the Democratic Party. Two years ago, every candidate facing Mr. Cicilline attempted to position themselves as the anti-Cicilline, with none besides John Loughlin succeeding (who was only the anti-Cicilline by default).

That struggle to make oneself appear to be the true opposition led to a split primary where Mr. Cicilline never managed to pull in even 50% of the vote in any one particular locale, yet still managed to win pluralities in most of the parts of US Congressional District 1. The typical view is that any three-way or larger race will likewise favor Mr. Cicilline again, as candidates attempt to define themselves as the anti-Cicilline and never hit it off with the primary voters. But I think this view is flawed.

Counterintuitively, I believe that a three-way race between Messrs. Cicilline, Gemma, and Segal opens the door somewhat to a close primary where Mr. Cicilline could be defeated by either of his opponents, though I’d lean towards this scenario favoring Mr. Gemma due to resource reasons. Although, perhaps whatever polling Connection Strategies is up to might be more illuminating. Regardless, it might perhaps help if I show you a handily-made map with the percentages each candidate won the last time everyone went head-to-head.

All Numbers Percentages: Cicilline (Purple), Gemma (Red), Segal (Green), Lynch (Blue)

If you’re looking at the map, you’ll notice just how much of a turf-war the 2010 Democratic primary was for the non-Cicilline candidates. Mr. Gemma was strongest in the north, while Mr. Segal was strongest in the south and Providence. Mr. Lynch did best in Pawtucket and East Providence, but his inability to carry Pawtucket proves his poor popularity. Likewise, he was far behind in Providence, which is the key to any Democratic primary. Much of Rhode Island can be sacrificed if one has a large presence in Providence, but that was where Mr. Lynch was weakest. With more voters from Providence now in CD1, the capital city’s importance is even greater in 2012.

Mr. Lynch’s voters are free. My view is that Mr. Lynch was much like Mr. Cicilline in terms of where they lie on the political spectrum; solid Democrats. Perhaps Mr. Lynch stood slightly to the right of Mr. Cicilline, but that’s mere conjecture. Therefore, I’d expect Mr. Lynch’s voters to behave much like Mr. Cicilline’s; with the one caveat that they didn’t vote for Mr. Cicilline the first time, so they’re more likely to vote for an opposition candidate. Mr. Cicilline’s voters may be having buyer’s remorse, and may be shopping around for a new candidate.

The importance is with Mr. Segal’s voters. Mr. Segal, a former Green Party City Councilman turned Democratic State Representative from Providence is perhaps best described as hailing from Howard Dean’s “Democratic Wing of the Democratic Party”, a.k.a., the left. Mr. Segal’s voters are most likely to have voted for him because they enjoyed his positions; liberal on social issues, interventionist on economic issues, and green. The thing is that all of these issues won’t favor Mr. Gemma; they’ll favor Mr. Cicilline. If Mr. Segal declines to run, Mr. Gemma should follow suit.

Mr. Gemma ran to the right of Mr. Cicilline. His voters came mostly from the northern part of the state, and seem likely to have voted for Mr. Gemma based on his issues as well. Government reform, more conservative social issues, and his business background. If Mr. Gemma calls off his run, it would go hard on Mr. Segal were he to run. Both potential challengers draw voters away from Cicilline. Their bases of support do not overlap. Indeed, one might say that their voters might well vote for Cicilline first. This is not to say that they are at odds, but that both Mr. Gemma and Mr. Segal represent two different wings of the Rhode Island Democratic Party, the right and left wings. Both are also further handicapped by the fact that both have lost races, a bad thing for politicians not named Abraham Lincoln (although I’m sure he didn’t feel great about it at the time).

So, what are our possible scenarios for a primary challenge?

Gemma Harder: Mr. Gemma runs alone against Mr. Cicilline. Mr. Gemma runs on many of the same themes that he used last time, attempting to hammer Mr. Cicilline with the state of affairs in Providence. No matter what happens in Providence, Mr. Cicilline is buoyed by former Segal and Lynch voters who don’t wish to see Mr. Gemma in the U.S. House. Outspent and outvoted, Mr. Gemma is defeated handily.

Cicilline Erodes: Mr. Cicilline’s support is far weaker than anyone anticipated. Nothing goes Mr. Cicilline’s way, and the gobs of cash are unable to make any difference in a state where everyone already has an opinion about him. Bad news out of Providence puts the nail in his coffin and voters abandon him. Segal and many of Mr. Cicilline’s own voters stay home, disappointed with the options in the primary. Anthony Gemma faces Brendan Doherty in the general.

A Centered Opposition: Either Mr. Gemma or Mr. Segal runs and essentially puts their policy positions straight down the line with Mr. Cicilline’s. This would favor Mr. Gemma the most. Able to attract voters otherwise disinclined to vote for them, they still don’t manage to pull in enough to outdo Mr. Cicilline’s advantages. Once again, someone reacquaints themselves with defeat.

Splitting Cicilline: Mr. Gemma and Mr. Segal run, holding off attacks on one another to focus on a relentless war against Mr. Cicilline with their own positive messages as well. Helped by Mr. Doherty’s sniping at Mr. Cicilline, one side emerges victorious after catching fire with the voters and cleaving former Lynch voters and Mr. Cicilline’s supporters apart. Either David Segal or Anthony Gemma find Mr. Doherty waiting in the general election.

5 Cicilline Divides and Conquers: Mr. Gemma and Mr. Segal run, but their campaigns are much like in 2010. No one is able to successfully establish themselves as the anti-Cicilline and the media projects an air of invincibility onto Mr. Cicilline. Many of Mr. Segal’s voters make the decision that they’d rather have Mr. Cicilline than Mr. Gemma and vote for the incumbent, meaning Mr. Segal loses votes from 2010. Mr. Gemma’s unfocused campaign doesn’t inspire the necessary confidence, and Mr. Cicilline wins with a strong plurality.

I think given these five scenarios, it seems likely that Mr. Cicilline is going to face Mr. Doherty in November. If you’re reading the scenarios, you might think I think it’s 3-2 in favor of Mr. Cicilline; I’d say it’s in fact likely to be much better odds for Mr. Cicilline than that. In order of likely to least likely, I’d say the scenarios go: 1, 5, 4, 2, 3. It’s a dismal prospect for Democrats; Mr. Cicilline seems beatable in the general election, but he’s just not beatable enough in the primary to replace him. Of course, removing incumbency advantage is its own trouble. But any Democrat should be assisted by the higher turnout accompanying a presidential election.

For more on the general election match-up, Brian Hull has given it his own analysis.

The Wages of Austerity

In political terms, austerity is a self-inflicted wound. In some ways, it is equivalent to cutting off one own feet before running a race. Gruesome imagery, but no more gruesome that the severe hardships austerity wreaks upon citizens who face its burden while those who caused it go unpunished and in many cases, seemingly rewarded.

I don’t want to get in to whether austerity works right here, (though based on Britain’s economy versus Sweden’s, I’d say it doesn’t). What I want to get into are the political consequences of austerity. Because to me, these are far more interesting. They’re interesting in that they’re causing great shifts in the political climate of the European and North American worlds.

When the economic crisis hit, Europe was mostly dominated by social democrats or parties that were the more left of the two dominant parties (even in parliamentary systems, two large parties tend to take a great share of the electorate). The Socialist Parties in Portugal, Labour in the United Kingdom, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) in Greece, the PSOE in Spain. Others, like the Social Democrats of both Germany and Austria were in coalition governments; the junior party in the case of Germany and the senior party in the case of Austria.

Despite their socialist monikers and pedigrees, these parties were largely social democratic or advocates of Clintonian “Third Way” policies; advocating deregulation. By the time the beginnings of the Great Recession came about, they had largely succeeded in their agendas. The great irony of the Great Recession is that the people who were on watch when it happened were also the heirs of Keynesianism. They also bear some responsibility for its causes.

In response, instead of relying on time-tested responses, these parties bowed to the will of investors and implemented expansionary austerity. The elections following the onset of the crisis were swift in retribution. Opposition parties took power, largely advocating even greater spending cuts and far more severe austerity. Spain, Portugal, and the UK all lost social democratic governments in exchange for conservative governments. In Ireland, where center to center-right party Fianna Fáil has ruled for 61 of the last 79 years, that party fell to third place; the further right Fine Gael and the center-left Labour Party took power in a coalition; while Sinn Fein came in a close fourth. In Italy, austerity did what ten years of scandals couldn’t; Berlusconi fell.

Those parties that haven’t faced such trouble (due to favorable election timing) were instead forced to enact strong austerity measures. 2012 is likely to punch their tickets. France and Greece both face elections. Nicholas Sarkozy, the French President, is likely to go down in defeat to his Socialist Party challenger. Greece is even odder. While the right-wing New Democracy Party will undoubtedly be the the largest party, they will be faced by newer parties that will be even further left than PASOK. It not inconceivable that a left-wing, anti-austerity coalition will form in Greece, especially if the country defaults even while it enacts austerity.

Governments which chose the opposite route, implementation of stimulus have remained relatively stable. America’s moderate stimulus package is dwarfed by those of Germany and Sweden; but at present, it appears to be timidly working. Germany is stable, its labor minister (a conservative) recently made calls to raise workers’ wages. Sweden, whose stimulus kicked in automatically despite cuts to it by the ruling Moderate Party (a liberal conservative party, despite its centrist-style name), was one of the first countries to emerge from the crisis, almost unscathed. Of course, unlike many countries who spent wildly during good times (e.g., George W. Bush and the 107th to 110th Congresses), Sweden ran surpluses which it relied upon to implement this stimulus.

Countries that enacted austerity have seen ballooning unemployment, especially among youth. The UK is now in a depression equivalent in length to the Great Depression, and projected to be the worse in British history. The UK is the poster child for expansionary austerity; its Prime Minister made the call for a “Big Society” based on volunteerism shortly after taking office. The volunteers have not come through. Portuguese workers are moving to Angola in an attempt to find work; Angola is comparable to France under Napoleon or Portugal under its dictatorship during the 20th Century. Spain’s new conservative government has attempted to drum up nationalist sentiment by demanding Gibraltar, rather than face the fact it will have to fix the economy. It and Greece are seeing that massive youth unemployment leads to mass anti-government street movements.

The point is this, austerity is universally reviled by citizens. Its enactment leads to unpredictable political consequences. The same investors pushing austerity are likely to get spooked by these consequences. But the people who should be spooked are political leaders.

In America, we have yet to face austerity, largely thanks to choosing stimulus. Our debt ceiling crisis left us with a bill that will trigger austerity, but the major cuts are backloaded for 2013 and 2014. The brunt of that austerity will no doubt fall on the states, but both parties will be further tarnished by their association with the compromise that formed it. We may indeed face a voter’s revolt, one which will lash out in unpredictable ways. Faced with this possibility, it might be better for either party to lose the 2012 elections, campaign in 2014 and 2016 against austerity and gain the ability to enact their agenda completely in 2016.

Of course, that’s a scenario fraught with uncertainties. Most of all, depending on what happens in Congress in 2012, the austerity of 2013 and 2014 may never come. One Congress cannot bind another to enact its policies. The triggers in the debt ceiling compromise are essentially a gun held to Congress’ head to get it to act. Anybody who has already broken a New Years’ Resolution knows the effectiveness of this idea.

What may indeed happen is that current status quo continues; the economy slowly improves but austerity will fall on state governments. And this may cause political change that no one is quite ready for. It’s important to note that the Moderate Party outperformed its poll numbers in Rhode Island in 2010; if it actually had candidates for the General Assembly (and not been hamstrung by its unfortunate name), it might’ve been able to make some headway in the state by being the alternative for moderate Democrats who wouldn’t want to back the Republicans. Lincoln Chafee, an independent candidate, triumphed over Republican and Democratic opponents; the only candidate not from a major national party to do so. Rhode Island may only be the beginning. As the national parties become increasingly despised, local races may begin to be susceptible to other parties besides the Big Two, on a range unseen before.

I think that may be more likely in states ruled by Democrats that enact austerity. At this point, austerity is Republican dogma. Austerity is a naturally unfair system, it punishes the poor and the middle class (both of which largely rely on social services) for the mistakes of the powerful. And Americans are concerned with fairness at this moment. Any political organization which campaigns for fairness and against austerity is going to look appealing, especially to the people who will bear the brunt of the cuts. Already, we can see from Mitt Romney’s inability to seal the deal in the Republican primary that the “rich folks need more tax cuts” dogma isn’t working.

The next few years may see a great change in American politics at the local level.

Inventing the Internet


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What goes around goes around.

What goes around goes around.I attended a fascinating conference last week in DC, the 20th anniversary celebration of the National Information Technology Research and Development program (NITRD), a 15-agency cooperative mission launched in 1992 to coordinate federal R&D around information technology.  Funded as a consequence of the 1991 High-Performance Computing Act (a/k/a the “Gore Bill”), this was the funding that created the backbones of the internet, and persuaded the admins of ARPAnet and NSFnet and the other smaller networks to join in creating the single internet that we know today.

There were a bunch of interesting points passed along by the various speakers, too many to cover, but here are some highlights:

  • From Tom Lange, the director of Modeling and Simulation R&D at Proctor and Gamble, we learned about the challenges of creating computer models of the flow and absorption of non-newtonian fluids on a porous substrate, and why that’s important to the design of Pampers.  P&G apparently funds research at Los Alamos and Argonne national labs, among others.
  • From Sebastian Thrun, a scientist at Stanford and Google, we saw videos of automated cars negotiating Lombard Street in San Francisco and one-and-a-half-lane mountain roads with oncoming trucks.  He says that in 250,000 miles logged on California roads, they have had only one accident, when the car was rear-ended as it stopped at a red light.
  • From Kevin Knight, a researcher at USC, we heard about the limits of machine translation and how statistical language analysis can make increasingly good translations of text from one language to another even if it still can’t tell you what the text was about.

These were all fun, but there were two big points made that have to be passed along, too.  One is the phenomenal return we’ve seen on government investment in this science (and many others, but the conference wasn’t about them).  Samuel Morse’s development of the telegraph was supported by government funding, and so was virtually every aspect of the internet, computers, mobile devices, and communication technologies that have changed all of our lives over the past 20 years.

We take the internet for granted, but there is no sensible reason to do so.  The people who made the decisions to make it possible were not corporate buccaneers or rich investors.  The necessary investments to make it possible were too risky and too large for the private sector to take on.  So the government did.  They managed to find private partners to manage important parts of the result, but to imagine it would have happened without government is to live in a fantasy world.  Fortunately, your government hadn’t yet been so defanged in 1991 that it couldn’t envision something ambitious (and equally fortunately, George Bush Sr. was persuaded to support it).  One speaker said, after accounting for the economic impact of NITRD, “not bad for a bunch of faceless government bureaucrats,” and everyone laughed.

There’s a train station opening up near my house soon.  Driving by it recently, I thought about how much I am looking forward to its opening and how seldom I get a chance to express some pride in the workings of our government.  The people who imagine that government can do no good have had the upper hand in our politics for the past 30 years.  Even when Democrats hold office, discussions of what government can do is dominated by the limitations in resources imposed by the starvation resulting from decades of tax cuts to rich people.  Our ambition to use government to improve our lives has been squeezed out of public discussion.  But here it is in 2012, you are reading this text electronically.  While you thank one of those faceless government bureaucrats for that improvement in your life, you might also wonder what equally astonishing innovations have been squeezed out of your future by the fashionable austerity that rules our days in 2012.


What’s the other important point to make?  Vint Cerf and Bob Kahn were at the conference, too.  Together, they invented TCP/IP, the communication protocol that makes all this internetworking possible, and not a few other communication innovations along the way.  Cerf introduced Al Gore, who gave the keynote address after lunch, and pointed out three or four different ways the internet might not have happened at all without intervention, support, and initiative from the geeky Congressman and then Senator from Tennessee.  Aside from the Gore Bill itself, Cerf recounted a hearing in 1986 about the national supercomputing centers, then a half-dozen or so universities and research institutions around the country with supercomputing facilities.  At the hearing Senator Gore asked, “Would it be a good idea to link the supercomputing facilities with a fiber-optic network?”  According to Cerf, the question took everyone by surprise, but it resulted in a three-day meeting in California six months later where they decided the answer was “yes.”  So that’s the other point: the next time you hear an Al Gore joke about the internet, know that you’re listening to someone who was taken in by press malfeasance in 2000.

How did that joke really happen?  It sounds ridiculous, but this is how: Gore made a completely accurate claim in an interview with Wolf Blitzer on CNN and a few days later, Michelle Mittelstadt of the Associated Press restated it for him, exaggerating his meaning.  The restatement was restated again by Lou Dobbs on CNN, with some flourishes stolen from a press release by Jim Nicholson, the Republican National Committee chair.  That was repeated and further embroidered by the press many zillion times, sometimes mindlessly and sometimes maliciously, and the result was that Al Gore lost that election — the imagination reels — and I have a joke that can make you click on this post.  Isn’t history fascinating?

Nine years; it seems like yesterday – The Station Fire

Before I even start writing, I want to apologize in advance for anyone I may offend or hurt. This is a deeply personal issue for many of us and of the thousands, maybe tens of thousands, of people who have a direct connection, no two of us may see it the same way. Therefore, the qualification before I go any further.

The night of February 20th, 2003 ended at 11:05 pm for me, just before the fire took place, after a trying day of enduring a surgical procedure that included preparation the day before that was humiliating and exhausting. Although, if not for having scheduled that colonoscopy weeks in advance, I too would have been in The Station that night as well. When asked to attend three weeks prior, my initial reaction was an immediate and enthusiastic, “Yes.” However, when I realized a few minutes later that I probably wouldn’t be feeling up to it that night, I begged off.

“No problem buddy, next time,” was the reply from my best friend, Mike Gonsalves. Most knew him as “Doc,” “The Doctor,” “Doctor Metal,” “Gonz.” or “Gonzo.” I’d known Mike pretty much my whole life though, played Little League with him, attended rival high schools but met up again at Rhode Island College, joined the same fraternity, lived together senior year and he was the best man at my wedding and the godfather of my oldest son. Therefore, I was one of the few who got to call him Mike. From the time when we lived together, he started calling me, “Dad,” and some our mutual friends continue to call me that in homage to Mike to this day.

The horror of The Station fire started for me at 5:15 am the next morning when I got a call telling me to, “Turn on the TV.” From there it only got worse, much worse. I won’t go into what transpired immediately thereafter, its too painful for too many people who knew Mike, especially his family members; not to mention all the others who were injured or lost loved ones.

Whereas Mike got to share in some of the most momentous times of my life, I got to write his obituary, deliver his eulogy and help administer a scholarship fund in his name. Not exactly what I thought I’d be doing for my 40-year old best friend at that point in my life. Neither did I think I would be helping to establish a foundation to erect a memorial at a site where 100 people died unnecessarily.

That’s exactly where I found myself though. Depressed, angry, wanting revenge is the best way to describe my emotions at the time; as well as ill-equipped to start a 501 (c)(3) non-profit. However, I was surrounded by good people; all in their own stage of grief but we tried to hold it together.

Trying to establish a lasting and meaningful memorial, there were several glaring truths that soon became apparent. The entire state was hurting, even months after the fire. There was no way a memorial was being built any time soon, the politicians and lawyers would see to that. There were two separate classes of those affected, survivors and those connected to the victims who died. And there was plenty of blame to go around, the facts that developed after the fire proved that.

From my position as president of the Station Fire Memorial Foundation, we were focused on the needs of the families and friends of those who died. We held public meetings to try and gauge the intentions of the constituency but the level of anger that came through colored everything we did. Even some of our board members couldn’t keep personalities out of the equation, myself included.

There was an us versus them mentality developing between the two camps and much of it had to do with the blame game. Many of the family members of the deceased laid the blame squarely at the feet of the band and the owners of the nightclub. However, it seemed like the bulk of the survivors were willing to overlook any culpability on the part of the band and were focused on the fire inspectors.

While I’m not going to get into that debate here, I know how it played with the families of the deceased. When the Station Family Fund continually defended the band and ended up agreeing to accept funds from a charity concert performed by Great White, it created a whole new wave of anger. My constituency saw SFF members flying out to meet the band for a show, as survivors wanting to live the “rock star” life, while their loved ones would never return.

Finally, it became too much for me. I helped host the first year memorial, something I now wish I hadn’t done. We continued to meet with families and we even had a few meetings with statewide political leaders. But again, it was obvious there was too much division on the part of all parties and just shy of a year after our first meeting to start the Station Fire Memorial Foundation, I took my leave of the group in favor of giving myself time to heal. Time that I wasn’t going to get if I continued on in that position.

Since then, there have been criminal prosecutions (not to my satisfaction), civil restitution (I can’t imagine anyone is satisfied with mere money and would rather have their lives back as they were); yet there is still no memorial to the victims. Here it is, nine years later and the site of the fire looks much the same as it did only months after the fire. How can that be?

I offer no solution, I only ask the question.

Again, I apologize if I offended or hurt anyone; that was not my intention. I was only trying to relive a time in my life that was extremely difficult, and give a somewhat objective view of what happened during that difficult time. I consciously took myself out of The Station fire community those many years ago to concentrate on raising funds and awarding them to students in the name of my best friend. I’m not looking to re-insert myself into any debates, I was just hoping to try and give a view through the prism of what happened at the time and how it affected so many of us.

Surprising Occupy Surprises Even Cynical Me

From the very beginning, the Occupy movement has been one surprise after another. The scale of the turnout in lower Manhattan is said to have stunned the AdBusters crew. The scale of peripheral support that came to the major protests surprised the activist core. The scale of the police response surprised the major media that wanted to ignore the story. And the speed with which the movement swept across the country surprised everyone.

But more than anything, the biggest surprise has been the movement’s staying power. Despite virtually all the US encampments being raided or voluntarily abandoned, the movement continues to offer up – you guessed it – surprises.

Occupy the SEC

Last weeks’ 325-page letter to the SEC et al from an Occupy Wall Street working group that supports the Volcker Rule portion of Dodd-Frank, came as a shock to the financial community. This was no rambling left wing polemic (such as you might be reading now), but a carefully considered expression of the broad ranging benefits of controls on the largest institutions. It was the kind of thing that could only be constructed by people who come from inside those large financial institutions.

To decode, this was Wall Street occupying Wall Street. Well and truly the 5th Column.

Surely, it is dawning on even the most strident radical capitalist that it is in their own self-interest to come to grips with the basics of this movement. It’s one thing when left wing radicals are talking about income inequality. It’s something else altogether different when it’s a major topic at the World Economic Forum in Davos!

This doesn’t need to make sense; only fiction needs to make sense. It is what it is, and I am very pleasantly surprised.

Reestablishing Solidarity

As the winter weather kept many people indoors and away from Occupy actions, I’ve become a bit concerned that the potentially fractious nature of hardcore activist collaborations would create an atmosphere that might discourage or alienate the large mass of peripheral supporters like me. While it’s true that I haven’t seen much evidence of this, I also haven’t seen much evidence of the opposite.

For this reason, I’ve suggested to every Occupier I know that it would be helpful to us on the periphery if Occupy created a series of regular, low-risk protests scheduled at such a time and constructed in such a way that so-called “regular people” could feel safe in coming out and showing solidarity with the core of the movement. The model that I keep pointing to is the regular Monday night protests held in 1989 in Berlin on both sides of the Berlin Wall.

Don’t Screw This Up

I’ve heard from many in and around the core of the movement their concern about some issues and ideas taking precedent over others. If that line of thinking becomes  prevalent, this movement will fail.

To be sure, it is crucial that the movement remain open to and aware of ALL the various viewpoints, issues, communities, etc. that make up this remarkable collection. But it is equally crucial that ALL these communities recognize that is the solidarity among themselves that attracts the large mass of peripheral supporters. And it is that large mass on the periphery that will force the change – NOT the hardcore at the center. The relationship is symbiotic; the periphery needs the center and vice versa.

To succeed – that means radically altering the dialog, awakening the apathetic and driving for real change – this movement can’t let itself get ripped apart. Everything needs to be focused on maintaining solidarity and attracting supporters.

Solidarity is the Goal

I’ve spent the last 30 years wondering what the hell was wrong with people in the US. Didn’t they see where this country was heading? Didn’t they understand that we couldn’t just keep growing on leverage without it eventually biting us in the ass? Didn’t they see that we were becoming an empire with our military spread far and wide? Didn’t they see that this nation was rapidly driving itself deep into the “bad guys of history” category?

Surprisingly, Occupy has shown that many more people than I had thought do seem to understand.

So don’t let us down, Occupy. We don’t want to go down on the wrong side of history. You are our last, best chance to pull the US back from the brink of catastrophe.

If we blow it now, we won’t get another opportunity like this in our lifetime.

A Different Tax Exemption for Brown

It was Saturday night, I was reading through Providence’s 2012 fiscal year budget, and I came across an expenditure that caught my attention.

We’re all pretty familiar by now with the gist of this table, even if the numbers are dizzying:

Between the variations of public property, the “meds and eds,” and other tax-exempt properties, Providence is not collecting property taxes on $6.7 billion of assessed value [cue any criticisms you may have about the assessment process]. All this is determined by statute.

But just up the page are the tax exemptions determined by personal qualities, such as being a veteran, a widow, blind, or “Brown Professor.” I can only assume the latter refers to individuals who are employed at Brown University as professors and are then eligible for exemptions on the taxes on both their real property and their motor vehicles.

The total assessed value that comes out of this is only $68,362, which means its impact on the city budget is no more than $3,000. But still, what is going on with this exemption? Does anyone know the back story?

High Stakes Testing: Not So Hot


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Last week friend of the blog, Dan McGowan at GoLocal, asked:

Everyone agree that “teaching to the test” is a bad idea, but it makes no sense to get rid of standardized tests that could determine whether a student is eligible to graduate… Why not continue to test, but also offer the right interventions that will help struggling students turn things around?

I’m not sure I’ve ever been more at odds with one of Dan’s posts. What’s got Dan upset is a proposal being offered by “not so hot” State Senators  Representative Eileen Naughton and State Senator Harold Metts.

The legislation, introduced by Rep. Eileen Naughton and Sen. Harold Metts, would prevent the use of statewide standardized test assessments as a barrier to graduation. Civil rights and advocacy groups have long been critical of the use of “high stakes testing,” releasing statistics last year – and which have not improved since – that documented that approximately 90% or more of students classified as special education, limited English proficient, economically disadvantaged, Latino or African-American would receive either no diploma or one designating them only as “partially proficient” if high stakes testing had been in effect for the Class of 2011. [my emphasis]

So why not continue to test as McGowan proposes? Won’t that help those kids? There are actually plenty of reasons, many perhaps more evident to someone like me, a parent of dyslexic children. What I ask is, why should my child’s entire academic performance be judged by a single standardized test? At best it’s unfair and inaccurate, and at worst for kids like mine these high-stakes tests can be a form of discrimination. Dyslexics are often granted accommodations like additional time or quiet rooms, but even with these it’s hard to see how a dyslexic child’s academic potential could be accurately gauged.

One of my favorite writers on the subject of education reform is Alfie Kohn, who specifically warns against proposals to link standardized testing to graduation:

Virtually all relevant experts and organizations condemn the practice of basing important decisions, such as graduation or promotion, on the results of a single test. The National Research Council takes this position, as do most other professional groups (such as the American Educational Research Association and the American Psychological Association), the generally pro-testing American Federation of Teachers, and even the companies that manufacture and sell the exams. Yet just such high-stakes testing is currently taking place, or scheduled to be introduced soon, in more than half the states.

It’s small wonder the idea lacks support among professionals:  it’s wrong on motivation and wrong on process improvement as noted by process improvement guru W. Edwards Deming, who should be required reading for those still captivated by the “hotness” of the current testing fad.

These forces [of destruction] cause humiliation, fear, self-defense, competition for gold star, high grade, high rating on the job. They lead anyone to play to win, not for fun. They crush out joy in learning, joy on the job, innovation. Extrinsic motivation (complete resignation to external pressures) gradually replaces intrinsic motivation, self-esteem, dignity.

It’s certainly not what I want for my own children, and more over, using these tests as graduation requirements very likely harms the students we’re supposedly trying to help the most, kids like those in my neighborhood which is represented by Senator Metts (District 6, Providence). Here’s Kohn again:

Minority and low-income students are disproportionately affected by the incessant pressure on teachers to raise scores. But when high stakes are applied to the students themselves, there is little doubt about who is most likely to be denied diplomas as a consequence of failing an exit exam—or who will simply give up and drop out in anticipation of such an outcome. If states persist in making a student’s fate rest on a single test, the likely result over the next few years will be nothing short of catastrophic. Unless we act to stop this, we will be facing a scenario that might be described without exaggeration as an educational ethnic cleansing.

Let’s be charitable and assume that the ethnic aspect of this perfectly predictable consequence is unintentional. Still, it is hard to deny that high-stakes testing, even when the tests aren’t norm-referenced, is ultimately about sorting. Someone unfamiliar with the relevant psychological research (and with reality) might insist that raising the bar will “motivate” more students to succeed. But perform the following thought experiment: Imagine that almost all the students in a given state met the standards and passed the tests. What would be the reaction from most politicians, businesspeople, and pundits? Would they now concede that our public schools are terrific—or would they take this result as prima facie evidence that the standards were too low and the tests were too easy? As Deborah Meier and others have observed, the phrase “high standards” by definition means standards that everyone won’t be able to meet.

The tests are just the means by which this game is played. It is a game that a lot of kids—predominantly kids of color—simply cannot win. Invoking these very kids to justify a top-down, heavy-handed, corporate-style, test-driven version of school reform requires a stunning degree of audacity. To take the cause of equity seriously is to work for the elimination of tracking, for more equitable funding, and for the universal implementation of more sophisticated approaches to pedagogy (as opposed to heavily scripted direct-instruction programs). But standardized testing, while bad news across the board, is especially hurtful to students who need our help the most.

An audacious plan? Yes. But hot? Not so much, Dan.

Providence Newspaper Guild Follies

This is it, nitty-gritty time. If you want to see Rhode Island’s funniest comedy show of the year, you need to call for tickets or go online this week. For the uninitiated, The Providence Newspaper Guild has been skewering local politicians and newsmakers for 39 years now; and the best part is they’re in the audience. Anyone that’s made the news in the previous year is fair game, and they know it.

Imagine, just the General Assembly members indicted this year could result in a stand-alone show. There’s also North Providence. Do I need to finish that sentence? There were instances of blowhard radio hosts and the Bishop teaming up on issues; and who can forget the pension issue?

Many people never thought we could top last year’s show. I mean, really, how often do you have a gubernatorial candidate tell a sitting president to “Shove it?”  And of course, what would the Follies be without a visit from Joey Wattsamatta? Check out the link if you don’t know what I mean.

So, to get tickets, call before Wednesday this week,  421-9467, or go to www.riguild.org.  We hope to see you at the Venus DeMilo for a great meal and a hilarious show.

Racial profiling in Rhode Island


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According to a study by Northeastern University, African American and Latino motorists were more than twice as likely to be searched after being pulled over for a traffic stop in Rhode Island.

Think there’s racial profiling in Rhode Island? The study certainly seems to suggest as much, and a number of state legislators and the RI-based Coalition to Stop Racial Profiling have teamed up to do something about it.

The legislators, led by Grace Diaz, D-Prov, introduced a bill into the House called the Comprehensive Racial Profiling Prevention Act. The bill, according to a fact sheet put together by the ACLU, would:

  • Requires police officers to document in writing their “probable cause” or “reasonable suspicion” grounds for conducting a search. Also provides that the documentation will be public record, with few exceptions.
  • Bars police from asking drivers for further documentation of identification beyond a driver’s license, vehicle registration, and/or proof of insurance during a routine traffic stop in the absence of reasonable suspicion of criminal activity.
  • Bars police officers from asking motor vehicle passengers for identification in the absence of reasonable suspicion of criminal activity.
  • Requires police officers to document in writing the investigatory basis for a stop if a violation of traffic laws is used to stop a motor vehicle for non-related investigatory reasons

The Coalition, on the other hand, put together with the help of the Providence Youth Student Movement and Youth in Action this short documentary called “Fitting the Description.” Check it out:


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