A post-mortem for probation reform


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justice reinvestmentThe Justice Reinvestment reform package died at some point late last Friday night, passing the Senate but never making it out of the Judiciary Committee in the House. This was a surprising conclusion to nearly a year of momentum building around the issue of mass probation and mass incarceration, and is indicative of the uphill battle any criminal justice reform measures face. Even in an era where conversations about prison spending are front and center, substantive reform faces the same ‘tough on crime’ hurdles it always has.

After a landmark effort to bring together all stakeholders to fix what was commonly referred to as a ‘broken’ system, six pieces of legislation emerged in the spring, with all of them eventually passing the Senate.  The compromise legislation was already almost unrecognizable from the far more progressive recommendations made to the Justice Reinvestment Working Group by the research and consulting group, the Council of State Governments. However it was ultimately a strong package that reflected a diverse array of interests and promised meaningful change and improvements.  The legislation was a testament to the leadership, hard-work, and collaboration by all branches of the government, and spear-headed by the governor, at tackling the third-rail of criminal justice reform.  The group also worked hard to incorporate communities that are so highly impacted by these issues, listening to the concerns of criminal justice advocates, the NAACP, and those directly affected.

Much of the language of the bills essentially codified goals for how to best run probation and sentencing.  The importance was just as much about demonstrating a set of ideals and priorities to all stakeholders, such as the judiciary, the public defender, and the attorney general, as mandating change. For example, a section on correctional impact statements would require an estimation on the effect on the DOC budget for any relevant future legislation. Such a change would not require legislation to implement, but the goal was to use statute to compel progress. As another example, a provision allowing police to bring a mentally ill individual to treatment instead of jail permits a decision that could be made by a cop on the street any way, but is encouraged by legally formalizing the process. As a result, the failure of the bills is even more of a two-sided coin: on the one hand, many of the goals can still be implemented even without legislation. On the other hand, the death of legislation so modest and restrained indicates a strong opposition to reform.

Had the package only contained these more rhetorical modifications, it may have passed.  But at the same time the bills also succeeded in targeting several concrete, important, and seemingly consensus changes that would have substantively reduced correctional spending. Since these provisions were the only ones that ended up receiving any push-back in committee, it seems possible they were what torpedoed the efforts.

These provisions were nowhere near as ambitious as the major policy goals laid out at the start of the process. Most notably, from the beginning of the Justice Reinvestment Working Group, there was conversation about a cap on probation length.  This ultimately morphed into an extremely restricted max for a very small set of charge types that was recommended by the Judiciary as part of the new court rules.  None of the more impactful ideas made it into the legislative package.

However, some important though widely supported changes aimed at reducing correctional costs did emerge.  These included expanding the criteria for medical parole, which would have enabled greater paroled release of sick and dying inmates. Another important change merely gave the parole board more discretion to impose shorter sentences for parole violations, as requested by the board itself.  Another provision created a more formal process for the judiciary to choose to divert criminal cases as it saw fit, another very conditional and discretionary form of reform.  Perhaps the most progressive bill, Senate Bill 2935, would have reduced the maximum sentences for certain assaults and larcenies by creating a tiered system based on severity. While judges and attorneys naturally take severity into account during sentencing, this legislation would have concretely capped the amount of probation or prison time for less severe versions of the crimes.

In some ways, the decision by the House to not pass the legislation leaves the state, at the moment, back where it was in April, 2015, after the forum on mass incarceration at Roger Williams Law School.  At that forum, the members of the entire state criminal justice apparatus spent a day learning about mass incarceration.  The hope was each member would feel emboldened to use their discretion to provide a check to the tough on crime mentality that has driven us to this point.  With the effort and commitment to reform heralded by the governor, supported by the DOC and Judiciary, and passed by the Senate, that imperative remains stronger than ever.

RI Supreme Court upholds major probation violation bill


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The RI Supreme Court, in a decision written by Supreme Court Justice Maureen Goldberg, upheld what is one of the most influential pieces of criminal justice reform legislation in the past ten years.

This law, known alternately as the “Justice and Innocence Bill” and the “32(f) law,” was passed in 2010 but has been on hold since 2012 due to a Superior Court ruling challenging its constitutionality. If you have never been put on probation in Rhode Island, the law might seem obscure. But if you are like the tens of thousands of people who have been sentenced to probation, this bill means something very important. It means a meaningful chance to fight a false accusation.

Prior to 2010, the law allowed people to be imprisoned for a crime for which they had been acquitted, and this Supreme Court ruling reinstates the legislation intended to end that practice.  That 2010 bill, sponsored by Representative David Segal and Senator Rhoda Perry, required what would seem on its face value to be a common sense reform–that if someone is acquitted of a crime, they be released from prison.

The Segal-Perry bill was the result of a four year legislative campaign, which involved many spokespeople telling their story, strong opposition from the Attorney General and the police, an initial veto by Governor Carcieri, and eventual passage with overwhelming, bi-partisan support. In the final campaign, the legislation even received support from former Attorney General James O’Neil.

This seven minute video (recommended for anyone interested in this issue) features a description of the probation violation system’s lack of due process as explained by former Superior Court Judge Stephenreinvestinjusticecrowd 2 Fortunato, who states “In practice, if you  can get someone arrested, you can probably get them convicted as a violator.” It also  features an interview with the late and esteemed John Hardiman, former Chief of the Public Defender, who states, “If you had all the evidence at a violation hearing you had a trial,  chances are maybe the person wouldn’t have been violated, and that is the importance of  this bill.” This was a grassroots struggle, with organizers from OpenDoors and DARE  at one point covering the statehouse with thousands of ribbons with the names of people on probation in the state.

John Prince, a long-time advocate and community organizer with DARE, has a story that is integral to the passage of this legislation.  John has not only spent nearly a decade fighting for this reform, he has spent over 30 years waiting for it, ever since he was falsely  imprisoned in 1982 for four years.  While on probation, he was charged with a Breaking & Entering, and despite compelling evidence that he was falsely accused, he was essentially railroaded by a system too quick to convict.  I say he was falsely accused, because I have spoken directly to witnesses (who are also interviewed  in the advocacy video) and talked to the person, one of the real perpetrators of that crime years ago, who falsely accused him.

As John’s case illustrates, the reform has the potential to have a broad impact but the extent is not entirely known. While there are very few, potentially no, people who are currently incarcerated for violations who were also acquitted at trial, every probation revocation and plea bargain negotiation is influenced by the fact that the defendant knows they have no recourse through trial.  There are no doubt other cases out there like John’s, cases which disappear due to the expediency of probation revocations. These cases may see the light now. This legislation and Supreme Court ruling are thus systemic reforms, with a multiplied impact due to the large use of probation in this state (the fourth highest rate in the country). In some neighborhoods in Providence, over half the adult African American men are on probation, so this reform is a unique realignment of the justice system for those communities.  In fact, no other state in the country follows the laws now in place in RI with this reform (with Illinois being the closest there is).

However, at the same time that this is a fundamental reform, it will also have a measured, limited effect.  It is not a get out of jail free card.  The actual defendant in this case, Robert Beaudoin, was not acquitted at trial until April, 2013, only one month before his two year sentence expired anyway, meaning that had the law been implemented it still would have had only a small impact on him.  Even with this reform, the state can employ a number of strong practices to protect the public whenever there is any indication a person on probation might not have kept the peace, which include holding the defendant without bail, prolonging the time until trial, and using the leverage granted by the often very long suspended sentences.  This reform only affects an individual whose case falls into a specific range of doubt—there is enough evidence to revoke their probation at a hearing but not enough evidence to convict them at trial.  Yet, even then, the actual effect of this reform will largely be to shorten incarceration periods for potentially innocent people, not free them carte blanche.

Reducing mass incarceration is ultimately a vital goal.  This was the subject of the  mass incarceration symposium last year, widely attended by policy makers across the state, and is a key goal of the Governor’s Justice Reinvestment Working Group.  And as was heard at that symposium, the main drivers of mass incarceration are that, compared to the past, we are more quick to incarcerate and more likely to incarcerate for longer.  The results of this historical policy shift are stark in Rhode Island, and the crime control benefits are not wholly demonstrated.  As we look to identify what reforms can restrain this system, it makes sense to look at an important type of change—reducing the prison sentences for people that may very well be innocent.  That was the goal of the many who instituted this reform in 2010, a reform which will hopefully now finally be implemented.

OpenDoors shows the potential to decrease recidivism


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“Everybody wins,” comments journalist Bill Rappleye in the NBC 10 piece about prison reform that aired on Friday. That optimism is not something that is usually included in journalism about prison these days.  Senator Whitehouse’s leadership on this issue has attracted positive attention recently, including another ProJo article in which Whitehouse visited the ACI Sociology class that produces the Prison Op/Ed Project.

Whitehouse’s current legislation promises some of the most substantive federal criminal justice reforms in decades and just passed the Senate Judiciary Committee.  Some elements of the law are only as good as the rehabilitative programs they support, and NBC 10 featured a program here in RI that is proving that success is possible: the 9 Yards program run by OpenDoors.

cintron Wilfredo Cintron, a 9 Yards graduate who was profiled by Rappleye, had been in  and out of prison for over ten years.  “19 months–that’s the longest stretch I’ve  been out. And I want to keep it that way, I want to keep going,” he says.    Cintron’s success is no small feat for him, and it shows the potential for transformation with the right support.  I met Wilfredo on July 8, 2013, the first  day of the 9 Yards program.  He described that day in the full interview that he gave with Bill Rappleye, saying “I almost walked out, I was thinking that this was  just going to be a waste of my time. But I didn’t, and that was the best decision I  think I’ve made in my life.”

9 Yards is a new, unique prisoner reentry program that provides long term, comprehensive support.  I am the Program Director, and when we started 9 Yards the hope was that we could provide enough assistance to participants that they could actually break the cycle of crime and incarceration for good.  9 Yards  started with funding from the Governor’s Workforce Board.  It provides  academic support, vocational training, and counseling to small groups of  participants in Medium Security prison for around six months.  If they work hard in prison, they get a big helping hand when they get out–transitional supportive housing, case management, and employment coaching for at least six months after release.  You can read more about the program, see videos, and read our report, here.  Not many programs can provide so much, and Wilfredo is proof of what is possible if each element is in place.

The experience of runningluis.hand.still this program and working with men such as Wilfredo has  changed the way I look at this issue dramatically.  Most importantly, it’s  taught me  that rehabilitation is possible but extremely hard.  I remember when I  first started  working with Wilfredo it was tough just to get him to come to class. He would agree  with me that he needed to work harder one moment, and then  next moment he’d be  making up excuses to leave. High expectations and work  ethic are not part of the  normal culture in prison, where people spend years  passing the time, staring at a tv  screen, waiting for their life to re-start.

Wilfredo’s present accomplishments began in a small classroom in Medium Security prison, where he started coming to class almost every day, often without me telling him to. When we began, he tested at a middle school reading and writing level. He had previously enrolled at CCRI several times, each time testing into remedial classes and then dropping out. After months of tutoring, he tested into accredited CCRI classes and proceeded to earn his first six CCRI credits. At the same time, he got something even more valuable than credits–self confidence and hope. “9 Yards helped me remember how smart I really am,” he once told me.

All of the work Wilfredo did was nothing compared to the challenges he faced when he was released 19 months ago. Despite his changes and his dreams of a new path, he was immediately faced with the exact same life that had led him to prison two years ago: bad habits, a temper, tons of stress, people he had let down, people trying to bring him down, few marketable skills, and a society that was constantly slamming the door in his face. After two weeks he was couch surfing, broke, and almost certainly on his way back to jail.

He then moved into the second phase of the 9 Yards program. I ran and lived in the transitional house that he moved into at the time, and so I witnessed each difficult day. He told me about running into his old acquaintances everywhere he went and forcing himself to delete their phone numbers from his phone. He applied for job after job, sure he would be able to find work on his own, only to be turned down each time due to his record. Only after our intern spent two weeks going door to door for him did we find someone willing to hire him (and that was only with the help of RI’s Work Immersion program, which subsidized his hire). He has been at the job every week since then. The day after he was released, we went to a culinary arts program to get him signed up for training.  Six months and probably fifty hours of leg-work later, after being denied entry into training three times by two different agencies, we got him into the CCRI program, which he has now graduated from.

At each step, change was painstaking. He learned to dress differently, swapping his oversized sports-caps and baggy jeans for clothes that fit his new life. He got better at accepting advice and criticism. He gradually earned back the trust of his family. He relearned things as simple as saying please and thank you.

Each phase of 9 Yards works only because it is a collaboration with the criminal justice system. Without time in prison to refocus, Wilfredo would never have taken the steps he did prior to release. He was released about three months early from prison by the RI Parole Board, which paroled him to 9 Yards. Without the supervision and strict conditions of parole, its hard to say if he would have been able to resist the pull of negative influences, and during several difficult situations he commented to me that it was a good thing that he was on parole. But with these systems in place, working in collaboration with intensive reentry support, success stories such as Wilfredo’s are possible. As Senator Whitehouse said in the Projo last week, “‘There is not going to be a big flood of money into the programs,’ unless the programs are shown to work well.”  But when they work well, everybody wins.

Symposium on mass incarceration confronts challenges, unites system


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Not in more than a decade has Rhode Island confronted the reality of mass incarceration as unflinchingly, as ambitiously and as uncomfortably as it did last Friday.

Sounding the Alarm on Mass Incarceration,” a day-long symposium at Roger Williams Law School, drew hundreds of the most prominent and integral members of the Rhode Island criminal justice system to face that very system’s flaws head on. Although the fire has been raging for some time, it was retired Superior Court Judge Judith Savage, the event’s logistical and spiritual leader, that struck the alarm.  Directors and staff from all relevant public agencies, including most of Rhode Island’s Judges, crossed from opposite sides of the aisle, the courtroom, and the prison walls themselves, to sit side by side. The event combined the gravity of a government planning committee with the openness of a public forum.

mass incarceration

The symposium looked into Rhode Island’s prison problem in the same week that US Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy declared that the “corrections system is one of the most overlooked, misunderstood institutions we have in our entire government.”  US Attorney General Holder himself recently said, “Too many people go to too many prisons for far too long for no good law enforcement reason.”

In accord, the local event’s two expert keynote speakers, Bryan Stevenson and Marc Mauer, began the morning with the conclusion that our overuse of prison at its core wastes money combating crime ineffectually and inhumanely. Despite broad consensus that mass incarceration is an American crisis, this was still a radical and controversial assertion in a room filled with the very people who daily are tasked in Rhode Island with sending people to prison.

Marc Mauer, executive director of the Sentencing Project, an organization which spearheaded the recent federal reform of crack-cocaine sentencing disparities, presented the room with a stark set of statistics and assertions. In the US, incarceration rates have increased by 500 percent since the 1980’s. We now incarcerate people at five to eight times more than other developed countries. One in three black men will go to prison in their life times. He reviewed a recent study by the National Research Council that concluded that while increased prison rates decrease crime, the “magnitude of this crime reduction is likely small.” From the same report he identified a simple set of causes: a rise in the chance of going to prison upon arrest and an increase in sentence length.  To reverse the trend, these rates must be reduced.

Bryan Stevenson
Bryan Stevenson.

While Mauer deconstructed the crisis with statistics, keynote speaker Bryan Stevenson outlined four emotional and psychological challenges: get proximate, confront racism, remain hopeful, and brave discomfort.  Fittingly, these were the very challenges faced by the audience throughout the day.

Stevenson is the director of the Equal Justice Initiative, an agency based in Alabama that represents poor, wrongfully convicted, or inadequately represented defendants.  His TED talk “We need to talk about justice,” has been viewed over 2 million times. He spoke of hearing a death row prisoner sing while being abused. He told of hugging a child that had been sentenced to adult prison for killing his mother’s abuser as the child confessed to Stevenson of being brutally raped in prison. And he recalled being told “I just love you for fighting for me,” by a severely disabled man about to be executed. A national hero amidst the carnage of our penal system, his stories were at once heart-breaking and inspiring.

One of Stevenson’s themes was the need to confront racism, and the ugly facts of racial disparity within RI’s criminal justice system were dramatically apparent throughout the event.  At the end of the day, former Rhode Island Superior Court Judge Francis Darigan asked the audience to look at our own system for any racial bias.  This sort of examination is extremely challenging, and Stevenson provided a vision of what success would look like.  He compared the legacy of slavery in the United States to the legacy of the Holocaust in Germany. Once in Germany, he was told by a room of lawyers and politicians that Germany could never conceive of inflicting the death penalty after gassing millions in the Holocaust.

“And I think about that because I would be outraged today if I saw the nation state of Germany putting people in gas chambers, and I’d certainly be outraged if they were disproportionately Jewish,” said Stevenson, drawing a powerful comparison to America’s prison system.

Stevenson argued that slavery was not an economic system, it was an ideology of dehumanization, an ideology that, unlike in Germany, has never been purged in the United States.  A successful response to racism in America, he envisioned, would look like Germany’s response to the holocaust.

In addition, “We must get proximate to the challenges we want to solve,” Stevenson exhorted the audience, telling of how his passion and insight into this issue came from getting to know people face to face.  The power of proximity emerged that very day, as the audience heard directly from two men who had spent much of their lives behind bars.

In most similar events, speakers with a criminal record are labeled at the time of introduction–no matter their other accomplishments they are introduced with the distinction of ‘formerly incarcerated,’ making it clear to the audience that they are on stage because they were once in prison. Instead, refreshingly, James Monteiro and Luis Estrada were introduced with the accolades that they have earned outside the walls, accomplishments that would have themselves justified a place at the microphone.

James Monteiro is a published spoken word poet, the founder and director of the Billy Taylor House, a community organization that supports young adults in Providence’s Mount Hope neighborhood, and the Director of Prison Programs for College Unbound.  He also spent ten years in prison in Baltimore. In a discussion moderated by Justice O. Rogeriee Thompson of the US Court of Appeals, Monteiro spoke of peering through a tiny prison window as his son left a prison visit in tears, saying he decided at that point to stop blaming others for his situation and to take responsibility.  “It had always been your fault,” he said, pointing at the audience.  After that, Monteiro said, “Education changed my life.” He earned an associate’s degree while incarcerated, a bachelor’s degree after release, and now runs a prison education program.

Luis Estrada’s journey to the stage was nothing short of unbelievable.  He earned several degrees while serving 22 years in prison for robbery, won a motion in the United States Supreme Court from prison, and was offered a job by former Providence Mayor Angel Taveras’s law-firm prior to leaving prison.  Since his release ten years ago, he has dedicated his life to running political campaigns and assisting reentry and addiction recovery work across the state while at the same pursuing a successful career as Office Manager at the law firm Sullivan, Whitehead, and Delucca.

The unique juxtaposition of the day was highlighted when Estrada commented, “Judge Bourcier sentenced me to seventy years for my first offense,” and an audience of judges nodded in recognition of their former colleague’s actions.

The rationality for Rhode Island’s current long probation sentences was called into question by the experiences of Estrada, who will be on probation until he is 83 years old.  He remarked that on the way to the event that day he had to call to report that he would be leaving the state as the highways took him through Massachusetts.  Later that day, an audience member commented during Q&A that “There is no reason these two men are still on probation.”  While the group struggled to identify specific solutions, that point seemed like it must have been dramatically clear to all policymakers in the room.  Pieces of legislation to reduce RI’s long probation sentences have been considered in the past (here and here), and Estrada’s experience reminded everyone of the need for such efforts.

“Injustice prevails where hopelessness persists,” proclaimed Stevenson in his opening remarks.  Despite the overwhelming challenges confronted by the members of the audience, some sort of optimism pervaded the day.  Estrada and Monteiro, convicts turned model citizens, certainly served as beacons for hope. However, Teny Gross, director of the Institute for the Study and Practice of Nonviolence, pointed out that Estrada and Monteiro are extraordinary.  “You have to be extraordinary just to live a normal life,” said Gross, describing Estrada and Monteiro’s quest to move from poverty to a middle class world.

Several panelists pointed to ongoing programs that offer paths to reform. Molly Baldwin, director of ROCA, stated that her organization has reduced recidivism by 65 percent amongst high risk youth.  ROCA is a nationally renowned organization in Massachusetts that piloted, amongst other things, a Social Impact Bond funding model.  In this “Pay for Success” design, a venture capital firm provides the up-front money to help the state invest in services to prevent crime and re-incarceration, and the state only pays them back if the project succeeds.  This funding structure allows the state to begin the process of retooling its criminal justice system from a mass incarceration model to a prevention model.

An array of current local efforts were also discussed.  John Houston of Justice Assistance and Brad Brockmann of the Center for Prisoner Health and Human Rights, discussed their collaboration to improve awaiting trial discharge planning in order to stop addiction and mental-health fueled reoffending.  Solangel Rodriguez discussed OpenDoor’s efforts to help felons find work.  Teny Gross described his institute’s work preventing violent crime.  Assistant Attorney General Stacey Veroni referenced the RI Drug Court, the RI Veteran’s Court, and Justice Assistance’s program to divert into community supervision those that would otherwise be held without bail.  Chief Public Defender Mary McElroy discussed legislation to “turn off the spigot” by reclassifying several petty misdemeanors, such as disorderly conduct, to civil offenses.

But the largest reform conversation was about probation. “Mass probation” is a nationwide phenomenon, but it is especially true here. We have the fourth highest rate of people on probation and are one of three states with the lowest possible standard of proof for revocation hearings.  One in 34 adult white men are on probation in this state, one in six adult black men.  In complete unison, each agency agreed that mass probation was a problem that should be tackled.

Department of Corrections Director A. T. Wall said the number of probationers far exceeds the capacity of his staff to appropriately supervise them, saying that officers must “triage” cases to deal with the overflow.  He remarked that in 2007, policy makers had come together to avert a prison overcrowding problem.  That process resulted in groundbreaking good-time legislation and a marked reduction in the prison population with little political fallout or crime ramifications (in fact, as the DOC data showed, recidivism rates actually decreased slightly from 2004 to 2010).  That 2007 discussion also included several ideas regarding probation reform, which in combination with the ideas discussed at the forum, could serve as a starting point for a renewed push.  Wall called for a followup proactive discussion to solve the probation crisis, and his concerns were reiterated by Veroni, McElroy, Colonel O’Donnell, the Superintendent of the Rhode Island State Police, and several members of the audience.

Laura Pisaturo, the new Parole Board Chair, also stated that any changes would be difficult.  “We must have the courage to implement best practices,” she said, “There are no easy solutions.”

Though participants did not come to a consensus on what the hard solutions would be, they made substantial progress for a single day’s work.  What happens next remains to be seen, but, “I’m not going anywhere,” vowed Judge Savage in her closing, offering a promise and a challenge to the audience she had brought together.