RI Show Up In Force For Marriage Equality


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Rhode Islanders line up to testify, 3-to-1 in favor of same-sex marriage.

The State House was packed with supporters and, yes, opponents of marriage equality. While the Senate Judiciary Committee was hearing testimony for and against the bill, they were also hearing the horde of supporters and protestors gathered in the rotunda echoing throughout the marble halls.

Supporters of same-sex marriage sang songs like Marching on the Side of Love, Amazing Grace, and Let it Shine, it seems the opposition could only muster a din of  “No,No, No!” The chants and songs became deafening as the group in the rotunda grew. There were a surprisingly large contingency of Latinos within the ranks of those opposed to same sex marriage.

More than 650 people signed up to testify on the bill. There were many more outside the hearing room. The crowd in the rotunda spilled onto the second and third floor balconies as the din of what seemed like a sermon against gay marriage echoed through the marble halls of the State House. Funny, hate speech sounds just about the same in any language.

Some within RIUnited spoke of a young transgendered man that was vilified and brought to tears by the predominantly Latino crowd in the rotunda. At one point, I waded into the crowd and shot this video. You can see the hate in this woman’s eyes.

[vsw id=”C6fC93WI_7k” source=”youtube” width=”525″ height=”344″ autoplay=”no”]

I guess the lesson here is, when you don’t have a rational, cogent argument, be as loud as you possibly can.

Before the fracas in the rotunda began, I caught up with Ray Sullivan, former State Representative, and current campaign director for Rhode Islanders United for Marriage Equality. He had this to say:

[vsw id=”-q4qnCiUGEY” source=”youtube” width=”525″ height=”344″ autoplay=”no”]

 

Our LGBTQ Prejudices: 1960’s Vs. Today


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CBS’s Mike Wallace on America’s perception of the LGBTQ community in 1969. What will future documentaries show about us?

In 1969, venerable CBS reporter Mike Wallace reported “Two out of three Americans look upon homosexuals with disgust, discomfort or fear. A CBS News public opinion survey indicates that sentiment is against permitting homosexual relationship among consenting adults without legal punishment.” (13:40 in this documentary about the Stonewall riots in Greenwich Village that year)

At the time in United States, mainstream medicine, media and culture thought being gay could be cured with drugs, institutionalization and even physical torture or a lobotomy.

Thankfully, most people – with the notable exception of the some of the folks who will testify for a voter referendum on marriage equality tonight at the Senate Judiciary Committee – know how wrong we were about the LGBTQ community.

My warning to anyone who would support such a poor tool for granting equal rights is that in couple of years you might find your public statements in a documentary about how prejudiced we were about human sexuality just a few short years ago…

Watch Stonewall Uprising on PBS. See more from American Experience.

My Marriage Equality Testimony For Tonight


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Dear Chairman McCaffrey and Members of the Committee,

I am proud today to offer testimony in support of Senate Bill 38, the marriage equality bill. I urge you to back this historic legislation and affirm Rhode Island’s commitment to equal rights.

I am here with my mom, who is one of the thousands of Rhode Islanders who is discriminated against by our current marriage law.  I ask you how you would feel if someone told you that your mother couldn’t marry the person she loved? Would you be indignant?

So yes, I am here in great part for selfish motivations. I love my mom, and I want to protect her from harm. I am also here to stand in solidarity with my many gay and lesbian friends, most of whom couldn’t be here to speak for themselves. I would be a lesser person if it weren’t for their friendship.

If Rhode Island law is determined by my personal whims, the invocations of my mom and friends as reasons to support this bill will sway you in that direction. Alas, I realize I am only one citizen, even if the polls show me in the majority.

Let me add then that my gay and lesbian friends generally have healthier relationships than my heterosexual friends. I am also confident that their love is equal in strength and commitment to the love of my straight friends. Indeed, some of them have already gotten married in other states. I see the joy of those few, and I cannot for the life of me see any rationale for continuing to deny the right to marry to so many Rhode Islanders.

If Rhode Island law is determined by rationality, the fact that same sex relationships are exactly the same as heterosexual relationships in the spirit of love will convince you to support this bill. Sadly, rationality is not the determining factor in the issue of equal marriage.

Marriage is an enshrinement of love which is elementally spiritual, and thus from the very beginning it has been entangled with religion. For better or for worse, rationality has been overshadowed by faith in this policy debate. Consequently, Rhode Island’s marriage law institutionalizes the prejudice, intolerance, and discrimination of antiquated religious beliefs.

If only there was some prohibition against mixing church and state, there would be a way around this intractable mess. With that in mind, I’ll invoke an ancestor a bit farther removed than my mother, namely Roger Williams. Williams was a devout man, a Baptist minister in fact. Yet, it was he who brought the notion of separation of church and state that the freedom of religion demands to America. It was he who charged us in the Rhode Island Constitution:

“to hold forth a lively experiment that a flourishing civil state may stand and be best maintained with full liberty inreligious concernments; we, therefore, declare that no person shall be compelled to frequent or to support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatever, except in fulfillment of such person’s voluntary contract; nor enforced, restrained, molested, or burdened in body or goods; nor disqualified from holding any office; nor otherwise suffer on account of such person’s religious belief; and that every person shall be free to worship God according to the dictates of such person’s conscience, and to profess and by argument to maintain such person’s opinion in matters of religion; and that the same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge, or affect the civil capacity of any person.”

I can say with confidence that if he was alive today, Roger Williams would be ashamed of how current law compels Rhode Islanders to support the ministries of some faiths in such a way that it affects the civil capacities of thousands of other citizens.

As an active member of two faith communities that have endorsed same sex marriage, the Quakers and the Unitarian-Universalists, I know first hand that current law violates the practice of my beliefs while it validates the religious practice of others. Therefore, it is unconstitutional, and it should be amended appropriately.

Senate Bill 38 does this. It brings our law back into agreement with our Constitution. Moreover, it recognizes the common sense reality that all love is equal and should be allowed equal expression. Most importantly of course, my mom and my friends will finally have the respect they deserve. The more we abolish the institutions that create lesser classes of people, the greater we will all become.

Please pass this bill, and thank you for your consideration.

Sincerely,

Abel Collins

Ken Block: Why Progressive RI Should Agree With Me


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Ken Block

Ken BlockWhile I might not agree with where Ken Block invests his energy and determination, I certainly have a lot of respect for his energy and determination. Even after I compared him to PT Barnum and likened his SNAP fraud investigation to Anthony Gemma’s voter fraud investigation, he still took the time to write an essay for RI Future on why progressives should support his efforts.

But either before or after reading Ken’s thoughts, please read my editor’s note at the bottom of his piece, and Sam Howard’s excellent analysis about how and what we communicate about those who live in poverty.

Here’s Ken’s piece:

There are two fundamental truths when it comes to social service spending programs—1) even now, these government assistance programs are not fully meeting the needs of low-income Americans and 2) there will always be people who say the government spends too much on these efforts.

The recent Washington Post story highlighting the effect of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) on the residents of Woonsocket was a powerful reminder not only of the impact of the program, but how it is leaves people struggling to make those benefits last.

The issue of targeting waste and fraud in these programs is one that makes some in the progressive community uncomfortable, because they fear that highlighting real-world abuses of welfare programs will give fodder to the forces that want to eliminate them. But let’s be honest: no degree of welfare reform, not even the most effective effort to stop waste and fraud in the system, will be enough to silence those who want government to stop funding social service efforts.

So is it best then for the progressive community to fight for state and federal expansion of programs like food stamps and housing assistance, while simply ignoring whether waste and fraud are limiting the effectiveness of those programs? I say no. If we truly believe that these programs provide lifelines to individuals and families who desperately need help to get by in today’s difficult economy, I would argue that while fighting to fully fund these programs, progressives also need to make sure that the people who need help the most are getting it.

If government isn’t moving to add additional funding to these programs, then the next best thing is making sure that waste and fraud isn’t taking money away from families in Woonsocket and other parts of the state who need it.

I have spoken to people who run Health and Human Services programs here in Rhode Island and in states across the country. They are good people who know how to get assistance dollars out the door and into the community. But they are not always as effective when it comes to making sure those dollars are creating the desired outcomes. So when I talk to them about the importance of program integrity, they get it and they realize it is a way to maximize their effectiveness and to make an even bigger difference in the lives of the people they are trying to help.

What is program integrity?

It’s a way to make the most of a limited pool of dollars. It’s a way to get the most bang for our social spending buck. And it’s a way to help make sure that people in need don’t get left out because assistance dollars are going to those who don’t deserve them.

Program integrity is the formal name given to efforts to ensure that spending in public assistance programs is consistent with the mission and rules of those programs. I believe that program integrity should be an issue that the progressive community backs whole-heartedly.

In SNAP, the key program integrity issue involves stopping unscrupulous retailers (most often small convenience store owners) who facilitate the conversion of food benefits in the SNAP program into cash. Like payday lenders who prey on those without access to the banking system, these people take a cut of the money for providing this service—often as much as 50% of the total benefit due to a recipient. The beneficiary is then able to use whatever cash is left for non-food items that SNAP would not pay for otherwise. An effective program can red flag retailers engaged in this practice and put an end to it, so that funds aren’t being channeled to retailers and so that the children of SNAP beneficiaries aren’t left going hungry because the funds the family was counting on went to pay for cigarettes, alcohol or other non-food items.

In programs like housing assistance, there are finite financial resources and a limited number of available housing units. Using program integrity here helps to ensure that the neediest citizens are not unfairly denied assistance. Section 8 housing can often have a waiting list of many years. If someone living in a subsidized housing unit is misrepresenting their financial situation and hanging onto the unit as a result, a needier family is being denied access. This is an issue of basic fairness and if the agency providing the benefits has the ability to make sure everyone is playing by the rules, they have an obligation to do so.

As with any effort that throws off a lot of data, there will be people who misconstrue and attempt to misuse program integrity data to undermine the mission or activities of the agency involved. But with or without data, those attacks will go on from those who are hell-bent to force the elimination of these necessary social service programs. But by gathering and acting on this data, program integrity initiatives produce a larger good—ensuring that taxpayer dollars targeted for social service programs provide the best possible results. And in the long run, improved results will effectively marginalize the empty noise made by those whose agenda does not involve producing positive outcomes in our communities.

I truly believe that government should always strive to measure the effectiveness of all programs and initiatives to determine if those programs are achieving their stated goals and operating efficiently. That holds true whether we are talking about evaluating economic development incentives, tax policy, social service spending programs or even something as unglamorous as DMV waiting lines or wait times for service at the Department of Labor and Training. To me, this analysis is a cornerstone of good governance and an indicator of government accountability to voters and taxpayers. And that’s something progressives should be proud to support.

 

And here’s my equally long editor’s note:

  • I firmly believe Ken Block’s efforts on this report was not the work of someone who would make a good governor. I think he is really smart and obviously hard-working, but, as Howard writes, it is “full of conjecture and insinuation that wouldn’t receive a passing grade in a college course.”
  • Holding such an opinion does not equate to supporting public sector fraud. In fact, many have suggested areas of government where both more fraud and more potential savings can be found. Scott MacKay suggested physician and health care industry fraud, for example.
  • I think the most common takeaway from this piece will be that the progressive left doesn’t value good government initiatives.
  • I think because of the way the mainstream media reported on Block’s SNAP investigation, the biggest effect of his efforts will be to further foster the false narrative that there is a widespread social services abuse among those who live in poverty (Again, see Sam Howard’s post).
  • I might be wrong, but it’s worth considering that I’m right. It is an indisputable fact that local Republicans and other fiscal conservatives are using the media swirl around his report to counter progressive proposals – see this video of Dave Fisher asking House Minority Leader Brain Newberry about tax equity.
  • If I’m right, it’s an example of how politicians and pundits have learned to manipulate the marketplace of ideas, which is still largely driven by print and broadcast journalism/journalists/pundits.
  • Ian Donnis and Scott MacKay are the best around at using the tools of unbiased journalism to get Rhode Island politicians on the record, and it is well worth listening to their probing interview with Block from last week.
  • However, it’s worth mentioning that MacKay, who dismissed Block’s report last week in this op/ed, tipped his hand in the interview: When Donnis asked Block if teaming up to form a “taxpayers” group with members of RISC and the tea party – probably two of the most conservative groups in the state – cast a shadow on his reputation as a “moderate,” you can actually hear MacKay laugh when Block responds by saying, “I became the president of a re-branded, move to the center organization…” (It happens at 6:55 here … perhaps MacKay coughed, but it is laughable to suggest that joining forces with Lisa Blais, Harriet Loyd and Donna Perry is an attempt to move to the center.)
  • So much of what Ken Block does reminds me of the famous Thomas Pynchon line from Gravity’s Rainbow: “If they can get you asking the wrong questions, they don’t have to worry about the answers.”
  • Only news in his post: Ken Block says it is more important to increase funding to SNAP than it is to investigate waste and/or fraud.

The Value of Agency


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A recent article in The Washington Post on the effects the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) has on Woonsocket has once again placed the federal program in Rhode Island’s sights. Though the article is an indictment of our collapsed economy, a single part of the article focusing on the family’s finances seems to have caught the attention of both right and left. Here’s the offending part:

For the past three years, the Ortizes’ lives had unfolded in a series of exhausting, fractional decisions. Was it better to eat the string cheese now or to save it? To buy milk for $3.80 nearby or for $3.10 across town? Was it better to pay down the $600 they owed the landlord, or the $110 they owed for their cellphones, or the $75 they owed the tattoo parlor, or the $840 they owed the electric company?

And here’s Marc Comtois over at Anchor Rising:

They made some of the all too typical mistakes: teen pregnancy, move in together, have another child on their already low income and all exacerbated by a recession where the low-skilled are first and worst hit. Their economic ignorance and inability to prioritize is displayed by their $110 cell phone bill and tatoo parlor debt. That won’t help earn them much sympathy.

Yet, while they don’t seem to really “get it”–and I don’t want to give them a pass–society and the system certainly enable their naivete and ignorance. In today’s world, having a cell phone is simply a given–well nigh a “right” in the eyes of many–and spending money on tatoo’s is another norm, like getting your ears pierced used to be. That’s what you spend your cash, your “extra” money, on. Food comes from SNAP.

Here’s our own Dave Fisher, linking this story to the educational models of the state:

While I can certainly empathize with this couple, the fact that tattoos are an expense in a budget this small is patently ridiculous. Even for those with disposable income, body art should be considered a luxury.

Why do they not know this? Is this a failure of our education system, or a failure on their parents’ part? Is it just poor decision making?

In any case, the esoteric mathematics knowledge supposedly assessed by the NECAP has no relevance in their lives. Knowledge of simple Home Economics, on the other hand, may actually help this young family squirrel away some money and someday be able to wean themselves from the teat of federal assistance…

…And I’ve got some news for you, folks: When they fail, we — the royal we — have failed.

I like both writers, and on most issues they could not be further apart, but here you see them neatly align, almost parroting their arguments (though there are significant differences between the two). I’ll get to their arguments, but first I want to make a media point.

Post continues on next page (see “Pages” below “Related Posts”)

In Budget Vote, Cicilline Betrays Progressives


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As I predicted on Tuesday, Congressman Cicilline voted against the Progressive Caucus’s budget on Wednesday. For a vice chair of the Progressive Caucus, this is a major break—especially after Rhode Island progressives have made it very clear they do not want Cicilline to abandon House progressives.

This is a tough vote for Rhode Island progressives to swallow.  The progressive community threw our all into getting Cicilline reelected.  We are his base.  We chose not to attack him on previous votes where he has betrayed the progressive agenda because we thought it might damage him.  David Segal, a progressive who ran against Cicilline in 2010, opted not to run in 2012.  But he refuses to stand up for progressive values.

In a statement posted to RI Future in response to my post on Tuesday, Cicilline spokesman Rich Luchette argued that “it is absurd to suggest that David is anything other than %100 committed to protecting Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security benefits.” Cicilline did sign a letter specifically opposing such cuts in a sequestration deal, but only in a sequestration deal.  However, the concern I raised was not that he would support such cuts in a sequestration deal but that he would support them in a grand bargain deal.  The letter Cicilline signed would not bar him from supporting those cuts in a grand bargain deal.  The letter he refused to sign would.

This is not a difficult issue.  If Cicilline believes his position has been misrepresented by his actions, all he has to do is sign the Grayson-Takano letter pledging never cut Social Security, Medicaid, or Medicare.  If he continues to refuse to sign it, his position will be clear.

Similarly, if Cicilline opposes sequestration, all he has to do is cosponsor the Cancel the Sequester Act.  The mainstream Democratic plan, which Cicilline supports, replaces sequestration with more acceptable austerity that has no chance of passage.  It cedes the ideological ground that we must be doing austerity in a jobs crisis, a battle Democrats will never win.  Had Democrats supported repealing the sequester, the debate would have been between Republicans who support the sequester and Democrats who oppose it.  Instead, it is between Democrats who want a Democratic version of the sequester and Republicans who want a Republican version of the sequester.

One doesn’t have to be a very active observer of politics to know that Democrats and Republicans would not come together on a sequester plan even vaguely acceptable to liberals.  When Democrats refused to call for a repeal of the sequester, it ensured the sequester would happen.  If Cicilline persists in opposing repealing the sequester, his position will be clear:  He prioritizes deficit reduction over jobs.

On Tuesday, I predicted Cicilline would abandon the Progressive Caucus and oppose the Caucus’s budget.  Yesterday, he proved me right.  This is about as clear a sign as you could imagine that Cicilline does not stand with progressives on economic issues.  If he had felt at all conflicted, he could have, like Jim Langevin, at least chosen not to vote one way or the other.  This vote indicates that he may soon be contemplating an exit from the Caucus.  Again, if he sees this concern as unwarranted, all he has to do is pledge he will never leave the Progressive Caucus.

Let us be clear, progressives are not going to vote against Cicilline in the general election.  We are not going to vote for a conservative primary challenger.  The question is whether we will continue to pour our limited resources into a candidate who does not stand up for our values—instead of state and local candidates who do.

This is not an idle concern.  During the 2012 election, for instance, members of the Progressive Democrats knocked on more than 3,000 doors for Cicilline in East Providence.  Had we instead been canvassing for Bob DaSilva (who lost by less than 2%), Bob DaSilva almost certainly would have won.

If Cicilline would like to see his base work for him instead of on General Assembly races, he has some explaining to do.  I encourage him to begin that process by defending his vote on RI Future.

Voter ID Repeal Bill Hits House Judiciary Committee


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Rep. Larry Valencia

Individual voter fraud.

If I could reduce the font of those three words in proportion to the actual occurrences of said fraud, they would be imperceptible to the human eye, and yet, two years ago the General Assembly passed a voter ID law, which amounts to, as Steven Brown of the ACLU of Rhode Island put it, “A solution looking for a problem.”

This year, Rep. Larry Valencia aims to overturn that law. Last night, the House Judiciary Committee heard testimony from Valencia and a host of other proponents of voter ID repeal, including Steven Brown of the RI ACLU, James Vincent, President of the RI NAACP, Sam Bell of the Young Democrats of Rhode Island, and former state prosecutor Robert Ellis Smith. Only two opponents of the repeal gave verbal testimony, one of which was Paul Caranci, a member of Secretary A. Ralph Mollis’ staff. Not surprising considering that Mollis crafted the original voter ID legislation.

Opponents of Voter ID laws have a host of issues to get fired up about. From voter disenfranchisement, to the fact that voter fraud, on an individual basis, really does not exist.

“The Bush administration assessed millions of ballots during the eight years he was in office,” Rep. Valencia said, “and found only a handful of individual voter fraud reports.” He went on to say that voter ID laws create barriers where none should exist, and that people who choose not to vote, or are turned away from the polls because they lack proper ID, rarely report these incidents, so gauging how often this happens is next to impossible.

Caranci pointed to the high turnout in the 2010 election as proof that voter ID laws do not lead to voter disenfranchisement. “We have no idea how prevalent this problem is, because we lack the tools to effectively detect and prosecute instances of individual voter fraud.” He also indicated that Rhode Islanders overwhelmingly support voter ID. Polls show that nearly 85 percent of the state support such a measure.

“Regardless of  the popularity of voter ID, I support repeal,” said Valencia, “because it’s the right thing to do.”

Provisions in the Voter ID law also make it easier to vote by mail ballot, where we have seen instances of voter fraud. Ironic that a law that proposes to eliminate voter fraud that really doesn’t exist, actually makes it easier to commit fraud by mail.

Rep. Joseph Almeida peppered Caranci throughout his testimony with the mantra, “Show me instances of individual voter fraud. Show me the numbers. Show me the data.

Rep. Doreen Costa, who sponsored the Voter ID bill in the last session said, “I’m very proud of this bill. If 85 percent of Rhode Islanders support voter ID, well, we’re elected to do what they want.” Costa left the meeting before the majority of repeal proponents offered their testimony.

Marriage Equality To Get Senate Judiciary Hearing

On Thursday the Rhode Island Senate Judiciary Committee is scheduled to hold a hearing on the same-sex marriage bill.  This bill will not be passed out of the Judiciary Committee without thousands of volunteers helping to build support, so folks should begin arriving on Thursday at 10:00 a.m. to make their presence known throughout the day.  This is a crucial moment to make history, and we need any/all volunteers who can give an hour of their time, make a simple phone call, or write a letter to their senator.

Each voice and every effort makes a world of difference, so stand up and be counted!