Citing lack of action on minimum wage, Regunberg declines pay increase


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Aaron Regunberg
Aaron Regunberg

Today I declined a cost of living adjustment increase to my legislative salary, and committed that I will not take a raise until Rhode Island raises the minimum wage for all low-income workers.

I recognize this is an entirely symbolic move, and in fact that it is a particularly tiny symbol, considering how minuscule this legislative salary increase is (it’s real, real small). And I support the COLA on principle – in fact, I think that the (comparatively) low compensation for state legislators in Rhode Island is a significant barrier keeping a lot of Rhode Islanders from serving in elected office, particularly low-income Rhode Islanders whose voices we desperately need in the General Assembly. But as a legislator, I do not personally feel comfortable taking any cost of living adjustment knowing that Rhode Island’s lowest-paid workers have not received any adjustment.

It is past time for our state to declare that no Rhode Islander that works full-time should live in poverty. Our current minimum wage is a starvation wage, and too many Rhode Island families are struggling to get by on this inadequate pay. We need a LIVING wage, which is why I support the Fight for $15, and why I will continue working to increase our minimum wage and refuse future salary increases until we are at least on par with our neighbors here in New England.

Community renewable energy for all Rhode Islanders


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community-solar_410_282_c1On June 18, the General Assembly passed a renewable energy legislative package that continues to move Rhode Island towards a clean energy economy of the future.

One section of this package, reflecting legislative language I introduced this session, expands Rhode Island’s net metering law to provide residential accounts and low-income and affordable housing residents the capacity to remotely net meter. By creating new opportunities for community renewable energy projects that are open to all Rhode Islanders (not just folks who own a roof that’s perfect for solar), our legislation will spur local renewable production, boost our state’s economic development, and bring the benefits of renewable energy to thousands more Rhode Island families.

This program expansion comes not a moment too soon. Most of us understand that there is a climate catastrophe hurtling towards us that requires urgent action. We also know that the move to renewable energy offers incredible economic potential – in fact, Rhode Island’s 2016 Clean Energy Industry Report found that clean energy employment grew a stunning 40% last year, to 14,000 jobs. So as a state, we have both a moral obligation and an economic imperative to go full steam ahead with a transition to clean energy.

To achieve this, we need to take renewable energy to scale and make sure its benefits are accessible to all Rhode Islanders. Community remote net metering is a critical piece of that puzzle; here’s how it works.

Net metering is a policy that allows Rhode Islanders who install renewable energy systems such as solar panels to connect to the electric grid and receive credit on their bill for the energy they generate. It makes sense (folks should be credited for the energy they’re producing) and creates a major economic incentive to develop these projects.

The problem is that right now, net metering can only apply to installations that are physically on a customer’s property. Yet only 25% of rooftops in Rhode Island are currently optimal for solar systems. Many homes are affected by shading from nearby trees or angling issues. And lots of Rhode Islanders are renters, or live in affordable housing, meaning they’re not able to install projects right on their residency. The way the current program is set up, we’re excluding three quarters of Rhode Islanders from participating in this market right off the bat!

By expanding net metering to include off-site generation and community solar projects, we can ensure that every family has an opportunity to access the benefits of cheap and stable renewable energy, whether or not their direct premises are suitable for a solar or wind system.

That means a lot more demand for these projects, which means more businesses stepping up to fill that demand, which means more jobs, more clean energy, and lower costs for thousands of Rhode Islanders.

It also means more equity. Off-site net metered systems can be designed to serve multiple customers, providing a way for renters and low-income families to join together on community renewable projects that they could never site or afford on their own. As we transition to a clean energy economy, we can’t leave anyone behind, so it is critical that we open net metering to all Rhode Islanders – not just those who can afford to build a full system individually.

We have a responsibility to the next generation of Rhode Islanders to act on climate change by bringing renewable energy to scale. But we shouldn’t fear this clean energy transition. Rather, this should be a revolution to celebrate, for it entails more jobs for working families, enhanced energy security for our state, and – ultimately – reduced energy costs for all Rhode Islanders.

By expanding access to the democratic, open-source energy generation that comes from community remote net metering, we are moving our state forward toward a more prosperous, equitable, and environmentally friendly economy for everyone. And that’s something we can all get behind.

My toll take


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RegunbergOn February 10th, after 7 hours of debate on the House Floor, I voted for legislation to invest in our state’s crumbling infrastructure and establish a sustainable source of revenue to maintain and repair our roads and bridges. As a proud progressive, I am happy to stand by that vote.

We’ve seen some loud opposition to the truck tolling plan, and I understand where some of this hostility is coming from. For example, I get why the rightwing Center for Freedom and Prosperity would seize on this issue – they, like their benefactors the Koch brothers, are philosophically opposed to the whole premise of taxing private property for the public good, so asking truck companies to pay their fair share for infrastructure maintenance is naturally going to rub them the wrong way. Similarly, it makes sense that my friends and colleagues in the Republican Caucus – who have strenuously fought against every policy I’ve put forward to improve wages for low-income workers, to strengthen the social safety net for struggling families, and to create a more progressive tax structure – would argue against a proposal like this, and instead push for more regressive alternatives like privatizing our roads and bridges.

But I have a lot more trouble wrapping my head around the handful of progressive voices who have come out against this public investment and jobs initiative.

To me, the situation seems pretty straightforward: our infrastructure is in disrepair, and the responsibility for that disrepair is not evenly distributed throughout our state. Big trucks do a lot of damage to our roads and bridges. In fact, a government study found that one 40-ton truck causes as much damage as 9,600 cars. Yet the folks who own these trucks are not paying for the consequences of their damage – all of us are. It’s a negative externality on a public good, not so different from a factory polluting a river or a smoker’s second-hand smoke. And in the same way that I support environmental regulations and smoke-free workplaces, I believe it’s completely reasonable to require the businesses who are deteriorating this shared public good to the greatest extent to pay their fair share for our infrastructure’s upkeep and maintenance.

So I stand by my vote to invest in our state’s economic development, to invest in the livelihood of our workers, and to invest in the the future safety of our young people. And while I would never claim to be the final arbiter of what is and is not progressive (that age-old question we love to argue about on the left), I will say that in my personal opinion, RhodeWorks passes that test easily, and those of us who care passionately about economic, social, and racial justice have better targets for our energy and outrage than the placement of a $20 toll on a million dollar truck.

Providence Student Union is hiring


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10321607_816408188369951_587362894435817055_oSpread the word – PSU is hiring!

The Providence Student Union (PSU) is a youth organizing and leadership development organization that brings high school aged youth together to build student power and fight for young people to have a fair say in the decisions impacting their education. PSU has school based, citywide, and statewide organizing campaigns, and is recognized as a national leader in the fight against high-stakes testing, among other issues.

PSU seeks a full time Youth Organizer who is skilled, flexible, devoted to PSU’s mission and committed to building student power.

If you know of anyone who should take a look, please share with them. Thanks so much for the help!

Why I’m running for state representative


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regunbergYesterday, we held the official kickoff for my campaign for state representative in House District 4. I thought this would be a great opportunity to share why I’m running with the RIFuture community.

Growing up, I learned everything I know about resiliency from my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own and made sure we got a great education and had terrific role models. My grandma, who was an executive director of Planned Parenthood in the years before Roe v. Wade, taught me the importance of empowering people to make choices for themselves. And my grandpa, a refugee of the Holocaust, came to America with the deepest appreciation for our democracy, which I carry with me every day.

I came here six years ago for school, and I stayed for Providence, and Rhode Island. I’ve chosen to make my home here because there is no city with as much beauty, character and diversity on every block as we have in Providence.

We live in an amazing place. But we all know our community faces huge challenges. There are too many people out of work, too many young people who aren’t getting the education they deserve. My family always taught me, when there’s a challenge, you roll up your sleeves and bring the folks impacted together to solve it. That’s why, in 2010 I co-founded a youth-led nonprofit that brings high school students together to push for stronger public schools. I’ve seen passionate young people in the Providence Student Union win healthier school lunches, change transportation policy so hundreds of students have a way of getting to school safely, and fight the misuse of standardized testing.

These students inspired me to run for office, because they’ve shown me what can happen when community voices are actually brought to the table. Too often in our state, decisions get made without the people, whether it’s our students or our small business owners or our neighbors.

I know we can do better. We can have smarter, bottom-up economic development. We can transform schools into places of real, authentic learning. We make our government more ethical and transparent. If our voices are heard.

I have been working hard to build a campaign worthy of your support, knocking on doors, listening to questions and ideas. I am humbled to see the energy and excitement around my candidacy, because – together – I know we can start something new in Rhode Island.

That’s why I want to ask you to join my campaign. Please sign up for updates on my website, let us know if you’d like to volunteer, and consider making a contribution to our campaign and an investment in new, progressive leadership for our state. Thank you. Time to get to work!

What are we to think of Common Core?


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This month, Diane Ravitch gave a speech to the annual meeting of the Modern Language Association in which she laid out a comprehensive analysis of the Common Core. Ravitch gets a bad rap for being polemical, but this piece is far from a polemic – it’s a straightforward analysis from her perspective. (By the way, Ravitch’s speech was originally designed as a debate between Ravitch and David Coleman, the lead architect and cheerleader for the Common Core, but he backed out).

The Common Core is becoming increasingly controversial, but for many people the whole issue remains murky and poorly understood, so I was thankful to see Dr. Ravitch lay out the context, rationale, and criticisms of the Common Core in clear language, and I encourage you to download her entire speech here.

For those who don’t want to read the whole thing, here are some parts I found most insightful.

On how the standards were written:

“The Common Core standards were written in 2009 under the aegis of several D.C.-based organizations: the National Governors Association, the Council of Chief State School Officers, and Achieve. The development process was led behind closed doors by a small organization called Student Achievement Partners, headed by David Coleman. The writing group of 27 contained few educators, but a significant number of representatives of the testing industry. From the outset, the Common Core standards were marked by the absence of public participation, transparency, or educator participation. In a democracy, transparency is crucial, because transparency and openness builds trust. Those crucial ingredients were lacking.”

 

On why they were written:

“The advocates of the standards saw them as a way to raise test scores by making sure that students everywhere in every grade were taught using the same standards. They believed that common standards would automatically guarantee equity. Some spoke of the Common Core as a civil rights issue. They emphasized that the Common Core standards would be far more rigorous than most state standards and they predicted that students would improve their academic performance in response to raising the bar…What the advocates ignored is that test scores are heavily influenced by socioeconomic status. Standardized tests are normed on a bell curve. The upper half of the curve has an abundance of those who grew up in favorable circumstances, with educated parents, books in the home, regular medical care, and well-resourced schools. Those who dominate the bottom half of the bell curve are the kids who lack those advantages, whose parents lack basic economic security, whose schools are overcrowded and under-resourced. To expect tougher standards and a renewed emphasis on standardized testing to reduce poverty and inequality is to expect what never was and never will be.”

 

On who supports Common Core:

“Who supported the standards? Secretary Duncan has been their loudest cheerleader. Governor Jeb Bush of Florida and former DC Chancellor Michelle Rhee urged their rapid adoption. Joel Klein and Condoleeza Rice chaired a commission for the Council on Foreign Relations, which concluded that the Common Core standards were needed to protect national security. Major corporations purchased full-page ads in the New York Times and other newspapers to promote the Common Core. ExxonMobil is especially vociferous in advocating for Common Core, taking out advertisements on television and other news media saying that the standards are needed to prepare our workforce for global competition. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce endorsed the standards, saying they were necessary to prepare workers for the global marketplace. The Business Roundtable stated that its #1 priority is the full adoption and implementation of the Common Core standards. All of this excitement was generated despite the fact that no one knows whether the Common Core will fulfill any of these promises. It will take 12 years whether we know what its effects are.”

 

On the testing component of Common Core:

“The Obama administration awarded $350 million to two groups to create tests for the Common Core standards. The testing consortia jointly decided to use a very high passing mark, which is known as a ‘cut score.’ The Common Core testing consortia decided that the passing mark on their tests would be aligned with the proficient level on the federal tests called NAEP. This is a level typically reached by about 35-40% of students. Massachusetts is the only state in which as many as 50% ever reached the NAEP proficient level. The testing consortia set the bar so high that most students were sure to fail, and they did.

In New York state, which gave the Common Core tests last spring, only 30% of students across the state passed the tests. Only 3% of English language learners passed. Only 5% of students with disabilities passed. Fewer than 20% of African American and Hispanic students passed. By the time the results were reported in August, the students did not have the same teachers; the teachers saw the scores, but did not get any item analysis. They could not use the test results for diagnostic purposes, to help students. Their only value was to rank students.”

 

On the financial cost of Common Core:

“The financial cost of implementing Common Core has barely been mentioned in the national debates. All Common Core testing will be done online. This is a bonanza for the tech industry and other vendors. Every school district must buy new computers, new teaching materials, and new bandwidth for the testing. At a time when school budgets have been cut in most states and many thousands of teachers have been laid off, school districts across the nation will spend billions to pay for Common Core testing. Los Angeles alone committed to spend $1 billion on iPads for the tests; the money is being taken from a bond issue approved by voters for construction and repair of school facilities. Meanwhile, the district has cut teachers of the arts, class size has increased, and necessary repairs are deferred because the money will be spent on iPads. The iPads will be obsolete in a year or two, and the Pearson content loaded onto the iPads has only a three-year license. The cost of implementing the Common Core and the new tests is likely to run into the billions at a time of deep budget cuts.”

 

On the standards themselves:

“Early childhood educators are nearly unanimous in saying that no one who wrote the standards had any expertise in the education of very young children. More than 500 early childhood educators signed a joint statement complaining that the standards were developmentally inappropriate for children in the early grades. The standards, they said, emphasize academic skills and leave inadequate time for imaginative play. They also objected to the likelihood that young children would be subjected to standardized testing. And yet proponents of the Common Core insist that children as young as 5 or 6 or 7 should be on track to be college-and-career ready, even though children this age are not likely to think about college, and most think of careers as cowboys, astronauts, or firefighters.”

 

On the lack of process for revising the standards:

“Another problem presented by the Common Core standards is that there is no one in charge of fixing them. If teachers find legitimate problems and seek remedies, there is no one to turn to. If the demands for students in kindergarten and first grade are developmentally inappropriate, no one can make changes. The original writing committee no longer exists. No organization or agency has the authority to revise the standards. The Common Core standards might as well be written in stone. This makes no sense. They were not handed down on Mount Sinai, they are not an infallible Papal encyclical, why is there no process for improving and revising them?”

 

So there is some of what Diane Ravitch has to say on the Common Core standards. If you’re interested in reading more, one of my favorite pieces I’ve read is from my friend at EdWeek, Nancy Flanagan, who wrote this gem of common sense in which she warns that “disaggregating the good reasons [to oppose Common Core] from the outright baloney is important. When we join the crazies, we reinforce their craziness and further muddy the discourse.”

In my personal opinion, I think that Common Core – divorced from high-stakes testing – is just another problematic, primarily profit-driven “reform” scheme that won’t do much to improve public education. The main problem – and therefore the main target of our opposition – should be the high-stakes testing that actually represents a danger to the quality of our public schools, the ability of our teachers to engage their students, and the opportunities our students have to develop the love of learning they deserve.

The “High 1s”


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A widespread critique of high-stakes testing – regardless of the test involved – is that it distorts the incentives of educators, from system leaders down to teachers. One particularly well-documented phenomenon is the practice of redirecting (scarce) resources towards those students on the threshold of whatever arbitrary bar has been deemed the cutoff for the test’s high-stakes sanction.

The ability to use data to diagnose and target students’ needs is important. But from a pedagogical or scientific perspective, there is no reason to give threshold students any more focus and assistance than those who scored below them – who may need help even more urgently – or than those who scored a few questions above them but whose skills may be at a very similar level. Certainly, focusing on threshold students does not help establish “high standards” for every child. But given the perverse incentives created by a system of high-stakes testing, in which the outcome that matters is how many students cross a particular cutoff point, it is simply rational resource allocation for administrators and teachers to zero in on those students who are right on the edge of clearing the bar. In the case of the new NECAP graduation requirement, in which the cutoff for a diploma is a line between a score of 1 and 2, we are talking about the students who scored a “high 1.”

On Wednesday night, at a forum focused on the NECAP graduation requirement, a representative of the Rhode Island Department of Education (RIDE) may have inadvertently admitted that encouragement for these practices can be found even at the highest levels of the system.

Andrea Castaneda, Chief for Accelerated School Performance at RIDE, was defending the new testing policy when she spotlighted the remedial math/college credit program RIDE organized at CCRI for 100 at-risk students this summer. The crux of her comments was that this was a great service that RIDE was able to deliver thanks to the urgency created by placing over 4,000 students at risk of not graduating from high school; in other words, “Look, good things are happening because of this policy.”

We have heard this story before. It seems to be one of RIDE’s main talking points in support of the NECAP graduation requirement, and at the Board of Education’s August retreat it constituted Ms. Castaneda’s closing pitch after a long presentation focused on selling the policy to on-the-fence Board members.

From what I have heard, the CCRI program was a good one. Certainly, a class for 100 students is not a real response to a crisis facing thousands, but it definitely seems like a positive program and we should be glad it was offered.

What I had not heard before, however, was who was targeted to participate in these classes. On Wednesday, Ms. Castaneda let this information slip, explaining that RIDE asked local districts to identify, and I quote directly, “high 1s” to join the CCRI program.

High 1s. The threshold kids.

Clearly, the “high 1s” do need extra supports and assistance to fill gaps in their math skills. But then again, so do the “low 1s,” and so, presumably, do the “low 2s.” What is so worrying about this statement from a high-ranking RIDE official is that it calls into question the basic talking point that the NECAP graduation requirement is ensuring all students have the skills and knowledge they need to succeed. It suggests that instead of helping all students cross the bar of proficiency (which would welcome all 1s, if not 2s as well), RIDE targeted their extra training to those falling just an inch short. To learn that these statistical games may be happening in a program administered at the state level is very concerning.

Of course, when I spoke with Ms. Castaneda after the forum she backtracked. What she had really meant, she said, was that RIDE asked districts to identify students on the higher-performing end of the at-risk population. The really low scorers, she explained, probably did not have enough math skills to be able to learn from the remedial math classes offered at CCRI anyway. But she said all that would have taken too long to explain, so she had simply used the shorthand “high 1s.”

Whatever the case may be, we should take this as a reminder that the distorting effects of high-stakes testing continue to crop up. Education should not be about getting students to jump arbitrary hurdles. RIDE is absolutely right when they say we should be working to ensure every student has the supports they need to succeed, starting in pre-kindergarten and continuing until high school and beyond. But if a policy sets an arbitrary bar as an obstacle to graduation at the eleventh hour, RIDE must be ready to deal with the perverse ways this incentivizes educators to game the system. And RIDE should certainly not be engaging in these practices itself. There are already enough games playing themselves out in Rhode Island classrooms every day because of this policy, and not to the benefit of our students.

What is authentic assessment?


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Throughout the ongoing debate around Rhode Island’s new high-stakes testing graduation requirement, folks in our state have been hearing a lot of talk about standards and expectations.

This controversy has not, however, sparked a real conversation about the fundamental issue here, which can be boiled down to this question: what is authentic assessment? What does it look like and how can we create systems to support its use and – perhaps most important of all – what are its goals?

To see an example of true, authentic assessment, I urge you to watch “Seeing the Learning,” the 9th segment in a 10-part series of short, beautifully-shot films about the Mission Hill School in Boston, a shining example of what a public school can be.

At Mission Hill, staff hold fast to the original definition of “assessment,” which comes from the Latin, “to sit beside.” Students at Mission Hill take the required standardized tests, but teachers there understand that the best way to see if a student has grasped a lesson is through direct engagement and discussion; the best way to raise expectations for a child is to spark their curiosity and love of learning; and the most important goal of assessment is to better understand individual students so as to improve support, teaching and learning for them.

The Mission Hill School uses a similar assessment system as that used by the New York Performance Standards Consortium, a network of 28 public schools in New York that rely on practitioner-designed and student-focused assessment tasks rather than high-stakes testing. The Consortium schools – which have a higher population of students living at the poverty level, a higher percentage of ELL students, and a higher percentage of students entering school behind pace than regular New York City public schools – have remarkably better student outcomes than the average NYC school, including a dropout rate, at 5.3%, that is half that of the NYC average, and a graduation rate of special needs students (50%) that is double that of the NYC average. These superior results continue after high school, with eighty-five percent of Consortium graduates attending colleges rated competitive or better. And Consortium students’ college persistence to second year at 4-year colleges is 18.6% higher than the national average, while for 2-year colleges, persistence is 30.4% higher.

All this is to say that there are alternatives to standardized testing, and when they’re implemented well, these alternatives are actually far more effective than our current regime of high-stakes testing.

Which brings us back to Rhode Island. At the heart of the campaign against the NECAP graduation requirement that has been waged by parents, teachers and the youth group I work with, the Providence Student Union, is a belief that a simple standardized test gives us a pretty limited amount of data about students. This  data can be valuable in helping us to make certain decisions (although the info becomes more distorted and less valuable as higher stakes are attached to the tests). But despite the fact that these tests cost millions of taxpayer dollars to develop and countless hours of lost teaching and learning time to administer, the data they provide is far from the whole picture, and I would argue that the goals you can achieve from these kinds of assessments are not the goals we should be devoting so much of our collective time, energy and resources towards. If you want to get detailed information about a student to better support him or her, a standardized test is not your best bet. If you want to engage students in an assessment they find challenging and that stretches them to be the best they can be, a standardized test is not your best bet. If you want to better understand how students respond and react in real-life situations, a standardized test is not your best bet.

In other words, if you want an authentic assessment, you can’t take the easy road. Assessment is important, and we should treat it as such. That means not phoning it in. That means doing it right. That means sitting beside our children. By all accounts, it will be worth it.

Phoenix on Aaron’s Law


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I don’t want anyone to miss the recent piece in the Providence Phoenix on the positive organizing that has emerged out of the tragic loss of Aaron Swartz, particularly around the push to pass “Aaron’s Law” to amend the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act:

There are several critiques of the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act. Courts have interpreted CFAA such that a violation of a product or service’s terms of service can trigger criminal penalties. The law also allows prosecution for the sort of small-bore technical workarounds — altering how a program is used for instance — that is standard fare for hackers. And it focuses too heavily on felony penalties, critics say, with little room for misdemeanors.

The story also deals with some of the emotional issues surrounding this campaign, including insights from David Segal, who is one of the people leading the charge on this issue.

Swartz “was chiefly friends with activists,” Segal says.” He dated an activist. Even his parents have an activist instinct. So I think there was immediately a sense that we had to do something — make something positive happen in light of what had befallen all of us.”

That speaks to me a great deal. Personally, I am pretty new to the internet freedom cause (it was always easy for me to say, “It’s the internet, it’ll always be there, what’re they gonna do?”), but the more I learn about it, the more critical it seems to me. And I have learned that Rhode Island’s usually progressive-champion Congressional delegation is actually not very good on this issue, and may not support Aaron’s Law. So the next time you happen to see a member of our delegation (as you probably will at some point in the next couple months, since this is Rhode Island), it might be worth mentioning this issue.

The death of Aaron Swartz hit me like a ton of bricks. I went to high school at the same K-12 school that Aaron grew up going to, and his younger brother is one of my best friends. As terrible as this loss is, however, I continue to be inspired by the positive activism and organizing that has emerged from dark situation. Let’s make sure something good comes out of this.

New Education Movement: High Stakes Test Boycott


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In the last month we’ve seen some very exciting developments in the world of democratic education.

A decision by teachers in one public high school in Seattle to boycott a standardized test lit a fire that spread to teachers and students in other schools in Seattle. And now, it appears, the fire is spreading to cities across the country.

In just the last week, students in Portland kicked off their own testing boycott and a number of teacher and parent groups in Chicago announced the beginning of Chicago’s “Pencils Down” campaign against high-stakes standardized testing. Meanwhile, the youth-led organization I help coordinate, the Providence Student Union, is organizing a local campaign against RI’s new high-stakes testing graduation requirement, and is also working with a previously unaffiliated group of students at another Providence high school that had extemporaneously organized a small testing boycott of their own three weeks ago.

This is new.

When an idea begins popping up spontaneously across the country, you know something interesting–and possibly very powerful–is happening. Recently, we saw a flash of this at the beginning of the Tea Party backlash, and we saw it briefly again during Occupy. I’m talking about social movements, and I must say, what is happening in education right now is starting to feel more and more like it could, at least potentially, be the start of a new movement.

Much of my thinking about social movements has been shaped by the book The Long Haul, which is an autobiography of Myles Horton (by the way, if you are interested in organizing or education and have not read this book, I would say put it on the very top of your list and read it as soon as possible). Horton founded the Highlander Folk School, which helped train generations of leaders in the fight for social justice and was particularly prominent during the labor movement of the 1930s and ’40s and the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and ’60s. Horton had a lot to say on social movements, and I just want to share this one extended passage from The Long Haul that I think could be useful in helping us analyze what may be happening in the world of education today.

Martin Luther King, Jr., Rosa Parks, Peete Seeger, Ralph Abernathy and Myles Horton’s daughter Charis at the Highlander Folk School in 1957

“It’s only in a movement that an idea is often made simple enough and direct enough that it can spread rapidly. Then your leadership multiplies very rapidly, because there’s something explosive going on. People see that other people not so different from themselves do things that they thought could never be done. They’re emboldened and challenged by that to step into the water, and once they get in the water, it’s as if they’ve never not been there

In a social movement we are clearly part of a collective struggle that encourages us to increase our demands. One of the dynamic aspects of a social movement as opposed to an organization is that quite often in the latter, you’ll bargain down to make concessions in order to survive. You have a limited goal, and you might say, ‘Well, we want to get ten street lights,’ and you’ll get together and figure that you won’t get ten, but you probably can get five. So you decide to tell them you want ten in order to get five. In a social movement, the demands escalate, because your success encourages and emboldens you to demand more. I became convinced that the seeds of the civil rights movement lay in the Montgomery bus boycott, because I’d seen the demands for fixed seating escalate to demands for blacks to be able to sit wherever they wanted. And then, when I saw the demands for blacks to be able to sit anywhere they wanted escalate into a demand for black drivers, I said, ‘This is the beginning of a social movement.’ The ante went up and finally escalated into demands that they do away with all public segregation.”

I don’t know if the anti-testing organizing we are beginning to see might be the start of a new movement. Statistically speaking, it probably isn’t–real social movements are not common things. But there is something happening here. Teachers, students, and parents are beginning to escalate their demands. They’re beginning to say, “No! American’s young people deserve creative teaching and learning, deserve relevant and engaging classwork, deserve to practice critical thinking skills. They have a right to a real education, and we’re going to fight for that right.” I have no idea what this spark might end up lighting, but needless to say, I’m excited, and if you’re a student, or a teacher, or a parent reading this, I challenge you to step into the water, because now’s the time.

Students Call On Chafee To Stop High Stakes Tests


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Photo by Sam Valorose

Public high school students, teachers, and other community members staged a press conference today to protest Rhode Island’s new high-stakes testing graduation requirement, calling on Governor Chafee to end a policy they described as unjust and ineffective.

“We are here today to explain why we believe this graduation requirement will do nothing to improve the quality of our schools or our education,” said Priscilla Rivera, a member of the youth organization the Providence Student Union (PSU) and a junior at Hope High School. “Instead, it will cause real harm to the lives of many students like me.”

Starting with the class of 2014, Rhode Island’s new policy requires students to score at least “partially proficient” on the New England Common Assessment Program (NECAP) in order to graduate from high school. Students stressed the widespread implications this policy could have, pointing out that last year, 44 percent of all students across the state did not score high enough on the NECAP to have graduated under the current requirement. Seventy-one percent of black students and 70 percent of Latino students in Rhode Island did not score high enough last year to have graduated, and in Providence, 86 percent of students with disabilities in Individualized Education Programs and 94 percent of students with limited English proficiencies would not have graduated.

“We believe in high expectations,” said Kelvis Hernandez, another PSU member. “We believe that we should graduate with a high-quality education. But this policy is not the right way. Punishing students—particularly those who haven’t had the opportunity to receive the great education we deserve—is neither effective nor just. It is ineffective because we have spent 10, 11, or 12 years in schools that are underfunded, under-resourced, and unable to give us the support we need to do well on the NECAP. And it is unjust because the students who have received this inadequate support are the ones being put on trial.”

Speakers at the press conference also pointed to other harmful effects of high-stakes testing. “Test prep is not what we mean when we say education,” said Dawn Gioello, a family member attending the press conference in support of her niece. “I want my niece to be going to school to learn critical thinking and problem-solving skills, to become a young woman with the confidence and abilities to succeed in college and her career. I don’t want her to go to school to get really good at taking this one test so that she will be able to graduate. I don’t want her whole school experience—her curriculum, her class work, her time after school—to become dedicated to drilling for one exam when she will need so much more than that to achieve her dreams in life.”

“What’s even worse,” added Tamargejae Paris, a junior in high school and a member of PSU, “the NECAP was not designed to be used as a high-stakes test. The makers of the NECAP themselves have said that the test should not be used as a graduation requirement.”

After delivering hundreds of messages to the Governor’s office in opposition to this policy, students called on Governor Chafee to support them. “In just one week, the results of this year’s NECAP test will be released,” said Kelvis Hernandez. “It’s our hope that everyone in Rhode Island passes. But it’s more likely that thousands of students will not score high enough to pass this graduation requirement, particularly among the state’s most vulnerable populations—English Language Learners, students with disabilities, students of color, and low-income students. Will you support this policy that takes away so many of our futures? Or will you join us in calling on the Board of Education—whose members you nominate—to end this discriminatory and misguided graduation requirement? We hope you’ll make the right decision.”

Protest High-Stakes Testing Wednesday At State House


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Are you fed up with the standardized test-ification of our public schools? Think that high-stakes testing has distorting effects on education? Or do you just believe that it is wrong to punish individuals for larger systemic failures?

If you answered “yes” to any of these question, then be sure to join the Providence Student Union this Wednesday at 4:00pm at the State House for a press conference protesting Rhode Island’s new high-stakes testing graduation requirement!

Rhode Island is currently implementing a new high-stakes testing graduation requirement that requires students, starting with the class of 2014, to get a certain score on the NECAP to receive a diploma (a test, by the way, that was not designed to measure individual achievement). The Providence Student Union believes this policy will do nothing to improve our schools, while doing a great deal of harm to a great many students. 

Last year, 44 percent of students statewide did not score high enough to have graduated, with even higher rates in some of our more vulnerable populations (for example 86 percent of students with disabilities and 94 percent of English Language Learners in Providence did not score high enough last year to have graduated under this policy). In addition to unfairly punishing all of these individual students, we know that policies like these increase teaching to the test, particularly in the districts with the lowest scores–so the schools that most need engaging, creative learning will turn even more to drill-and-kill test prep.

For these reasons and more, members of the Providence Student Union, along with other high school students, teachers, parents, and community members are speaking out. Come add your voice this Wednesday at 4:00pm at the Statehouse!

We will be delivering messages to Governor Chafee, so if you cannot make it Wednesday but still want to make your voice heard on this critical issue, feel free to send us a short message you would like us to deliver to the Governor at: contact@providencestudentunion.org.

Providence Student Union Is Now Online


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It’s official! The Providence Student Union finally has a home on the web. You should check it out: www.providencestudentunion.org

For those who haven’t heard of PSU, it is a youth-led, school-based organization that brings young people together to build the collective power of high school students across Providence to ensure youth have a real voice in decisions affecting their education.

Hope United’s walkout and rally outside City Hall back in 2010

The Providence Student Union had its beginnings in the spring of 2010, when students from Providence’s Hope High School joined together to fight to protect their school’s popular block schedule from being dismantled. These young leaders formed PSU’s first chapter, which they called Hope United, and began a series of campaigns to improve their school and the quality of their education.

After achieving a number of school-based victories, the group decided that their youth-led advocacy model would be valuable to students in other high schools in the city, and so PSU began organizing chapters across the district. We now have PSU chapters in several schools, each working together to increase the collective power of students throughout the city.

And now that we have a website, I can say this: if you would like to learn more about PSU, or about our current campaign against high-stakes testing, please see our website! And if you are interested in staying in the loop about the great organizing PSU’s student leaders are doing, please consider joining our mailing list.

Creating a real, permanent infrastructure of student power in Providence has never been more important, and our youth organizers are doing their best every day to work towards that goal. We appreciate your support!

Columbus Theatre Revival: This is How We Rebuild RI

Photo by Katie Cielinski

Saturday night I went to the Revival! show, which reopened the Columbus Theatre on Broadway after years of vacancy, finally allowing the Theatre’s years-old  ‘Opening Soon’ marquee to host a far cheerier message: “Sold Out.”

The Columbus was packed and the sets by Brown Bird and The Low Anthem were, unsurprisingly, excellent. And the building, while not yet a finished product, really is a gem.

But the vibe in the Columbus last night seemed to go beyond the excitement produced by a good show. This is an unscientific measure, but from the people I talked to myself and the conversations I overhead and the general ebullience I observed on the faces of the (approximately 1,000?) concert-goers filling the long-abandoned hall, I could tell there was another emotion shared by many throughout the course of the evening—hope. Hope that this humming, spirit-filled theater might be a tool for, and a symbol of, the  revitalization of the neighborhood and the city at large.

Photo by Katie Cielinski

 

“This building comes alive for an event like this,” said Bryan Principe, City Councilman of Ward 13, who seemed to be having this same thought when I spotted him sitting towards the back of the theater with a big grin on his face. “The whole street comes alive. There’s electricity in the air. It’s absolutely a boon for the neighborhood.”

Spending them dollas. Photo by Katie Cielinski

Principe had a good point. I can’t remember when I’ve seen Broadway like it was last night, lined with parked cars as far as the eye could see, the sidewalk bustling with people and the street filled with energy and excitement.

The social and cultural benefits provided by a place like the Columbus–which will soon be regularly hosting concerts, comedy shows, and other community meetings and events–are plain to see. But it’s important to also keep in mind the economic stimulus such spaces have the potential to offer to our city. The energy and the excitement and the crowd that the Columbus drew to Broadway this weekend resulted in an influx of folks simply wanting to be there, in that neighborhood, in our capital city, eating and drinking and talking and spending their money in the community

What I’m saying isn’t novel, of course. In Providence it is not a new idea that the arts can serve as a potent economic engine for the community, and I’m not just talking about WaterFire–just look at the unbelievable work AS220 has done to bring life and vibrancy and beauty to our downtown. Our city’s and our state’s amazing artistic foundation has been one of the pillars of our economy for some time, and as such, it must be one of the central pillars of our economic revitalization. That’s why Mayor Taveras (who gave remarks at Saturday’s opening), was absolutely right when he said, “This building represents what’s best about the City of Providence.”

And it’s why all of us–policymakers and consumers alike–should be prioritizing support for ventures like the Columbus, which epitomize the lesson that collectively, we can bring something empty and forgotten back, and make it work, and make it beautiful again. It might sound crazy, but for those few hours I was in that space, reveling in the rush of reincarnation, it really did all feel possible. We can revitalize, we can rebuild. Let’s keep it up.

Protest RIDE’s High-Stakes Testing Policy Thursday


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How could this not lead to higher standards and higher expectations?

Next Thursday youth, parents, and other advocates will be heading to the Board of Regents meeting to protest against the new high-stakes testing graduation requirements that Commission Gist and the Regents passed last year.

This discriminatory policy, which is scheduled to be implemented in Rhode Island schools this October, is an absolute disaster. It uses a test, the NECAP, that was not designed to evaluate individual achievement, and it will undoubtedly keep many Rhode Island youth from receiving their diplomas (and will have a disproportionate impact on students of color, students with IEPs, and English as a Second Language students).

We need to delay or halt the implementation of this discriminatory testing requirement. Next Thursday is the Board of Regents’ second to last meeting before disbanding in November, so it’s imperative we get them to add this issue to their agenda and let them know, loud and clear, that our focus should be on improving our school systems, not on punishing young people.

To do this, we need a big turnout on Thursday. I’ll be there with youth from the Providence Student Union and a number of other youth organizations and advocacy groups, such as the ACLU. Can you join us?

Details: Thursday, October 4th, at 4:00 pm at the Shepard Building (URI’s Downtown Campus, 5th floor), located at 80 Washington Street in Providence.

Facebook event: http://www.facebook.com/events/353281238092356/

Corporate Agenda Behind Public Charter Schools


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This investor dude is making big dollars for himself and his rich clients by taking money out of your public school system. But no, the charter movement is totally progressive.

Here’s the setup. CNBC is interviewing David Brain, head of a major investment trust, about why charter schools are such phenomenal money-makers for investors like him. Here’s the transcript.

Anchor: Charter schools have become very popular as parents seek more choice in educating their children. But are charter schools a wise addition to your investment portfolio? Well let’s ask David Brain, President and CEO of Entertainment Properties Trust. David, why would I want to add charter schools into my portfolio?

DB: Well I think it’s a very stable business, very recession-resistant. It’s a high-demand product. There’s 400,000 kids on waiting lists for charter schools, the industry’s growing about 12-14% a year. So it’s a high-growth, very stable, recession-resistant business. It’s a public payer, the state is the payer on this category, and if you do business with states with solid treasuries then it’s a very solid business.

Anchor: Well let me ask you about potential risks, here, to your charter school portfolio, because I understand that three of your nine “Imagine” schools are scheduled to actually lose their charters for the next school year. Does this pose a risk to investors?

DB: Well, occasionally—our Imagine arrangement’s on a master lease, so there’s no loss of rents to the company, although occasionally there are losses of charters in certain areas and they’re used to peculiar, particular circumstances. In this case it’s a combination of relationship with the supervisory authorities and educational quality; sometimes the educational quality is very difficult to change in one, two, or three years. It’s a long-term proposition, so there are some of these that occur, but we’ve structured our affairs so this is not going to impact our rent-roll and in fact you see this is maybe even a good experience as the industry thins out some of the less-performing schools and we move on to the best-performing schools.

Anchor: David there has been somewhat of a backlash to charter schools in some areas given their use of public money, as you noted. Any risk to the growth of charter schools generally?

DB: I don’t—there’s not a lost of risk, there’s probably risk to everything but the fact is this has bipartisan support. It’s part of the Republican platform and Arne Duncan, Secretary of Education in the Obama Administration, has been very high on it throughout their work in public education. So we have both political parties are solidly behind it, you have high demand, high growth, you have performance across the board, most studies have charter schools at even or better than district public education. So, I think it has some risk because it’s new and it’s emerging and it is a high-growth category. But at the same time I think much more’s going forward so it’s still a safe area for investment.

Anchor: You’ve invested in retail centers, ski parks, you’ve got charter schools, you’ve got movie theaters. If you could buy one thing right now, David, one type of asset in real estate, what would it be? 

DB: Well, probably the charter school business. We said it’s our highest growth and most appealing sector right now of the portfolio. It’s the most high in demand, it’s the most recession-resistant. And a great opportunity set with 500 schools starting every year. It’s a two and a half billion dollar opportunity set annually.

Two and a half billion dollar opportunity set annually.

Tales of the Unemployment Crisis: Elaine’s Dilemma


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Elaine is a born-and-raised Rhode Islander who has been unemployed for four years now. Her story, like the stories of so many others, is a product of the housing market crash.

For many years, Elaine worked at a title company doing real estate closings. Their biggest client was Countrywide, so when that corporation went under her company lost almost half its business. This was particularly frustrating to Elaine, whose position had allowed her to get an inside look at the makings of the housing bubble. “Working with mortgage companies,” she says, “you see the other side. You see how loan officers are in it for themselves, not for the customers. They were making too much money to care whether people could afford the mortgages or not.”

In the summer of 2008 her employer cut back her hours, and at the end of August she was called into the boss’s office. “The owner told me they couldn’t afford my salary. He said if they get new clients, they’d try to bring me back. But come November, the writing was on the wall. We weren’t going back.”

So Elaine became unemployed at the end of the summer. “Then,” she says, “the job hunt started. It was tough. You send all these resumes out and hear nothing back. Most ads say you shouldn’t follow up, and they don’t follow up, so you’re caught in this limbo land.” Elaine had to make a lot of lifestyle changes to scrape by. “Even when you’re lucky enough to have unemployment benefits, you’re moving from a salary to half of that salary, and then taxes out of that. If I hadn’t moved back to my parents’ home to help my father after his surgery, I’d have been homeless. My parents were really my saving grace—I could never have afforded my own place on the U.I. money I got. And I was making a lot of money before I was laid off; folks who were on lower incomes than I was, I have no idea how they do it.”

Then, something great happened. “The following summer I received a letter from Unemployment saying I may qualify for a tuition waiver. I thought, ‘Why not prepare myself for a new career while I look for jobs?’ So I started taking classes at URI in labor relations, and got my certificate.” For Elaine, this waiver was a godsend, and a perfect example of a positive and effective government program to help with unemployment. “Thank god for the waiver,” she says. “Otherwise I wouldn’t have been able to afford to go back to school. It was the best thing I ever got; it allowed me to get into classes that will hopefully give me opportunities in the future.”

After finishing the certificate program, Elaine was lucky enough to get a graduate assistant position in her department, which allowed her to finish her degree and graduate. But even with her new degree, the job search continues to be brutal. “Even now I send out maybe five to ten resumes a day,” Elaine says. “Entry-level jobs, management jobs, government jobs, union jobs, whatever’s out there that my skills could add value to. It’s very depressing when you have no communication as to where you stand in the whole application process. Less than 10% of companies actually get back to me. You wonder, do they think I’m overqualified now, with my degrees? I have a double-major bachelor’s degree, a law degree from before my real estate career, and a master’s degree. Maybe they think they’ll have to pay you more, because of those qualifications, but I will take whatever salary they’ll offer.”

“It makes you reevaluate yourself,” she continues. “It attacks your self-worth. You ask, ‘What is wrong with me that I can’t get a job?’ You have to remind yourself, ‘No, it’s not me, there just aren’t jobs here.’”

Elaine has been applying to jobs outside of Rhode Island, but she does so with a very heavy heart. “I’ve been unemployed for four years. I don’t have any benefits now, zero income whatsoever coming in. So you have to be willing to leave the state. But it’s hard, particularly with my father, who is not well. And my mother was just in the hospital with a life-saving surgery. They’ve always been there for me. When I had a bad car accident, and I had to learn how to walk again, they were the ones who helped me through. So to move away from them now…it makes me wonder who they’ll have. My brother’s already out of state. And if I had a new job outside of Rhode Island, and something happened to them, would I be able to get back to help them? Would I have the money for a plane ticket? My parents don’t want me to take that into consideration in taking a job.” Elaine sighs. “And I can’t.”

“I want to get a job, any job,” she continues. “There’s a misconception that people on Unemployment are lazy and don’t want to work. But you don’t realize how hard it is to not have somewhere to go every day. I fill my time with volunteering, but it’s incredibly difficult. I hate not working. If you don’t use your skills, there’s the potential to lose them. All we want is to get a job, to be productive. But we can’t seem to manage even that.”

RI Teaching Fellows Program Exposed?


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Just saw thisfrom Diane Ravitch’s blog and wanted to post. It’s an email sent to Ravitch from a former participant in the RI Teaching Fellows Program. And it does not paint a pretty picture of the organization. Kudos to Theresa Laperche, the writer, for opening up about her experiences.

There has been so much debate about educational reform and about Michele Rhee and her Students First organization. I am compelled to describe my experience this past June with the Rhode Island Teaching Fellows Program, a Rhee brainchild. The Teaching Fellows work along the same lines of The New Teacher Project but the Teaching Fellows is an alternative route to teacher certification. The premise is to attract people from the public sector and after 5 weeks of training they will be employed as first year’s teachers in high needs urban schools. The catch phrase is “Let’s close the achievement gap” and get your teaching certification in an alternative route program-well yes I know all about the achievement gap and only starting to realize all the components at work and I decided to re-enter school to become a teacher and this program sounded perfect. I could not have been more wrong!   We start week one learning this militant type tactics of behavioral control-such as “Do it again” “Do it now” and “Slant” to name just a few-we practice this over and over again in a highly structured environment where our every move is scheduled and monitored. We are told where to sit, when to stand and when to speak-they occasionally mix up the tables I believe so friendships are not formed and “talk” starts.  We have lunch in groups with our coaches. We are actually scheduled to meet with our coaches for “debriefing” where we are told not to talk and only answer with yes and no. We watch videos of children in which these tactics are employed in other States. Students are drilled on how to line up, hands by side, mouths closed-told which way to turn and what muscle to move next. They are instructed like they are in the military or prison. All the kids in the video are of course black-these behavioral control tactics are of course not utilized in white schools. A strict agenda is posted in the morning requiring us to adhere to it without question. We are at this point working 16 hours a day and not thinking clearly at all. We are then told to start working on lesson plans that we will implement in the field experience component in the evening and e-mail them to our coach for a review. This lesson planning has to be evidently self-taught as I have taken no education courses, which is one of the requirements of the program. The second week of the program we begin the field experience component is a 4 week 2.5 hour class consisting of students requiring summer school to recover credits. These are the very students we are supposed be so concerned about with the achievement gap. After 1 week of training we are individually thrown in front of this class of 22, still being monitored by training team members. I will argue that I am NOT an effective teacher after one week of training and these kids WILL suffer because of it. By the third day, 6 of my students were not in class and I believe they will ultimately drop out and as an inexperienced RI Teaching Fellow I am completely responsible; it is reprehensible what we are doing to these kids. At the end of this 5 week period we are then placed in an urban school where we are allowed to teach under an emergency teaching certification. At this point we are required to join the TNTP academy where throughout out the year we attend classes and workshops to get our own teaching certification after one year. So the premise is that to qualify for the $5500 educational grant through AmeriCorps you must work in a high need urban school in Rhode Island, what is called the urban4-Providence, Pawtucket, Woonsocket, and Central Falls. These are exactly the only districts we are allowed to apply to. We are also enrolled in AmeriCorps and will receive our educational grant of $5500 after one year of service. The cost of this TNTP academy is $6ooo-hmmm…so I will argue that the Teaching Fellows Program doesn’t care one bit about closing the achievement gap but in fact victimizes our low income minority students to achieve their own agenda which is enrollment in the TNTP academy and to fill their own pockets with outlandish salaries. . I saw advertisements on employment agencies sites for jobs within the Teaching Fellows organization paying anywhere between $60-and $78,000.00 per year-a lot of income to certify perhaps 20 teachers a year in the State of Rhode Island and my guess is less than half of those will stay in the high needs urban public schools. When I began the program there where 28 fellows; I was the fourth to drop out by the eighth day. I believe this organization is syphoning money from public education grants to serve their own purposes and the students that are being harmed are the low income black and brown students in these high needs urban schools. Michelle Rhee and this organization need to be stopped. I have decided to continue on and obtain my M.A.T. and become an effective teacher the proper way in two years and not destroy the lives of unsuspecting students on my way. I am continually looking for ways to expose this organization for what it is and hope it’s days are numbered before any more harm is done to these students. –Theresa Laperche

Don’t Make It Worse for Jobless Rhode Islanders


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What’s crazier than a state with 11% unemployment? How about a state with 11% unemployment laying off 57 frontline workers at the Department of Labor and Training, cutting the services the unemployed depend on every day?

Yeah, that’s crazier. Yet that’s exactly what the state is doing, with mass layoffs scheduled to take effect July 28.

If you think this is crazy, too, please join unemployed Rhode Islanders, DLT employees, and other advocates this Wednesday, July 25th at 4 p.m. for an informational picket and press event. Stand with us in front of the Department of Labor and Training (1511 Pontiac Ave., Cranston) to tell our leaders to stop making life even harder for Rhode Islanders struggling with unemployment.

The DLT is already struggling to keep up with the flood of claims and demand for job placement training, and with over 60,000 unemployed Rhode Islanders and the second highest unemployment rate in the country, a deep cut in services will devastate those most hurt by the economic downturn. So please join us Wednesday to ask one simple question:”11%…layoffs…really?”

Tales of the Unemployment Crisis: Esther Battles On


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In this crisis, workers’ leverage is gone. “When you’re a dime a dozen, there’s nothing you can do.”

For the past couple weeks I’ve been sharing a series of stories from unemployed Rhode Islanders engaged in the Where’s the Work? initiative, an Ocean State Action Fund project that’s trying to highlight the human side of the Great Recession, which often–crazily enough–gets ignored or marginalized.

In this installment, Esther C. was kind enough to describe her experiences with joblessness and give an incisive perspective on the ways the unemployment crisis is hurting all Rhode Island workers, jobless and employed alike.

Esther grew up in Central Falls. Her parents labored in factories, and Esther began working at a young age. For the last 30 years Esther has been a medical assistant, and has a great deal of experience working in both private practices and public clinics in a number of states. Several years ago she returned to Rhode Island, moving back to her hometown to help care for her elderly parents when they took sick. But a year and a half ago Esther was laid off from her medical assistant position, and though she’s been trying to find another job ever since, securing employment has been very hard.

“For every job,” Esther explains, “there’s ten or twenty people applying. So what do you?” She bites her lip. “You get frustrated. Nothing comes through.

Esther has been doing her best to survive on unemployment insurance. “You cut back and you cut back and you cut back, but there’s only so much you can cut. You have to be so careful about budgeting—you budget rent, gas, electricity. My phone is disconnected. Disconnecting the cable isn’t so bad; I mean, if you’re out all day looking for a job, you’re not watching TV. But losing my phone and internet is tougher.”

Esther works hard to save money. “I live off the dollar store. I’m all over the place. I go from store to store to find the very, very cheapest necessities, just to make ends meet. I have to give credit to my parents—they showed us how to survive on a minimum.”

“My problem,” she continues, “is I have a lot of experience. And nobody wants to give you what you should be earning. With my experience in the medical field, I should be earning at least $16-18 an hour. But there’s so many people out there trying to get jobs, employers aren’t willing to give you what you should be earning. They can get someone younger, with less skills and experience for $10, $8 an hour.” Esther sighs. “I’m not a dumb person. I know what I should be making with my qualifications. When you go into an interview, even if you should be earning much more, you have to ask, ‘Can you give me at least $12?’ But even then that’s asking for too much, because they want you to work for nothing, and no health insurance, no benefits. It’s very stressful. You have to accept that you’ll have to take a job for $10, even though you know you’re worth more.”

Not only are wages being decreased, Esther explains, but employees are being asked to work harder for that lower pay. “For example,” she says, “I’m bilingual. People want you to be an interpreter for the office, running around half the day translating for everyone while doing the same amount of medical work. But are they willing to pay you for that, for doing two jobs in one? They’re not. But you have to take it cause there’s nothing else, you have to take what they dish to you.”

And that’s not all—in Esther’s experience, basic employee rights are also falling by the wayside. “Once you get a job nowadays, you have to do whatever they tell you. You have to keep your mouth shut, you have to be a humble mouse.” She shakes her head indignantly. “I don’t want to bring up slavery, but really, sometimes that’s what the system feels like. You work harder, and you’re making less, and you’ve got no dignity anymore. There are some places where you can’t even smile or laugh, you have to be so rigid in their control system. You can’t take time off for a sick child or a sick parent. You can’t speak your mind, you can’t imply in any way that you deserve to be treated better than you’re being treated. They’ll just throw you right out. Cause we’re a dime a dozen in this recession. When you’re a dime a dozen, there’s nothing you can do, cause they can hire someone for less.”

Esther does have plans for the future, but they’re complicated. “I’m trying to go back to school,” she says. “The problem is that classes are expensive, even online. You’re at this age—I’m gonna be 50 years old—and you ask, should I go back to school and get in debt for $80,000? You have to get yourself in debt to get yourself a job.”

After a moment, she continues. “I guess it’s like they say, the rich get richer and the poor get poorer. There’s no more middle class, there’s either rich or poor. And I don’t think there’s a way to get from one to the other.”

“Still, I’m optimistic,” Esther says. “It’s tough. But I’m a strong person. I’m going to come out one way or another. Whether they like it or not, I’m gonna come out of this.”


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