Poem: ‘Meditation On The Economy’


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John Kenneth Galbraith, were he here and breathing, would probably be biting his nails with worry. This week we learned that the economy contracted for the first time since 2009. In words reminiscent of what was said in the midst of the Great Depression, economic commentators have said it’s just a one off event in our ongoing recovery. Meanwhile, they crow about another 157,000 jobs added, ignoring that only 58% of the people in this country are employed. A year ago that rate was 57.9%. Clearly, it’s time for austerity.

Anyhow, here’s my poem this week, which as it happens I wrote back in 2009. It’s prose.

Meditation on the Economy

A crystalline calm is upon the ocean. The washed azure sky, without even the blemish of a cloud, speaks in the most fragile whispers about the proximity of beauty and death. The emerald water swallows with greedy equanimity both the heavy and light. The sun stretches down amber rays diffusing through the teeming life, down to fathomless twilight. Somewhere, black and unknowable is the bottom. Deeper and more quiet than the blackest dream, the ship is sinking. Strange sounds resonate from the hull, air trying to push its way out, the wood groaning in protest. Large pockets rise to the surface and burp erratically as the wreck shifts in the rolling currents of its descent.

It had gone quickly at the beginning. The weakness so long in atrophy relented to its fated failure in a crack of thunder. Instantaneously, the sea rushed gurgling and hungry into the lower compartments, sucking the ship down. At first, the air had freed itself in a multitude of voices, whistles, sighs, and whooshes. It was a song of physics and chaos.

Now, an eternity of moments and ten minutes later, only the stern remains above water, pointing accusingly skyward. The ship is sinking, slowly and remorselessly, a death that shudders nearer with each successive belch. The sinking is slower now but no less certain. In a panic that is so blind it is also silent, the crew and passengers are mostly frozen in denial. They cling to the idea it has stopped, that they can bob above the waves until the rescuers arrive. In reality, no aid is coming.

There aren’t lifeboats enough, and the self-important are claiming first right. These are the men in fine clothing and uniform; the captains of industry, the shipwrights, and the crewmen. Behold their fear, the dawning realization in their eyes that they aren’t in control. Their reasoning is that they will be better able to get and send help to those left behind. Sure, they were the ones that had brought them to this pass, so, too, they must be the ones who can find the way back. They offer this reasoning to the others in blue gel- cap cyanide placebos. They are saying ‘god bless you,’ and there are even tears in some of their eyes as they push off. They reason and excuse themselves from guilt. Cowardice, for naught.

The clarity of the ocean air, the sharpness of the light arcing through it, and the magical colors that they elicit; these perfections are not to be denied their finality. The falling inertia of the ship will draw the lifeboats down just as surely as the planet’s gravity draws the ship to its doom. It shall be a shared oblivion. The perfection; the fragile secret spoken by the breeze of beauty and death; no one is to speak of them.

Brown Professor Mark Blythe Explains Austerity


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“Austerity confuses virtue with vice,” says professor Mark Blyth, an international political economist at Brown University, who stars in this this video that it makes it really easy to understand why cutting back is bad for the economy as a whole.

The video was produced by the Watson Center for International Studies at Brown, of which Blythe is a fellow and he is working on a book with the working title: “Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea”

A couple of interesting remarks from the video that are useful for figuring out why auterity measures may sound like common sense when used as political talking points but really don’t stand in a more nuanced look at how the economy functions”

Make no mistake the problem is debt. There is too much of it across the board and we need to clean those public and those private balance sheets. But all these pieces are connected. If the public sector leans these balances sheets at the same time as the private sector. It’s called the fallacy of composition. What’s good for any one household and firm or state is a disaster if we all do it once.

So where does this common sense virtue of austerity leave us? It leaves us in a cycle where those at the bottom end of the income distribution pay for those at the top with the same stagnat nd skewed incomes that now buy less in a more unequal and unstable economy. There’s a term for this: class politics. And it usually ends badly.

Chafee Takes Economic Center Stage Tonight


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Governor Chafee addressing a much smaller crowd at Bryant University in 2012. (photo by Bob Plain)

While Senate President Teresa Paiva Weed may have tried to focus some of the attention away from marriage equality with a press conference on the economy yesterday, the real news will happen tonight when Gov. Linc Chafee gives the annual State of the State speech.

In it, he will outline his proposal for next year’s budget and thus likely frame the fiscal debate for the month’s to come.

Will Chafee again suggest lowering sales taxes across the board while broadening the base? This hasn’t been popular with some small business owners or legislative leadership in past years. Or will he pick up on the idea progressives have been pushing for and reverse the Carcieri-era tax breaks to the wealthy? This idea should be popular with small business owners, and it’s gaining traction with leadership too. Ted Nesi reports this morning that Teresa Paiva Weed is still open to including tax equity measures in this year’s budget.

Perhaps the governor will suggest a some of both?

Paiva Weed’s report with RIPEC suggests our high unemployment rate is the biggest drag on the state’s economy. The governor last year cut funding to this vital and struggling 10 percent of the state’s workforce. I’m hoping there will be a number of policy suggestions to reverse Rhode Island’s trend of being pulled down by our poor.

To that end, I’m also hoping Chafee will declare 2013 the sequel to the year of cities and towns. Last year, he pledged to help our poorest cities which have been decimated by state aid cuts and tax and spending policies that benefit the suburban class over inner city folk. But in offering the poorest communities relief from labor laws, he tried to do so in a way that would have hurt the same working class people he was hoping to help.

A better way of addressing this issue would be to reexamine the state’s education funding formula, which still doesn’t adequately address the urban/suburban inequity that exists in the Ocean State.

What are you hoping the governor addresses tonight? Let Rhode Island know in the comments below…

Gary Sasse Op-Ed: Not Only Wrong, Not Constructive


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Gary Sasse is generally an honest actor and sometimes a smart economist, but his piece in today’s Providence Journal displays neither of these attributes.

Sasse argues that because the governor did not follow the bad advice of right-wing think tank he used to lead that, “Rhode Island leaders are denying economic reality.”

Not only is this not true, it’s also a deconstructive way to conduct public discourse.

One can completely accept economic reality AND think that RIPEC’s report on why we should dismantle the EDC and replace it with an “commerce czar” is a bad idea. First off, Sasse falsely claimed that Chafee asked RIPEC to author this report when, in fact, the opposite is actually true. This was a project RIPEC wanted to take on, not one the governor asked them to take on. It may seem like a trivial point, but I think it matters much to the framing of the issue.

Moreover, he neglects to mention that a component of the switch was to make the Department of Environmental Management a subsidiary of the proposed commerce czar – an idea that had exactly zero chance of becoming reality in Rhode Island and, furthermore, isn’t rooted in any sort of economic wisdom whatsoever … other than that the interests of the environment should be subservient to those of business owners!!

Indeed, one might argue just as easily that such a policy is to deny economic reality.

Sasse’s track record here in the Northeast is anything but stellar. His claim to fame, other than running RIPEC, is being Governor Carcieri’s chief economic adviser, whose tenure had no demonstrable positive effects on Rhode Island’s economy. Unless, of course, you consider tax cuts for the wealthy and cuts to the poor as positive economic effects in and of themselves.

In spite of these blunders, Sasse is a good guy to have in the debate about how to improve Rhode Island’s economy. But he does himself and the state a disservice when he pretends that to disagree with him is to deny economic reality. Rhode Island needs to work together to improve our economy, not bully around those with whom we disagree.

Linc Chafee <3s RI, Me Too


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This is Greenwich Bay and Greenwich Cove, to its right, from the bell tower atop East Greenwich Town Hall. Click on the picture to see a larger version. (Photo by Bob Plain)

People constantly tell me how unpopular it is to agree with our governor. Well, I couldn’t agree more and I couldn’t care less!

He may not always offer me a good quote, but Rhode Island has done pretty well under his tenure given the circumstances he inherited. I’ll take that. He seems almost allergic to political calculations, but he almost always makes decisions based on reason and a sense of morality. I’ll take that too.

I’m not necessarily prone to like any politicians – even the ones I find myself philosophically aligned with – but I like Linc.

This morning he impressed me with the way he answered a question about why the Ocean State always fares so poorly when pro-business entities rank states on their business friendliness.

“I take issue with that,” Chafee told Liz Burke of WPRO. “…Rhode Island is the best place to do business. When you factor everything in, the quality of life we have here … you just here it from so many people, this is where they want to live this is where they want to raise their families.”

It’s true! If it’s quality of life that matters to you, Rhode Island is the place to be.

It’s as beautiful here as anywhere, and pound for pound we have easily the most gorgeous coastline in the country, next to only Hawaii. And our cuisine – with all our top notch restaurants and nearby local farms – can’t be matched by any other state. And it’s not just the fancy restaurants that are great in the Ocean State … I’ll bet 95% of the Rhode Islanders reading this are within a football field of better pizza than anywhere in the entire midwest*!

Here in reality, few people locate their businesses based entirely on the cost of doing it, and just as few do so based entirely on the lifestyle it provides. Most, of course, do so based on a mix of both. When you look at both – or, in other words, the full picture – Rhode Island is actually a really good place to locate your business.

Rhode Island’s got an inferiority complex when it comes to its ability to compete – which, of course, becomes our biggest obstacle to competing. Think how infrequently we read good things about Rhode Island from the Providence Journal editorial page – probably the most common place for a prospective business owner to glean the lay of the land from. This isn’t because it’s all bad here, it’s because we have a very conservative editorial board covering a pretty liberal state.

I think a lot of the reasons we’ve got an inferiority complex about our state’s ability to compete is we are still using the metrics set by Don Carcieri and Al Verrecchia. We’d do better to gauge it on the metrics of Linc Chafee and Allan Tear.

*excludes Chicago-style pizza

RI – What Went Wrong, In Seven Installments


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Sam Bell did such a good job putting together this series on what went wrong with Rhode Island’s economy over the past several years, I thought the least I could do is make it really easy for everyone to access.

ALEC: Bad for the Economy


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Last year, there was a lot of talk  here about ALEC, the American Legislative Exchange Council.  This corporate-backed “research” group produces model legislation for the states and recruits and promotes legislators who are likely to introduce it.  It’s a pretty slick outfit, well-funded, with lots of opportunities for travel, and lots of opportunities to make member legislators feel good about carrying the water of large corporations.

Soon-to-be-ex-Representative Jon Brien from Woonsocket was on the board of directors, and it turned out that quite a number of state representatives and senators were members – one out of every five. ALEC’s policy agenda is pretty much the standard-issue corporate pabulum: lower taxes, cut spending so we can all live in a capitalist paradise.  That sort of thing.  If you’re reading here, you probably know the drill.

So imagine my delight when some smart researcher in Iowa realized that ALEC has been around long enough to have a track record.  And if there’s a track record, you can measure it and see how good it is.  So how do they do?

Not so great, it turns out.  In fact, ALEC issues a ranking of how well states conform to its vision of all that is great and good, and it turns out that the states who do best in ALEC’s rankings have seen lower economic growth, more poverty, and lower state revenues over the years 2007-2011.

So the lesson is clear: ALEC’s advice is pretty much the opposite of good advice.  Following their suggestions for economic growth seems to be an ideal way to lower median family income, lose jobs, and increase the poverty rate.

In other words, the policies that make up the Economic Outlook Ranking are not a recipe for growth and prosperity. If anything, they are quite the opposite: They are a recipe for economic inequality, low wages, and stagnant incomes that at the same time deprive state and local governments of the revenue needed to maintain the public infrastructure and education systems that are the underpinnings of long term economic growth

Lots of the figures from the report are here.

So where does Rhode Island fall on the ALEC scale?  According to the “Rich State, Poor State” report, we’re 43d in ALEC’s rankings.  So how do we make our economy better?  Probably not by trying to move up in their ranking.  ALEC’s advice is bad advice.

RI – What Went Wrong: Have We Learned Lessons?


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What is so sad about the mess Rhode Island has fallen into is that it was completely avoidable.

Governor Carcieri did not have to launch a jihad against public sector employment. Nor was it necessary to hand massive tax breaks to the wealthy. Had we avoided those tax breaks, we wouldn’t have had to slash municipal aid and send property taxes through the roof. Had we not raised property taxes, we would have a stronger housing market, and had we not engaged in massive austerity, the rest of our economy would be doing better as well. If our unemployment insurance tax rate were less punitive, then fewer businesses would have gone under. None of this had to happen.

It seems that things are finally looking up for the Rhode Island economy. Unemployment is falling, despite a regional recession, and numerous other economic indicators are showing positive signs.

There remain many road blocks ahead for our economy, as we deal with the aftermath of 38 Studios, municipal budget disasters, and other legacies of the Carcieri era, so it is by no means clear that these positive trends will continue, but there is certainly more cause for optimism now than we have had for quite some time.

As Leonard Lardaro, an economist at URI, puts it, we’re “in a recovery the magnitude of which almost nobody in this state seems to fully comprehend.” But we should not take this as evidence that the economy of the Ocean State is suddenly being managed well. Rhode Island is a severely depressed economy with relatively strong fundamentals. If you don’t keep kicking it, it will recover, even if the transition is only from terrible to mediocre leadership.

Carcieri is gone, it is true. But the very conservative General Assembly was fully complicit in Carcieri’s blunders, earning them effusive praise from the Wall St. Journal. As Dan Lawlor puts it, “it is remarkable how much of his vision was enacted, sometimes excitedly, by the Democratic General Assembly and its leaders, specifically Gordon Fox and Theresa Paiva Weed.”

There is much truth to this.  Although it is hard to argue that pro-choice, pro-marriage Fox isn’t at least a moderate improvement over his predecessors, as House Majority Leader, he was a major proponent of the income tax cuts at the heart of Rhode Island’s problems.

After a bruising reelection battle, Fox made mild noises about potentially being more open to sensible tax reform, but given his past record, it is unclear whether anything will come of this.  Nominally a Democrat, Paiva Weed shares Fox’s rather extreme economic conservatism, but she does not share Fox’s more moderate social views.  Indeed, she is probably the primary obstacle to marriage equality passing in 2013.

Although Chafee is pushing for some distinctly insufficient reforms, they will probably mostly fail, and it is hard to imagine the General Assembly putting together anything remotely up to the task.

What must be done is actually quite straightforward.  We need a jobs bill and tax reform: We need to reverse Carcieri’s austerity by rehiring the teachers, firefighters, and policemen whose jobs he cut. We should also make new investments in critical areas, restoring our crumbling roads and bridges, creating bicycle infrastructure and commuter rail lines, expanding and improving URI, and building tons of medical schools to take advantage of the extreme demand for new doctors. We should begin paring back property taxes and fixing budgets by restoring aid to cities and towns and allowing them to levy local income taxes to offset property taxes.

To pay for all this, we should restore the pre-2006 income tax rates and create new brackets for the wealthy, with a top marginal rate of at least 13%. We also need to restructure the hugely regressive unemployment insurance tax as a simple and constant flat, low rate, a reform that could easily raise revenue while making the tax code much less regressive and much more business-friendly.

With the current conservatives in office, almost none of this will happen. But it is definitely worth fighting for.

RI – What Went Wrong: Unemployment Insurance Taxes


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Another singular component of Rhode Island’s tax system is unusually high unemployment insurance taxes. Unemployment insurance taxes don’t get very much attention (they are excluded from the graph of the distributional effect of taxes in the previous column, for instance), but they can have a very real effect on the economy, particularly in a time of high unemployment. The unemployment insurance tax system is hideously complex, with four different components and rates that go up when the company conducts layoffs. The result is a payroll tax that hits the working class far harder than anyone else, as this graph shows.

Unemployment insurance tax rates in Rhode Island, including the Employment Security Tax, the Job Development Fund Tax, the Temporary Disability Insurance Tax, and the Federal Unemployment Insurance Tax.

High unemployment insurance taxes can help exacerbate an economic collapse because once a business is forced to make layoffs, its tax rate can skyrocket. This tends to help push struggling businesses over the line, and Rhode Island’s high unemployment insurance tax rate pushed us over the line. In the Tax Foundation’s 2013 Business Tax Climate Index, the gold standard for biased conservative tax climate rankings, the unemployment insurance tax is the only tax category where Rhode Island ranks last.  There is relatively little evidence that a better tax climate ranking helps a state become more competitive, but there are real competitiveness issues that do matter, and they are the subject of tomorrow’s column.

RI – What Went Wrong: Austerity’s Effects


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I ended my previous post on a promise to dig into the mechanics of how Carcieri orchestrated the downfall of the Rhode Island economy. Naturally, we begin with something Carcieri took great pride in—laying off huge numbers of public sector workers. To show just how severe the public sector cutbacks were under Carcieri, I’ve plotted the Ocean State’s public sector workforce alongside the national numbers since 2000. (Both are normalized to 100 at January 2000.)

Before Carcieri’s cuts began to bite, Rhode Island public employment tracked the national numbers fairly closely, but once his policies were in place, Rhode Island’s public sector decoupled from the national public sector and took a precipitous nosedive. The bleeding has continued ever since. The pace of the widening of the gap accelerated in late 2006 after the passage of the 2006 budget, with its infamous tax cuts for the rich, but things didn’t end there. Even though public employment began falling all around the country in the aftermath of the recession, we still lost 7.75% of state and local public sector employees between January of 2008 and April of 2012—the second highest drop in the nation.

In conservative junk economics, laying off those greedy public sector workers is always a great idea, but of course, in the real world those layoffs can have devastating effects on the economy. To begin with, the jobs lost in the public sector are themselves jobs the Rhode Island economy has lost. If public employment in Rhode Island had followed the same trajectory as it did in the nation since 2000, we would have almost 9,000 more jobs in the public sector than we do now, and the unemployment rate would be 1.6 percentage points lower. Roughly half of our unemployment gap is the direct result of mass layoffs in the public sector.

The devastation caused by public sector layoffs does not end there. When public workers are laid off, their finances are devastated, and they start spending much less, driving down the demand for goods and services in Rhode Island. They also don’t have the money to buy new houses and can often wind up in foreclosure, which has devastating effects on the housing market. Rhode Island also ceases to benefit from the work that the public sector workers used to do. As Scott MacKay notes, Carcieri oversaw a general breakdown of government services that Chafee has spent much of his term in office trying to clean up.

Everyone has their favorite story of mistreatment at the hands of our government, but mine is the angry letter I received accusing me of not paying my state income tax. When I called up to protest that Rhode Island had already removed the money from my bank account, the woman I finally reached explained to me that they didn’t really have the staff to check whether everyone they were sending these letters to actually hadn’t paid their taxes.

Estimating the magnitude of the collateral damage from Rhode Island’s public sector mass layoffs is difficult, but it is probably fair to say that does not explain all of the rest of the unemployment gap between Rhode Island and the U.S. average. Part of the rest comes from other public sector cuts, many of which were far more savage than the national average. Pensions cuts, stagnant wages, and reduced morale most likely took their toll by reducing demand, but these cuts happened in other states as well, and much of the pain is spread out over several decades, so it remains unclear how much they added to our unemployment gap (probably no more than a few tenths of a percentage point).

Although the Rhode Island media are reluctant to use the word, what happened in Rhode Island was basically European-style austerity. When governments decide to throw out a century of economics and pretend that taking a chainsaw to the public sector will somehow magically not wreck the economy, the results aren’t pretty. This is partially because serious austerity measures like Carcieri’s public sector cuts can lock an economy into the austerity death spiral, where austerity weakens the economy, prompting more austerity. This is a lesson being learned not just in Europe, but also in states like Rhode Island that went all in for the same bad economic policies. All across America, the states that opted for austerity during the recession performed worse than states that did not.  When conservative extremist Scott Walker took over in Wisconsin and implemented a severe austerity package that prompted mass protests, Wisconsin’s unemployment rate exploded. A similar wave of job losses is currently blowing through the Northeast region as governments from Maine to Pennsylvania opt for mass layoffs. Because Rhode Island’s recent public sector layoffs have been more in line with the national average, we have largely escaped this regional recession.

Comparing us with the broader Northeast region, however, does not usually paint Rhode Island’s economy in a very flattering light. In fact, because most of the Northeast region did not do as badly as the rest of the country, Rhode Island’s singularly bad record is even worse than it looks. So while public sector cuts explain most of our unemployment gap, alone they do not explain all of it. Some other factor must be at work here, a factor that will be the subject of tomorrow’s post.

RI – What Went Wrong: The Carcieri Effect


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It may be hard to remember now, but ten years ago, Rhode Island’s unemployment rate was below the national average. Today, of course, it’s the second highest in America. Only Nevada has a worse jobs picture. Clearly, something went very badly wrong. The question is what.

In a multi-part series that will be published throughout this week, I’ll get into the weeds on the specific reasons Rhode Island fell behind. A common theme will be how so many (but not quite all) of the problems originated with the man who is now, as Scott MacKay puts it, “retired in his Saunderstown manse by the sea, hiding from the media and the taxpayers he so avidly fleeced.”

Rhode Island and U.S. unemployment rates. Data from Bureau of Labor Statistics, via Google Public Data.

Donald Carcieri

A cursory glance at the unemployment rate graph points to a likely culprit. What is perhaps most striking about Rhode Island’s decline is just how closely it corresponds with the tenure of Donald Carcieri. In his first few months, Rhode Island performed reasonably well. As America surged to the peak of the first Bush recession, unemployment jumped half a percentage point between January and June of 2003, but in Rhode Island, unemployment inched up by only 0.2 percentage points.

But giving Carcieri credit for his first few months makes about at much sense as blaming Obama for losing jobs during his first few months. The real test of a leader is how the economy performs once their policies have had a chance to take effect. In mid-2003, things began to turn around. Although America’s recovery was relatively anemic, with the unemployment rate falling by only 1.9 percentage points from the peak of 6.3% in June of 2003 to a low of 4.4% in March of 2007, things went much worse in Rhode Island. During that period, unemployment in our state dropped by only 0.7 percentage points, from 5.5% to 4.8%. In June of 2005, we crossed the national rate. Our jobs picture has been below average ever since.

Up through early 2007, Carcieri’s Rhode Island was in a slow, but not unprecedented, decline. State economies fluctuate, and our slide in the mid-2000s was nothing out of the ordinary. But things were about to get worse. A lot worse. In late 2007, the bottom fell out of the Rhode Island economy, and unemployment soared.  Surprisingly, much of the damage was done before the broader US economy began to collapse a little less than a year later.

By April of 2008, when the second Bush recession began in earnest, Rhode Island’s unemployment rate was already at 6.9%—far above the national rate of 5%. Over the next few years, that gap widened from 1.9 percentage points to a peak of 3.3 percentage points in April 2012, but most of the damage was done before the national recession even began. Clearly, something very, very bad happened in Rhode Island in 2006 or early 2007 to spark this collapse.

There is no magical fairy who pummels the economy whenever conservative Republicans find themselves in office.  What devastates the economy is the policies they enact.  Tomorrow we’ll begin to dig into the details of those policies and why they were so destructive.

Labor vs. Management


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Full disclosure: I grew up in a time and an environment that accepted an adversarial relationship between labor and management.

I still agree with that belief. Everything I have experienced in the last 30 years has convinced me, over and over again that this is the fundamental relationship between the workers and the bosses.

More, the side most actively pursuing this agenda is management.

I have worked as union labor in a closed manufacturing plant. I have stood on the lower rungs of corporate management. I have, therefore, seen this from both sides. What this two-sided, balanced experience has demonstrated is that there are people in the upper levels of corporations who wake up every morning thinking about new ways to screw labor.

Take away pensions. Cut benefits. Cut wages. Collude with other companies to set wages at “market norms”. Outsource departments. Offshore jobs. Pay management ever and ever larger salaries. Take away holidays. These have all been all-to common management practices of the past 30 years. Anyone denying this is either grossly ignorant or lying.

Now Hostess has gone down. Now Hostess is blaming it on the greedy unions.  Here’s a contrary view.

Hostess went through bankruptcy twice in the last 8 years, the latest time in January of this year. As of January of 2012, management had not implemented even some of the most basic strategies for streamlining operations and cutting costs. The would include, but not be limited to, closing inefficient plants, merging warehouse operations, and closing unprofitable retail operations.

For this this gross negligence of management responsibilities, the CEO of Hostess saw his pay tripled; other high-level executives had their pay doubled. They got these raises while demanding additional union give-backs and lower wages.

One favorite bete noir of the anti-union hooligans is the US car companies. There, the unions have strangled and nearly ruined these titans of manufacturing. This is just plain wrong. 1977 was a banner year for GM. Its plants were cranking out mountains of 302 cubic inch V8 engines; this, after we ‘learned our lesson’ from the oil shocks that happened in the early 1970s, when Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford were in the White House.  How did GM cope with the threat of higher oil prices? By creating the Vega. Remember them? Millions of these cars were sold between 1970 and 1977. And yet, by 1980, there were virtually none left on the road.

IOW, it was a terrible design, and a terrible car. Who designed this car? Who approved this car? Labor? No.

Ford came up with the Pinto and the Maverick. Remember the Maverick? With the gas tank situation so that it got hit in rear-end collisions, with a sickening tendency to explode? Who designed this car? Who approved this car? Labor?

Of course not. Only management can make these decisions. What was the result? The American car brands were damaged irreparably; the Big 3 are still fighting to overcome the negative perceptions created by these cars.  And these are glaring examples of terrible management decisions. Oh, and the follow-up were the K- and X-cars. Another engineering masterpiece.

These horrible management decisions led to generations that assume that Japanese cars are superior to American cars. And now that Toyota has grabbed the mantle of the largest car manufacturer in the world? Quality has plummeted. We’re on the third or fourth massive recall of the last five year.  Why? Because management decided to sacrifice quality for price, and over-expanded beyond what they could effectively control.

As for labor costs, the German manufacturers have some of the highest labor costs in the world. Hasn’t really dented their ability to export. In fact, they see America as a low-wage country. You know, on par with Mexico.

So you’ve seen decades of bad management decisions in any number of industries. How many airline companies have come and gone? I had a couple Sunbeam appliances that were very well made. When they finally died, I had to replace them with other brands, none of them of the level of quality.

America is engaged is a vicious bout of class warfare. As soon as management saw its opening, it took the opportunity to exploit its advantages to the hilt. The result has been a period of stagnant to falling wages for labor, a shrinking percentage of corporate profits going to management, and a level of income inequality not seen since the days of the Robber Barons. Oh, and we have an MSM that screams that labor is waging class warfare for merely pointing out these facts; largely because the MSM is a wholly-owned subsidiary of some corporation.

The employees of Wal-Mart have started fighting back. This is huge. This is the piece missing from our economic recovery. It’s called “demand”. Supply shocks causing recessions is ridiculous, on par with claiming the world is flat. How many well-supplied stores have you seen fail because of lack of demand? Answer: all of ’em.

Because, somehow, today’s Titans of Industries (read: bureaucrats who clawed their way to the top by political infighting) have forgotten what Henry Ford figured out 90 years ago: that ‘workers = consumers.’ And if you pay your workers more, they buy more, which is the whole point of the exercise, isn’t it?

So when management finds ever-more-creative, ever-more-blatant ways of squeezing labor harder, the irony is that, ultimately, they’re cutting their own throats because they’re simultaneously destroying the ability of their customers to purchase their goods and services.

Yet one more really, really stupid, short-sighted, greedy decision made by management. One more reason to fire the bums, before they given themselves another raise–at the expense of labor–and ruin even more companies.

Why Stock Buybacks Benefit Corporate Greed


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Image courtesy of Hodart Report.

One of my last posts touched on how corporations are spending their money, what they are doing and not doing with the piles of record profits they’ve been making in the past few years while median wages have stagnated or fallen.

Here’s some additional information. First, the cites:

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10000872396390444657804578052472320753336.html

http://www.thereformedbroker.com/2012/10/12/the-buyback-epidemic/

If you piece the two of them together, you will glean that dividend payments to shareholders are near an all-time low. Something like 34% of earnings are being paid out in dividends today. OTOH, stock buybacks by the S&P 500 hit $112 billion just for the second quarter of 2012. You will also learn that, in contrast, companies paid out about 60% of their earnings in dividends in 1960. This is despite a top tax rate of 91%. No, that’s not a typo. 91%.

Why the preference for stock buybacks over dividend payments? Again, apply the principle of ‘cui bono’: to whose benefit?

Dividends generally benefit the average holder, the smaller holders. In fact, as I’ve said before, prior to about 1990, one bought stocks in order to collect the dividend paid, not with the idea of the price of the stock going up. In fact, stocks like utilities were considered ‘widows and orphans’ stocks because of the generous dividends they generally paid.

Buybacks, OTOH, generally benefit the corporate executives because the bulk of their compensation is in company stock. One component in the price per share of stocks is the number of shares outstanding. In fact, it’s the denominator in the equation. Since corporate compensation comes from huge issues of common stock, the denominator grows, which drops the average price, which means that the shares executives increase in value. Shares that are bought back are retired, decreasing the number of shares outstanding, which has the impact of pushing the price up, other things being equal.

Yes, the average holder gains from this too, but the benefit is much more limited. Let’s say I own 1,000 shares, which is a big holding for most middle-class folks. If the price goes up a dollar, I’ve made $1,000. Not bad. But if I own 100,000, or 500,000 shares, the gain is much higher. And grants of hundreds of thousands of shares are not unusual. An executive holding a million share is not unusual.

Plus, this gain is completely tax-free, until the stock is sold. This benefits the executive who can then borrow against the shares and perform feats of legerdemain with the money. The small holder, OTOH, will generally never see the benefit f the capital appreciation because s/he is less likely to sell shares.

Yes, they may, and then turn around and buy others. However, this sort of trading mentality is very dangerous for the small investor. 80% of professional investors do not ‘beat the market’ through frequent trading. If these professionals can’t, then what chance does the small investor have? A small one, and then usually only for a short time before regression to the mean sets in. The safest strategy for the small investor is to buy stocks that pay a decent dividend and hold them for the income. Now, that few companies do this any longer is certainly a problem. Once again, the market is tilted in favor of the larger investor who can make a lot of money on fairly small increases in price, or who can hedge, or who has access to resources and information that the small investor does not have.

Cui bono? The corporate executive.

In the WSJ (yes, Wall St Journal), note the following quote:

        …More than seven decades ago, in his classic book “Security Analysis”, the great investor Benjamin  Graham made a call so radical that it still sounds shocking today. Complaining of the “despotic powers wielded over dividend policy by corporate executives and directors, Graham argued that companies should no longer be allowed to direct surplus cash away from paying dividends–even for reinvesting in the business–without first obtaining formal “consideration and appraisal” from their investors, most likely through a vote at the annual meeting.

 

        Capitalist to his core, Graham was dead serious with this Bolshevik-sounding suggestion.  He wanted shareholders–who, after all, own the company–to force management to provide at least a general justification for using cash for any purpose other than paying a dividend.

 

      With the percentage of profits paid out as dividends today near all-time lows, at 34%,  Graham’s drastic proposal is just what we need to cattle-prod companies out of being such skinflints.

One “argument” that tax-cutters like to use is that it’s our money, not Washington’s. Fair enough. But those corporate profits belong to the shareholders, not to the CEO. So why should the CEO decide?

(Yes, he is a shareholder, but he & his board almost never control a majority of shares. Plus, Graham’s point was to make them explain why they were not issuing larger dividends. You know, make them accountable? Radical notion, I realize. Only people on the bottom are accountable for anything. Those on top can do whatever they damn well please.)

(Point 2: the fact that dividends are ‘double taxed’ is completely irrelevant to the argument. But let’s put it this way: they are double taxed. So what? What difference does that make?)

Here’s how the other article describes the buyback/dividend issue:

…One other thing — executives use buybacks to offset compensation, they issue themselves shares or options, and then get the board to approve a stock buyback to counter the effect of dilution. If you’re asking yourself “wait, so buybacks can be used as a tool to transfer shareholder money to executives?”  then you’ve got it figured out, that’s exactly what they can be used for. And they often are.

As I said, cui bono? The corporate executive. He does not own the company. He–in theory, anyway–works for the shareholders, and yet he’s following policies that enrich himself (and it’s pretty much always a ‘he’) at the expense of those he works for. Somehow, I suspect that if he found an underling at the company doing something similar, the underling would be fired, if not prosecuted.

As an aside, the comments section of the WSJ article is hilarious. Note the utter horror–The horror! The horror!–with which they regard a tax rate of 39% on dividends. Somehow, the returns to capital should be privileged above actual work. And note how they throw out retirees who will be hurt by paying an hypothetical 39% in taxes on their dividend income, after the confiscatory Obama plan of letting the Bush tax cuts expire. But, 39% is the top tax rate. Only people making the highest incomes would pay at that rate. For the rest of us, we would pay at the rate we pay on the rest of our income. The only retirees who would be hit by the top tax rate are those who are earning in the top level of income.

One final word. A while back I wrote a post about how the purpose of allowing capital to accumulate was so that business could expand and benefit more people through hiring. IOW, there’s an implicit deal: we allow capital formation so you can increase the number of people you hire, which benefits everyone. However, the capital side of deal has not kept up its end of the bargain. For pointing this out, I was excoriated as a…whatever. You can fill in the blank. But this is exactly what is happening: the profits are not being reinvested in the US, those receiving the benefits of the profits are not paying taxes to support our society, even though they benefit disproportionately from the peace and security provided by the US government. They’ve breached the contract.

Finally finally, here’s something about the effects of income polarization.

    “If a man is not an oligarch, something is not right with him.”

http://blogs.reuters.com/great-debate/2012/10/15/the-billionaires-next-door/

OK, feel free to excoriate mindlessly by calling me all sorts of names, and saying I’m wrong without ever quite showing how I’m wrong.

Income Inequality and Entry Level Wages


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Evidence shows that real wages for college grads fell in 2011. More: real wages for college grads are down from 2000, and real wages for college grads are down from 2004, the trough of the Bush recession. These wages did go up–sharply–in 2005, and then began a long, not-so-slow slide from which they have not begun to recover.

And yes, the link is to the Progressive Policy Institute, but the data is drawn from the Census Bureau’s annual Income, Poverty, and Health Care report for 2012 that was published recently. So this is standard gov’t data.  As the article makes clear, this is very significant information. It seriously cripples the argument that people can lift themselves up by getting a college degree. Or that income inequality is simply the premium paid for education.

So the graduate enters the real world to find that a) jobs are very hard to find; b) that those lucky enough to get a job are making less than they expected; and c) they have a mountain of debt to pay off. This latter was exacerbated by policy changes in the Bush era, which have been, thankfully, addressed by Obama.

But, no problem. This is all part of the Grand Plan to make sure that a) levels of income inequality continue to rise; and b) that these differences become stratified into place, resulting into a permanent caste system. Yes, this is the goal. Let the rich get richer, and let everyone else go to hell in a handbasket. That is what the corporate overlords want. Is this bordering on tinfoil-hat paranoia? Perhaps, at first glance, but let’s look at the evidence.

Income inequality shrank significantly between 1948 & 1973. Why? Because of deliberate government actions that fostered the downward redistribution of wealth. Unions were institutionalized, providing labor with a powerful voice to protect workers’ rights. The steady, significant, upward trend of real middle-class wages was the result of deliberate policy.

Another deliberate policy that fostered income redistribution was very high tax rates. Even after Reagan’s 1981 tax cuts, the top tax rate ‘fell’ to 50%. Prior, it was in the 70s, and it only ‘fell’ to 77% after being cut in 1964. I say we do what the GOP wants and emulate Reagan. Let’s put that 50% tax rate back in place. If it was good enough to St Ronnie, then it’s good enough for me, right?

And let’s make one thing clear: today’s “corporate titans” are not the steely-eyed heroes of a bad Ayn Rand novel. These are not entrepreneurs. They are bureaucrats. The guys sitting in the chairs at Citibank or GM or 3M or Exxon did not build their company from scratch. Yes, you have (or had) your occasional Steve Jobs and Bill Gates, companies like FedEx that grew into market behemoths, but they are, far and away, the exception and not the rule. The family-owned, family run corporate giants like Standard Oil or Dagny Talbert’s (Atlas Shrugged; yes, I read it) railroad barely exists today.

The point is, when a public corporation makes money, it can choose what to do with it. The corporation can return it to the owners–the shareholders–in the form of dividends. This was the traditional thing to do. Until sometime in the 1990s, buying stock in the expectation of the price going up so you could sell it was the definition of ‘speculation.’ Rather, one bought stock to hold it, so you could collect the 5% annual dividend. In some ways, IMO, the worst thing about the dot-com boom was the idea that dividends were ‘quaint’, and something only old-fogey companies did. Now, dividends of 2% are considered generous, and perhaps foolish. Apple, with all its money, has never paid a dividend.

Or, if a corporation chooses not to give the money to the real owners, another choice is to re-invest the money in the company by building another plant, or buying new, improved machinery. This is not happening. Business investment in this country is at its lowest level in decades. Yes, some companies are spending the money in other countries by outsourcing, but that doesn’t do a college grad in this country much good, does it?

So the corp is not returning the money to its real owners, the shareholders; nor is it re-investing the money in the company. How about higher wages?

Despite enormous productivity gains, wages–which is where we came in–are stagnant at best, falling at worst. In the period 1948-1973, there was a rough equivalency between productivity increases and wage increases. If an improved process makes the product cheaper, the profit margin increases. In the time to 1973, this extra profit was shared more or less equally by everyone in the company, workers and management alike. But, starting somewhere around 1980, this trend stopped. Oh, productivity has increased, dramatically at times, but wages have remained stagnant.

IOW, it’s gotten cheaper to do things, but that money is not being distributed to those who actually do the work. It’s being kept by management.

We are living in a time when corporate profits are at record high levels, and the percent of profits going to labor is at record lows for the post-Depression period. Coincidence? No.

Why is this happening? Here’s where my tinfoil-hat conspiracy theory comes in: because this is the plan. Those fortunate enough to climb into the executive level of a corporation they did not build, have decided that they’re going to keep the extra money themselves. So, the wages for college grads falls, because it can. Why has the GOP fought so relentlessly to stymie every pro-jobs proposal brought before it? To maintain the 8-10% unemployment rate. Why do they want to maintain this high rate? Because high unemployment puts downward pressure on wages. When someone asks for a raise, the corporate response is “you’re lucky to have a job.” Yes, it’s true, and that’s exactly my point.

I get a lot of flack claiming that I’m anti-business, or a pro-union shill, or an alarmist, or lots of other things. And yet, somehow, the actual evidence seems to be on my side. Oh, sure, you can nitpick a few of these points where I’ve overgeneralized and then shout “FAIL” (it’s happened), but I have yet to see a convincing, fact-based contrary argument.

Of course, one prime target is my conspiracy theory, that there is a plan to build in legal support for income inequality. Look, corporate management is a cohesive group. These guys–and it’s 90% men–sit on the boards of each others’ companies. They hang out together in the Hamptons on weekends. They ski in Aspen. The cabal is not nearly as incestuous as the power circle here in RI, but it’s on course for that. The first thing that happens when you get power is you try to make sure you keep power. It’s damn hard to get to the top of the pyramid, so, when you do, you bloody well try to stay there.

Now, if you’re Mitt Romney, and you can borrow untold amounts from your parents, and you’ve been sent to the best schools where you met the Next Generation of Leaders, getting there is a whole lot easier. He claims he got nothing, but that’s just flipping ridiculous. I saw a post showing a copy of a magazine article from like 1967 that listed him among the 25 most eligible bachelors in the nation. Yeah, he had to work really hard. He and GW Bush could call up daddy’s friends and ask for help, for investment money, etc. Real hard. And did you see how Mitt’s original contract at Bain Capital guaranteed him a place in the parent company should the venture fail? A real risk-taker.

Even Adam Smith recognized the collusion of management: “We rarely hear, it has been said, of the combinations of masters, though frequently of those of workmen. But whoever imagines, upon this account, that masters rarely combine, is as ignorant of the world as of the subject.” Wealth of Nations, Part I, Ch VIII

So, yes, the people in power have a vested interest in maintaining their power. And they have the ability to shape circumstances–to some degree–to help them maintain their power. So, conspiracy? That might be a stretch. A plan, perhaps not fully articulated as such? Absolutely.

New Ideas? No Thank You


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Earlier this month, the Rhode Island Foundation held a big conference that said it was intended to generate ideas for moving the state’s economy forward. Yesterday, I received a note about the “New Leaders,” a group purportedly about bringing new ideas to the management of our state.  (This is apparently a different group from the “New Leaders Council” though it’s hard to tell from the rhetoric.) The Rhode Island Public Expenditure Council put out a report last week about its new ideas for reforming the state’s economic development apparatus. All these new ideas!  Sounds great, no?  Well, in a word, no.

Wht’s the problem with new ideas, you might ask?  Isn’t our poor state in dire need of some?

Well, yes and no. There are a million ways to change the way government does business, and hundreds of thousands of them would make our state a better and more prosperous society. But of those million ideas, there are only a paltry few that won’t gore someone’s ox when transformed into actual policy changes.

Now I think there are plenty of oxen out there that we would do well to gore, repeatedly. For example, I happen to think that the state and all its cities and towns pay too much for the financial services they need and that there are plenty of more economical ways to get those services that would benefit our state’s economy, too. But there are bond counsels, investment advisers, bankers, and tax credit brokers out there who would likely disagree with me, some strenuously.

Or we could stand to tax the wealthy of our state a little bit more. These “job creators” have created precious few jobs in exchange for the hundreds of millions of dollars of tax breaks we’ve awarded them over the past 15 years. Or perhaps we could look into ways to discourage the kinds of suburban development that cost so much to service, or at least make the developers pay the true costs to our communities. Or how about just guaranteeing that children in our poor cities have the same opportunities in their public schools as the children in the rich suburbs? That’s not a new idea, but it’s a good one.

There are plenty more ideas like this, but rather a lot of them have the disadvantage of inconveniencing some folks at the top of the heap: bankers, lawyers, real estate developers, rich people.

Many of those same people have their own list of ideas, many entries in which are different from mine. They routinely present them in anodyne language, calling them “tools” for example, or “innovations,” or “new ideas.”  Unfortunately, they are often the same old oppression and exploitation, with a different label.

For example, you routinely hear that cities and towns need “tools” to control their costs. Well, yes, in a world where those cities and towns aren’t getting the state support they need to pay for state-required services, they obviously need to be relieved of the requirements or given more money. The Assembly’s refusal to face that choice honestly has already led to one bankrupt city and will likely lead to more before long. But the “tools” in this case are not as morally neutral as the word would suggest. Most of the components — cutting pay, cutting pensions, cutting jobs — are just ways to turn decent jobs into poor ones, and to lower the level of services we get. But calling the proposals “taking away pay and benefits from workers especially those in the poor cities” or “paying teachers less” doesn’t sell as well as “tools.” Admitting that these “tools” will exacerbate the difference of opportunity in our schools, putting the kids in the poor districts even farther behind the kids in the wealthy districts just isn’t as pleasant as looking at the nice effect the tools would have on budget numbers.

The sad truth is that the best ideas are likely to provoke conflict. Many good ideas already have. Rhode Island is not stuck in economic neutral because of a dearth of ideas. We are awash in good ideas, but people with power find many of them too threatening to consider seriously. Good ideas are not only worth fighting for, they usually require fighting for.

The title above is a bit of a joke; new ideas should always be welcome. We learn and improve our world by seriously considering them. But though it’s important to foster a climate where good new ideas are developed and can get a hearing, they are absolutely not the way forward for our economy.

What is?  The first step to overcome our economic malaise is not to come up with new ideas, but to insist that the old ones be evaluated honestly. Did tax cuts actually create new jobs?  Did developing all our open space make us more prosperous?  Did cutting education really help our economy?  Did ending welfare relieve pressures on the state budget?  Did cutting state aid to cities and towns actually cut overall taxes?

Straight and honest answers to these policy questions will be worth a million new ideas. Unfortunately for all of us, House leaders seem to be committed to never considering the merits of their tax policies, and Senate leaders seem committed to never considering the merits of their policies about local funding and property taxes. Few suburban town councils in the state seem willing to push back against developers seeking to build on whatever open space is left. Fear of admitting error drives our leaders harder than intellectual honesty.

Until we have leaders willing honestly to confront questions raised by policy — especially policies they championed — and consider their implications with an open mind, all the new ideas in the world won’t help us one bit.

The Disaster of Deregulation: Airlines


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A few years ago I worked for ITA Software, a very successful privately-held company whose customers were airlines. Along with about a hundred other people there, I was on a big project to build a new airline reservation system from the ground up, something that pretty much hadn’t been done since the 1970s. It may surprise you to know that most airlines still rely on reservation software originally written before 1976, though these systems have seen their code base updated and wrapped with more modern trappings since then.

Still, no one had really re-engineered a system with all the things we’ve learned about databases in the last 40 years. So ITA was trying. But then Air Canada, the customer, went bankrupt, prompting someone to ask the CEO, at a company meeting, what he thought the prospects were.

He said, “Well, Air Canada has entered bankruptcy. Something that we in the industry refer to as a natural part of the life cycle of an airline.”  It got a big laugh, though perhaps this was gallows humor, since lots of the audience got their walking papers within a couple of weeks.

One question is what exactly happened in the 1970s that halted innovation in airline data processing?  Could the data processing problem just be too complicated?  Though this is a serious line of inquiry for anyone who has ever tried to make sense of airline schedule data, it seems pretty unlikely compared to some more recent data achievements, like cell phones or Google. Another question is what does it mean when airlines seem so financially fragile.

Hmmm. Think think think. What happened in the 1970s?

Oh, yes: transportation deregulation happened. Planted as a wholly bipartisan enterprise in think tanks and in academia in the 1960s, the deregulation movement flowered during in Jimmy Carter’s administration, and reached astonishing heights under Ronald Reagan’s. Reformers were going to free the engines of capitalism from the yoke of unnecessary regulation. The result: win-win situations everywhere, with lower prices for consumers and better-paid CEOs. What could be better?

Lots of things, it turns out. Flights are slower and more expensive than they once were, and airlines are more fragile, preventing them from innovating in any ways besides figuring out how to pay their employees less and charge their customers more.

They don’t even make more money.  You can see that with numbers from Airlines For America, the big trade group for big US airlines. Quoting from the estimable Doug Henwood:

“Between 1948 and 1978, the industry made $5.5 billion in total (or $28.7 billion in 2011 dollars). Between 1979 and 2011, it lost $37.7 billion (or $41.6 billion in 2011 dollars). Of course, I’m not here to defend corporate profits, but it’s hard to see how an industry can survive under capitalism in a chronic state of loss.”

So what got better?  Price?  Since 1982, the consumer price index overall has risen by a factor of 2.8% per year, while the airfare component has gone up 3.9% per year, just slightly slower than the gas index. Part of the increase in the index is is that the quality has declined — there are many fewer non-stop flights than there once were and service, well…

Service?  Planes are more crowded, make more stops, exact more fees, and have seen a virtual end to every single perk passengers once enjoyed as a matter of course. It’s hard even to see the need to document the decline in service, but it’s there. If you ignore the drop in quality, prices have risen somewhat slower than inflation since 1995, according to the Bureau of Transportation Statistics. This seems fair, but less so when you realize that it’s not just that you’re getting poor service, you’re being charged for the quality you’re no longer getting with your ticket, and in many cases unavoidably.

Wages?  Like everywhere, the CEOs have it pretty good. American Airline’s Gerard Arpey earned $5.9 million in 2010 and that airline was bankrupt before 2011 was over. AA has been looking for wage and benefit concessions from their unions ever since. Between deregulation and 1995, wages in all industries rose 83%, according to the BLS. Airplane mechanics saw an increase of 68%, pilots of 56%, and sales agents 28%. Airline employees have not kept pace with the rest of the private sector.

Could labor unions be part of the problem?  Possibly, but consider that Southwest is about the only consistently profitable airline around, and it is also about the most heavily unionized airline in the US.

Southwest could stand as a counter-example to this whole tale of woe, but here’s the question of perspective. When I want to book a flight from here to Utah, it is a question of no interest to me whether some airline somewhere can make money on the routes it serves. Instead the only questions on my mind are about the airlines who do go to Salt Lake City. As it turns out, Southwest has made a business decision not to serve that city, and that’s fine for them, but what about me and all the other people who want to go there?

In short, deregulation has been a 30-year disaster, playing out in motion so slow it’s easy to ignore. But here we are, 30 years later, paying higher prices for a worse product to an industry that pays worse wages. Yay free market.

Obviously it’s true that regulators are prone to capture by the industry they regulate. But it’s equally obvious to those who look that deregulation is no picnic either. (It’s not as if financial deregulation has been less of a horror show than it has been for airlines.)  All this was obvious to those who looked decades ago.

Doug Henwood, who I quoted above, points out in an earlier article (23 years earlier!) that regulation was originally the idea of big business, to prevent ruinous competition. Deregulators, then, could claim to be acting against business, on behalf of consumers. But consumers are also workers, as so many of us seem to forget. When deregulation created the conditions for pay cuts, service cuts, and mergers — and when it deep sixes the possibility of investing in innovation — was it really consumers who benefited?  Was it our nation?

Gemma’s Jobs Plan Isn’t Right for Rhode Island


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Anthony Gemma

Anthony GemmaIn a world where self-described “leaders” show their “leadership” largely by describing it in press releases, and politicians routinely praise their own bold choices, it is refreshing to see one who actually lives up to his own billing.

Anthony Gemma, on the other hand, has a jobs plan that is indeed as “innovative, strategic, and transparent” as he says. Unfortunately it’s also silly, misguided, and occasionally bizarre. (And hard to find.  Go look on his home page and wait until you see “Enough is enough” and click on that.)

The centerpiece of his plan is to nurture the growth of the “wellness” industry in Rhode Island. This includes businesses who produce dietary supplements and organic foods, as well as “wellness jobs that include personal trainers, aerobics and pilates instructors, managers, researchers, Web site designers, wellness and fitness writers, and dietitians.”

Well all right, then. Maybe it sounds goofy, but could it work?

Sadly, probably not. Here’s a little economics lesson for you. What Rhode Island sorely needs is not goods and services to sell to other Rhode Islanders, but things to sell to the rest of the nation or the rest of the world. Do we currently suffer from a shortage of Pilates instructors?  Are there aerobics classes that can’t run because no instructor can be hired?  If we had more personal trainers could we sell them to people in Kentucky or India?  These are services that are not in short supply, and are really no good for export, either.

Ok, how about the nutritional supplement part of the mix?  This would presumably trade on our lack of strength in this sector. So far as I can tell, as far as nutrition companies go, Rhode Island is home only to Edesia Global Nutrition Solutions, an international effort aimed at distributing nutritional supplements to starving kids. Edesia is a very cool organization, and sells teddy bears to support its mission. Though I can imagine it could be the seed for a thriving food industry here, it’s not exactly what Gemma was talking about. (Read about them here.)

So in other words, Gemma is proposing to grow an industry where what we have can’t be exported and what can be exported, we don’t have. Leveraging assets we don’t have seems an interesting approach to economic development. So you have to award points for originality, in exactly the same way you’d praise the architect who envisions a fountain in the desert before anyone has dug the first well.  Exactly like that.

Bettering that, Gemma proposes that we encourage the Mayo Clinic or Tufts Medical to open wellness clinics here. This, of course, would be the opposite of exporting goods. Instead of bringing money into the state, we’d be sending it away, to Minnesota or Massachusetts to provide services that we can get in-state. This, again, is why success in business means little or nothing about success in making policy to benefit a whole state.

Too late, too little

There’s a section in this plan talking about how higher education should be demand-driven and responsive to the needs of businesses and students. That’s a great idea. So great, it was pretty much incorporated into the “CCRI 21st Century Workforce Commission” report from a couple of years ago. (Gemma also suggests asking the state’s 7 biggest employers for $250,000 apiece to shore up education at CCRI. Which is a funny thought: we can’t raise taxes on businesses, but we can demand contributions from them?)

Along the same lines, there’s a four item list on page 9, that describes what the state should do to encourage the growth of the wellness industry. What’s funny about the list is that the first three items on it — tax credits, loans, assistance finding federal money — are all things the state already does. So yes, these are good ideas. So good that someone already implemented them.

And then there’s this:

“It is incumbent upon us to eliminate the over-regulation of the small businesses which are the engines that drive the Rhode Island economy. I will create a workgroup to review all federal and state regulations that hinder wellness and health-oriented businesses…” [p.8]

This, presumably, would join the Secretary of State’s workgroup, and the legislative commissions and the Governor’s initiatives of years past. Courtesy of the Secretary of State’s office, this work is under way, and it’s hard to find anyone to disagree with the claim.

Honestly, you don’t have to find disagreement to understand why these things — streamlining, increased efficiencies, and so on — often don’t get done. People who crave simple answers will blame unions and fear of change, but it’s pretty easy to find deeper reasons.

In my experience, you can walk around any town hall or state building and find people who agree that there are efficiencies available, but don’t have the resources to re-tool their department’s operations. “Doing more with less” year after year leaves little room for designing new procedures or implenting new systems. When you walk into a tax assessor’s office and find the assessor trying to finish reports that her staff used to prepare, you’ve found someone who can’t afford to research or entertain new possibilities about the conduct of her department’s business. For better and worse, that’s how we run things these days. Studies and commissions are all well and good, but change requires resources, even when the change makes things more efficient. You’ve got to put something in to get more out.

So that’s what I learned by reading the Gemma Jobs plan: he suggests concentrating on a new industry that has approximately zero potential to bring new money into the state, and offers a bunch of other suggestions that are already in place. What’s more, almost all of his plan consists of state policy suggestions, while the last time I checked, he is running for federal office.

There’s plenty more, but I’ve piled on enough.  Ok, sorry, one thing more. I have to share my favorite part. It’s a tax incentive on page 9, for people who get hired in the wellness industry. Seriously. Gemma would offer a tax credit to new employees. Really?  Does he imagine that unemployed people need a tax incentive to help them find jobs? That would be the sound of the fountain designer who has finally been persuaded to help dig a well and shows up to work with a butterfly net.

So sure. Gemma is a smart energetic guy who has done good things in the past, and doubtless will again in the future. I just don’t want a congressman with judgment like this. His jobs plan is certainly “innovative, strategic, and transparent” as he says. But is there no place for “practical,” “sensible,” or “realistic?”

Occupy Prov: Bail Out Workers, Not CEOs


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Note: This was written by Paul Hubbard, Chris Murphy and Jared Paul. It reflects  Occupy Providence’s position on the 38 Studios debacle. The die-in represents the destruction of jobs by trickle-down strategies not the workers who lost their jobs.

CHANTING “MONEY for jobs and a decent wage, not for bailouts and 38,” 75 members and supporters of Occupy Providence (OPVD) rallied and marched through the streets of Providence on June 9.

OPVD organized the protest around three demands: No bailout of Wall Street/38 Studios bondholders, tax the rich, and solidarity not austerity, locally, nationally and internationally.

Assembling outside the Rhode Island Convention Center where the liberal blogger conference Netroots was in progress, the crowd heard personal testimony from working people who described how the economic crises and austerity agenda of the 1 percent have impacted their lives.

OPVD then marched several blocks to the former headquarters of 38 Studios, which spoken-word artist Jared Paul, an organizer with OPVD, described as a “crime scene.” Dozens of marchers then laid on the ground and were outlined in chalk as they participated in the great RI Jobs Dead On Arrival “die-in.” The action was designed to dramatize the destruction of good jobs caused by the “trickle-down” policies of the 1 percent and evidenced by the 38 Studios debacle.

38 Studios, a video game company owned by former Red Sox baseball star Curt Schilling, was financed in 2010 with a $75 million loan from the RI Economic Development Corporation (EDC). Gambling on Schilling’s risky start-up with taxpayer funds, the quasi-public agency floated up to $125 million in “moral obligation” bonds on Wall Street to guarantee the deal.

Chris Mastrangelo, an organizer with OPVD, made the analogy of a gambler who goes “on the street” to a loan shark for money to bet on a horse. Schilling, for many years a right-wing proponent of “small government,” was only too happy to accept the EDC loan.

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NOW THAT 38 Studios has collapsed, laid off its entire workforce in three states (700 people) and filed for bankruptcy, the bondholders (sharks) on Wall Street still expect to be paid. Gov. Lincoln Chafee and the Rhode Island Legislature have promised full payment. This will cost Rhode Island’s taxpayers $112 million over the next 10 to 20 years.

Speaking at the die-in, Paul Hubbard of the International Socialist Organization said:

The austerity agenda of Rhode Island’s 1 percent, recently imposed by the governor and the Rhode Island legislature, means massive cuts to education, the developmentally disabled, state worker pensions, public transportation and Rhode Island’s poor. These are the real crimes, crimes perpetrated against Rhode Island’s working families, against the 99 percent, against humanity…Our sisters and brothers in Greece, Egypt, Spain and Quebec have risen up against the austerity agenda of the global 1 percent. Occupy Providence is proud to stand in solidarity with the global 99 percent.

OPVD then marched through the city of Providence to the State House, where dozens of protesters assembled in front of the building’s main entrance. Chalk outlines of dead bodies, representing another crime scene, were drawn on the plaza outside.

Marching back to the convention center, the site of OPVD’s four-day “sidewalk occupation,” dozens of protesters stopped by another crime scene–the tax-exempt Providence Place Mall. Sixty protesters marched through the first floor, chanting, “Tax the rich! Solidarity not austerity!”

Security guards appeared and began assaulting peaceful protesters at the front of the march, physically pushing them toward the middle exit. A large group of protesters easily avoided the guards and continued to the exit at the far end of the mall as planned. There, a “mic check” ensued as OPVD again started chanting.

Security guards called in the Providence police, who detained and handcuffed about a dozen protesters as they attempted to leave. An hour later, all were released after signing agreements to stay off the mall premises for one year.

OPVD then re-assembled and finished the march, returning to cheers from those at the sidewalk occupation as well as bystanders outside the convention center. Speaking to the media, organizer Mariah Burns said, “The police used handcuffs on peaceful protesters simply exercising their rights to assembly and free speech. These tactics were clearly designed to intimidate and were completely unnecessary.”

As the scandal surrounding 38 Studios continues to unfold, OPVD has pledged to continue its struggle for justice and against Wall Street bailouts.

An Autopsy of RIEDC


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As the dust slowly settles on the carcass of 38 Studios, plenty of questions remain, and you can bet the entrails will be picked over thoroughly. Some of the most entertaining questions are about how the debacle happened, since it’s such a delicious tale of arrogant insiders getting their comeuppance. (Of course it would be more delicious if we weren’t on the hook to pay for it.)  But there are also dull questions about important matters: what to do with the state’s economic development apparatus, the Rhode Island Economic Development Corporation.

RIEDC was formed under the Almond administration, when the Department of Economic Development was closed and those responsibilities moved over to the Port Authority, which was renamed. The Port Authority was chosen because of its unlimited bonding authority, a fluke of legislative drafting when that agency was originally created. As of 1995, when this happened, the only other agency with this kind of authority, the Public Building Authority, was discredited by DiPrete-era abuses and on the way out. In other words EDC was born with extraordinary powers and has used them extensively, which is partly why the state’s debt nearly doubled during the Carcieri administration.

In the 17 years since then, RIEDC has been through more directors than I can count. Some have been widely admired, and some just looked good. Keith Stokes, the current most recent director has, I believe, set a longevity record by lasting three years, though I welcome reader corrections to my director timetable. He is widely held in high regard, but the agency has a vague and difficult set of goals, so no one should be surprised when the failures are legion and the successes short-lived.

The 38 Studios debacle reminds longtime observers of previous ones, like Alpha-Beta, and the Wyatt jail in Central Falls. And just as the debacles recur, so do the ensuing reports. We’re all looking forward now to a report from the RI Public Expenditure Council about how to shake up EDC.  But that’s nothing new, either.

Three years ago there was a report about EDC from a panel of worthies headed by Al Verrecchia, chairman and former CEO of Hasbro. The panel suggested that EDC needed shaking up, but their report ultimately contained precious little of use about how to do that. For example, the report said the agency was without focus and alternately complained they didn’t spend enough time working with already-existing local companies and that they didn’t have a good marketing approach to attract companies from elsewhere. Both might be true, but was the report’s suggestion that EDC concentrate on both really the best way to improve the focus?  The report was too easily interpreted as an endorsement of what EDC was already doing. Essentially, the message was “keep it up, but do it better,” even if some of the report text struggled to say something else.

What to do

It’s possible to see the agency’s discredit as an advantage. Might it be possible to dream that we can discard the destructive and expensive things the agency does and replace them with activities that actually help the economy? My vote for what’s really needed around here? Information.

EDC could usefully refashion itself into a research agency. If agency staff actually spent significant time studying the economy and the local markets in an intellectually honest and rigorous way, some practically useful recommendations for action would be bound to arise from that work. This is the kind of thing that no individual company can take on, but an agency like EDC could produce information vital to all of them.

Perusing the EDC web site, there is a lot of information available, but it’s all the kind of thing you can get from the PBN book of lists or from Census Department or BLS web sites. They provide a handy list of tax incentives and programs, but what do they provide to help people make business decisions?  That is, beyond “what government program should I apply for?”

On the EDC web site, I can learn which are the top employers in the state, and I can learn which economic sectors employ the most people, but there is precious little one might use to make important decisions. Where can I learn whether there is a shortage of machinists?  Who do I ask about unmet credit demand?  Is it banks or family and friends who finance most new RI businesses?  What proportion of venture-backed businesses survive five years?  What stage businesses have the most trouble getting credit?  What are the important barriers to export markets for RI businesses?

Who needs this information?  Someone who aspires to be a machinist would, of course. Someone who wants to start a business, or a bank interested in expanding its business lending portfolio, might also find it useful. A business contemplating expansion, perhaps. Oh, and General Assembly members who routinely assert that this or that would be good for the economy without any idea whether it’s really true could benefit. But most of all, the people who craft economic development policy would find real information vital. Or they should.

EDC is in a unique position that could allow it to gather — and analyze — useful data about the local economy. They could be doing business surveys, worker surveys, surveys of bankers and investors, analyses of credit markets, classifying foreclosures. They could be hosting conferences of academics to present research about these topics, or offering research fellowships at Brown or URI for economists willing to spend time looking at the RI economy. They could present a public lecture series on the subjects important to the state’s economy, modeled after the Geek Dinners (that a previous EDC director helped begin). In short, they could actually present valuable information to help people make important economic decisions.  Would it be expensive?  Not compared to the status quo.

Research doesn’t just mean accumulating information in a single place, even if that’s a handy service. It means analysis: counting things, classifying them, and coming to conclusions about them. It means tracking events and interpreting them. It means finding information that isn’t already available and creating the tools necessary to anticipate events and follow trends. It means cultivating a staff able to do these analyses and with the intellectual confidence to follow where the data lead, and whomever they offend.

This, of course, is not the path we’ve taken. What we have now is an agency that does some good service and quite a bit of harm. We have some important programs housed in an agency that frequently acts like nothing so much as a state-funded corporate lobbyist. Our state deserves better and wouldn’t it be nice to have an agency that tells us all what’s going on around us instead of hiding it?

Netroots Asks: ‘What Does A New Economy Look Like?’


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I stumbled across our editor Bob Plain at Beyond Occupy: What Does a New Economic System Look Like? which took place at 10:30 AM. Bob was unfortunately trying to coordinate with David Pepin on the budget live-blogging, leading to some furtive discussion on his cellphone that eventually attracted a few stares before Bob went outside. The panel discussion itself was somewhat disappointing. I was hoping for an articulated view of a new economic system. It was moderated by Jenifer Fernandez Ancona of the Women Donors Network; and features Sarita Gupta (Executive Director of Jobs With Justice), Simon Johnson (Professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Sloan School of Management and former Chief Economist at the International Monetary Fund), Colin Mutchler (CEO and co-founder of LoudSauce), and Erica Payne (Founder and President of the Agenda Project).

As I said, if I was expecting a sort of map of how a new economic system is supposed to look, this was not it. Despite an early statement about this discussion being titled “Beyond Occupy” due to the fact that Occupy changed the nature of discussion but needs to articulate a vision, no such vision came forward. There were some interesting turns of phrase. Mr. Mutchler seemed to have the clearest vision of what an economy should be organized around: happiness. A commenter from the audience seemed to support that, but undercuts their own authority by saying that happiness is in the Constitution; it’s not. Ms. Ancona said that ultimately what happens are two competing views of the economy: that of the right which views it as a natural force and that of the left that views it as a human-created force.

Watch live streaming video from fstvnewswire at livestream.com

Most surprising was the fact that labor was de-emphasized here. At one point, Ms. Ancona turned to Ms. Gupta and said, “I don’t think I imagine a future with labor.” Ms. Gupta was somewhat tepid in her response, saying that the labor movement in America was too concerned with its specific members and hadn’t grown out of a class conscious movement. Which is both right and wrong. But it’s about what you’d expect; the “netroots” is largely non-union, who understand a union in theory but don’t feel the need to associate with the labor movement. It goes to show, “progressive” is a wide-open term.

While ultimately a “new economic system” doesn’t come forth (Erik Loomis of Lawyers, Guns and Money criticized this discussion as “5 people talking about the greatness of slightly reformed capitalism” on his Twitter feed), I think Mr. Mutchler was the most on the ball when he said that we’re living in an era where institutions (like big banks and even democracy) are breaking down; but that below the surface, new innovations are taking place. But there was no real takeaway here.


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