Providence Police accused of assaulting man who filmed them


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John Prince
John Prince

This is John Prince’s story of the night he filmed the Providence Police, and was assaulted by them. It’s based on the complaint Prince gave to Internal Affairs.

Between 9:30 and 9:45pm on Wednesday, September 10th, Prince, a Providence resident, heard “hollering” outside his first floor window. Investigating, he stepped outside and saw two plainclothes police officers detaining two women and asking “intimidating” questions while going through their handbags. (A third officer was in a nearby car.)

Prince didn’t like the officers’ tone in dealing with the women. He thought they were being disrespectful, and said, “You don’t need to talk to them like that.”

The police officer told Prince to mind his own business, and then asked him to identify himself. Prince did not identify himself. Instead, he went back into his house for his cellphone, and came out to record the officers.

The officer in charge wanted to know why Prince was filming him, stating that he was was an undercover officer, and was “not supposed” to be filmed. According to Prince, “He proceeded to ask me where I was going to send the film, and demanded that I give him my ID.”

Prince said, “I refuse to surrender my ID to you,” and asked why the officer wanted it.

“I want to know who’s filming me,” said the the officer.

John Prince is well known as an activist for his work with DARE (Direct Action for Rights and Equality).  He works with Behind the Walls, an effort to reform prisons, and has been working to pass the “Community Safety Act,” which proponents maintain would be “a comprehensive city ordinance to ban racial profiling and change the way that police interact with members of our community” and “a strong first step toward shifting the focus from criminalizing people of color to addressing the root causes that perpetuate violence in our communities.”

So the police officers, knowingly or not, were dealing with a man who knew his rights and was not afraid to stick up for them. Instead of giving his name, Prince asked the officers to identify themselves.

john prince and supporters

“My name is Obama,” said the first officer, referring to the name on the hat Prince was wearing.

“My name is John Doe,” said the second officer.

As the cops laughed at their attempted humor, Prince decided to go back into his home.

This was when the first officer ordered the second one to, “Get that phone!”

Concerned for his safety, Prince ran back to his apartment. The second officer leaped the fence, and chased Prince through the door and into the hallway. The officer grabbed Prince and pushed him into the wall. As Prince reached for the doorknob of his apartment, the officer took him down, sending him “crashing to the floor.”

The officer got the phone, then left the building. Prince followed him out and saw the first officer was now deleting the video.

“That’s what you get for interfering with the police,” said the officer who had just tackled Prince inside his own home. Prince had hurt both his ankle and his neck in the scuffle.

After deleting the video, the first officer threw Prince’s phone into the bushes outside his house.

Yesterday Prince testified at an Internal Affairs hearing at the Providence Public Safety Complex on Washington St. He held a press conference to talk about his ordeal.

In the complaint Prince filed, he named Sgt. Roger Aspinall, Detective Francisco Guerra and Detective Louis Gianfrancesco as the officers involved.

According to Shannah Kurland, Prince’s lawyer, it may take a month for Internal affairs to issue any kind of report.

Here’s John Prince telling his story:

Here’s the full press conference, unedited:

***
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Seth Yurdin: Parking tax ‘great idea for downtown’


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yurdin“The parking tax would be a great idea for downtown,” was Providence City Councilor Seth Yurdin’s “initial response” when I asked him about it at a recent Bicycle & Pedestrian Advisory Commission.

But he also said he’d need more information before knowing if it would be the right tool for Providence. He said he worries it might be regressive. Our conversation was informal. I didn’t identify myself as a blogger/journalist, but I did introduce myself as, and was referenced several times during the meeting, as a transportation advocate.

Anything that would stop land-banking in Downcity is a good idea, Yurdin said. Land-banking is the process of demolishing buildings and using the vacant land as commercial parking lots in order to take advantage of the way the city’s tax code works: a parking lot owner can claim their lot isn’t worth much, while charging an arm and a leg to bring excess cars into the city.

Support from Yurdin is important because his ward covers the areas of the city that have the lion’s share of commercial parking lots: Downcity and College Hill. A tax on commercial lots, either by revenue or per spot, would be the most likely form that a parking tax would take.

Yurdin said he had “equity concerns” about extending a parking tax beyond downtown, although I think we should push him on the City Council to allow lots located in College Hill to be taxed as well. I feel strongly that colleges shouldn’t get a special status for their parking lots. (For the record, taxing parking is not regressive, although the federal parking tax benefit–essentially the opposite of a parking tax–is). Splitting the difference with Yurdin and taxing only wealthy areas of the city would be fine with me, though, especially since those roughly correspond to the most transit-served job centers in the state.

Yurdin wondered aloud whether a tax rebate on property taxes would actually lead to more affordable housing in the city (“What landlord have you ever heard of who gives you a break on your rent because his taxes go down?” –Touché, Mr. Yurdin). This has had me thinking pretty hard for a response. Charging a higher tax on rental properties indisputably leads those properties to be less plentiful and more expensive than they might otherwise be, but correcting the supply issues caused by bad city policies would take time. Who’s to say one’s landlord isn’t happy to pass on extra taxes when they come his way, but doesn’t care to do the reverse? It’s a quandary. In the long-term, removing exclusionary zoning would tend to put landlords in competition, but we should want tenants to get their money now.

A conversation should be had about how to split revenues in a way that is fair and actually results in tenants getting a fair share. One proposal worth exploring would be to have the city cut a check to tenants directly, rather than having their landlord serve as an intermediary. I haven’t researched how easily that could actually be administered, though. Another option would be to cut the tenants’ tax, but focus initial returns as a credit towards building repairs that can’t just spent away. I like the idea of lowering property taxes because I value infill and affordable housing as priorities, and because I think these goals elegantly replace tax base just as quickly as the city loses parking revenue, but I’ve also discussed the idea of trading a parking tax for part of the city’s car excise tax, and debatably that could be bargained over to achieve equity goals as well.

Seeing the city tackle either the quality or cost of housing would great.

More on A Parking Tax for Providence.

URI upsets Nebraska: a tweet-by-tweet of the game


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rhodyfans

I’ve seen a lot of basketball games in Kingston and I’ve never seen a more packed house, a more enthused student section or a bigger upset than URI’s 66-62 overtime win against #21 Nebraska Saturday night. You can relive the biggest Ram victory since 1998 via my tweets from the game.

Setting the record straight on RhodeMapRI


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rhodemapRIThe Rhode Island State Planning Council delayed a vote on a draft Economic Development Plan for the State of Rhode Island.  The draft plan, which has been under development for more than two years as part of an initiative known as Rhode Map RI, emphasizes the very unradical notion of building on our strengths.   In recent weeks, critics of the plan have put forward a great deal of misinformation and misinterpretation that has threatened to undermine public confidence in this forward-looking and sorely needed economic development plan.

Grow Smart is proud to have been a member of the consortium of state agencies and public and private organizations that guided the development of the Economic Development Plan now under consideration.  We strongly support its adoption by the State Planning Council. We believe that the Council, Rhode Island’s elected officials and the people of Rhode Island can have full confidence in the transparent and open public process through which the plan was developed, the extensive research on which the plan is based, and  the recommendations that the plan makes. We are writing to set the record straight on some of the misinformation that has been presented as fact.

False Assertion: The plan would amount to “ceding (Rhode Island’s) sovereignty to federal government agencies.”

Fact:  The plan reflects the thinking of public and private Rhode Island interests. The extent to which it is implemented and what specific strategies will be used will be decided by the Governor, the General Assembly, municipal governments and private businesses and organizations.  Rhode Island did not have the resources to undertake a planning process of this magnitude.  Therefore, the state applied to the US Department of Housing and Urban Development’s Sustainable Communities grant program to secure the funding required for the research, writing and coordination of the public outreach effort that went into the preparation of the economic development plan. However, that research, writing and public outreach was managed by the Rhode Island Division of Planning and guided by a Consortium made up of representatives from Rhode Island state agencies and private organizations.

Furthermore, it is critical to remember that this is a plan.  The fact that it was produced with the assistance of Federal funds in no way enables Federal interests to insert themselves in decisions as to how the various strategies contained in the plan will be implemented.  Those decisions rest with the State Executive and Legislative Branches, with municipal governments and with private businesses and organizations.

False Assertion:  The plan is not an economic development plan.

Fact:  The draft plan was written to comply with a mandate from the General Assembly which directed the economic development corporation and the division of planning to produce a strategic plan that would include:

  1. A unified economic development strategy for the state that integrates business growth with land use and transportation choices;
  2. An analysis of how the state’s infrastructure can best support this unified economic development strategy;
  3. A focus and prioritization that the outcomes of the economic development strategy be equitable for all Rhode Islanders;
  4. Reliance on comprehensive economic data and analysis relating to Rhode Island’s economic competitiveness, business climate, national and regional reputation, and present economic development resources;
  5. Suggestions for improving and expanding the skills, abilities, and resources of state agencies, municipalities, and community partners to speed implementation of the plan’s recommendations; and
  6. The inclusion of detailed implementation plans, including stated goals, specific performance measures and indicators.

The plan, which was written with input from business leaders around the state, outlines six goals for strengthening our economy: provide educational and training opportunities to activate a 21st-century workforce; foster an inclusive economy that targets opportunity to typically underserved populations; support industries and investments that play to Rhode Island’s strengths; create great places by coordinating economic, housing and transportation investments; create a stronger and more resilient Rhode Island; and make Rhode Island a state where companies, workers, and the state as a whole can develop a competitive advantage.

It advocates strengthening the state historic tax credit program; supporting industries and investments that play to Rhode Island’s strengths including the marine, defense, arts and food sectors; better marketing of our tourism brand and assets; regulatory reform / streamlining; and “…setting fair tax policies consistent with those of other states.” The plan also asserts that expanded workforce training and a better education system are important to ensure that Rhode Island’s workforce meets the needs of employers and that the growing minority population in RI is as economically productive and self sufficient as possible.  This call for social equity has especially inflamed the most vocal critics of the plan, even though it is in the enlightened economic self interest of all Rhode Islanders.

False Assertion: The plan is an “extreme social engineering scheme” that would “block paths to property ownership and infringe on rights of property owners.

Fact:  As noted above, the General Assembly directed that the economic development strategy should “integrate business growth with land use and transportation choices,” and should include “a focus and prioritization that the outcomes of the economic development strategy be equitable for all Rhode Islanders.  Responding to those directions, the plan recommends  location of housing and businesses that will promote access to work opportunities.  These recommendations do not infringe on the rights of property owners.

False Assertion: The plan’s development process did not provide the public and the business community with an opportunity for input. 

Fact: From the beginning Rhode Map RI has been characterized by extensive public outreach and many opportunities for public input. Over the last year and a half, public input sessions have been held in every corner of the state.  The public input phase launched with coverage in the Providence Journal, and all sessions were publicized through press releases and social media.  Opportunities for electronic input were also provided. The research and drafting of the economic development plan was guided by a diverse Economic Development Committee with representation from such strongly pro-business and pro growth organizations as the Greater Providence Chamber of Commerce, the Rhode Island Builders Association, the Rhode Island Nursery and Landscape Association, and the business funded Providence Foundation. In addition, the Rhode Island Foundation and Commerce RI co-hosted a series of workshops during which over 300 business leaders discussed their needs and identified ways to work together with the state to build on Rhode Island’s strengths.  The State Planning Council held public hearings for the draft Economic Development Plan on October 27 and 28 at which 62 individuals testified. In all, more than 1,000 people have contributed their input.

False Assertion: There is no reason not to delay passage of the Plan in order to allow for further discussion.

Fact:  The draft Economic Development Plan has been developed to comply with legislation passed by the General Assembly requiring that such a plan be developed and that it be submitted on or before October 31, 2014.   In 2013, the RI General Assembly passed a law directing that, “(a) The economic development corporation and the division of planning shall develop a written long-term economic development vision and policy for the state of Rhode Island and a strategic plan for implementing this policy. . . (b) On or before October 31, 2014, the economic development corporation and the division of planning shall submit the written long-term economic development vision and policy and implementation plan to the governor, the senate and the house of representatives.”  The Division of Planning’s standard practice is to submit plans to the State Planning Council for approval and to have the Council hold public hearings on proposed plans. In keeping with that practice, public hearings were held and the State Planning Council vote was scheduled so that the Plan would be ready for submission to the governor, the senate and the house or representatives as close to the October 31, 2014 deadline as possible.

How blue is Rhode Island, by town


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In the sensationally titled “Revenge of the Swamp Yankee: Democratic Disaster in South County,” Will Collette argued emotionally that despite statewide wins for Democrats in Rhode Island two weeks ago, South County was a sad place for the party. He makes a strong case that local South County races, through low turnout and Republican money, had a night more like the rest of the country than the rest of Rhode Island.

Will focuses on General Assembly and Town Council races, but his post made me wonder how different towns around Rhode Island voted compared to the state averages. So I dug into the numbers for statewide races. Here’s what I came up with:

Democratic Lean by Town Population

RI_election2014

Democratic Lean by Town Density

RI_election2014_density

statewide election results_small

This is a little confusing; here’s what I did:

  1. I looked up what percentage of the votes in each town the Democrats and Republicans for each statewide office received.
  2. I subtracted the GOP candidate’s percentage from the Democrat’s for each town, giving the percentage margin the Democrats won (or didn’t) by.
  3. I then averaged together the margins for each statewide race, roughly giving each town’s Democratic lean.
  4. I then subtracted the average statewide Democratic lean from each of those town leans, giving us an idea of how each town compares to Rhode Island as a whole.

Those are the numbers you see above. Here’s my spreadsheet. A few observations:

  • Hardly anyone lives in New Shoreham. But we already knew Block Island isn’t a population hub. (These population numbers are from Wikipedia and could be wrong.)
  • There’s a clear trend of the denser and more populous cities voting more for Democrats than less populous towns. I ran the correlations and it’s 0.55 for population and 0.82 for density. Both are reasonably strong.
  • Imagine the vaguely logarithmic trendline that would best fit these points. For the density graph the formula for that trendline would be y = 0.084*ln(x) - 0.6147. It’s in relation to that trendline that I’ve made the map at right. Gray towns are those that voted about how you’d expect based on their density, blue towns voted more Democratic than density would suggest while red towns voted less Democratic.
  • Remember this is one point in time, November 4, 2014. It can’t tell us a lot about how things are changing or how all those people who didn’t turn out would vote if they did.

So at the end of the day, what does this tell us? Municipalities with higher population & density tend to vote for Democrats more than towns with lower populations. This isn’t just true in Rhode Island, it’s true across the country. But what is interesting here is how different areas of the state deviate from that implied trendline.

NBC 10 Wingmen on immigration reform


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wingmenEver seen a group of guys standing outside a Home Depot when all of a sudden a pickup truck drives by and picks up one or two of them?

Those guys and that contractor are cheating us out of money. This is how the under-the-table day labor economy functions, and it’s largely fueled by undocumented immigrants – people who came here for a better life and have no legal way of contributing to the services the rest of us fund.

Prior to President Obama’s confrontational speech on solving America’s immigration reform last night, this was one of the reasons I cited for why the US needs to act now:

News, Weather and Classifieds for Southern New England

Prov activists protest cell phone surveillance


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DSC02397Randall Rose and members of the RI Coalition to Defend Human and Civil Rights held a protest against the aerial surveillance of cellphones outside the US Marshal’s offices in downtown Providence. As reported in the Wall Street Journal last week, “Cessna aircraft are outfitted with devices—some known as “dirtboxes’’ to law-enforcement officials—that mimic cell towers of large telecommunications companies and trick cellphones into reporting identifying information in a hunt for criminal suspects.”

DSC02424
Randall Rose

In the article, the Justice Department attempted to  justify the programs legality, while not admitting the existence of the program.

As Rose pointed out, without knowing the extent of the domestic surveillance, or the particulars of warrants being issued, it is impossible for the public to gauge the program’s constitutionality.

The US Marshall stationed outside the Federal Building met the activists with instructions to not block the sidewalk and to “keep moving.” The “keep moving” order was recently found to be “unconstitutional because it violated protesters’ freedom of speech rights, as well as due process” by US District Court Judge Catherine Perry when such a rule was applied to protesters in Ferguson.

The three protesters held signs for passing motorists and handed flyers to pedestrians. After talking to reporters, Randall Rose led the way inside, where, after some negotiation, he was able to deliver a letter requesting information about the program to the US Marshal’s office.

You can see highlights of the action in the video below:

5 tweets that disprove RhodeMapRI opposition


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https://twitter.com/kevinmcg414/status/535174304213004291

Elorza administration will fight muni min wage ban


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Elorza 003As State Representative-elect Aaron Regunberg wrapped up his community forum at Rochambeau Library, I had a brief conversation with Mayor-Elect Jorge Elorza, who told me that he is fully committed to working with community members to repeal the state ban on cities and towns determining their own minimum wage.

Repealing this anti-democratic law will allow the Providence City Council to raise the minimum  wage, or place such a measure on the ballot.

In June, hotel workers and labor activists won support from the Providence City Council for a voter referendum question on a $15 minimum wage law for hotel workers. Soon after, a provision was added to the House budget bill that prohibited cities and towns from setting their own minimum wage. During the campaign, Elorza pledged to help repeal this law, which is an ALEC model bill.

I previously took Elorza to task for backing away from this campaign promise, but this should put the matter to rest. I will continue to follow this issue, and look forward to seeing Mayor Elorza testifying at the State House when the repeal bill is opened to public testimony.

An open letter to Governor Chafee on the economy


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chafee sos2Dear Governor Chafee,

This is a letter that will be made public. You should know that as you read it.

I doubt that you have been really pleased with the performance of the Rhode Island economy during your term. I do not think anyone has been all that pleased.

You probably do not remember the meeting we had in the spring of 2010 when you were running for governor. I explained where I thought the economy was going and why. You looked absolutely frightened by what I told you and were in no mood to even consider that I might have been correct in my understanding of what Rhode Island faced. You were going to stick by the traditional grow the economy standbys despite the fact that they were designed for a vastly different economy than we face.

I know much more than I did 4 years ago, and have watched the Rhode Island economy continue to struggle. My regret is that if you had been willing to understand what RI faced you could have devised a much better strategy and RI would be a more prosperous place than it is now.

What I told you was that the RI economy was not going to grow much and that we needed to be smart about how to shrink it rather than thrash around for growth. You have given yourself over to the business climate fanatics with the growth plans that no longer work if they ever did. The data is rather clear. You should read the report from Kansas Inc, the Kansas version of the RI Commerce Corporation. http://www.kansasinc.org/pubs/working/Business%20Climate%20Indexes.pdf

Business climate is a meaningless concept created by the pr firms that told us tobacco does not cause cancer and that there is no climate change, or if there is climate change it is not man made. You know better about the climate, even if you have done much too little to help RI prepare for climate change rolling disasters such as the drought in California threatening the food supply. But you have swallowed hook, line, and sinker that if we did what the business climate maniacs want us to do, then growth would follow. You followed the party line. There are still fewer jobs than 6 years ago. The reason RI lags the national job growth averages are inherent in old post industrial places with few fossil fuel and hard metal resources in a world in which resources are limited, sinks are failing, and what growth there is needs to end up in the hands of the poorest, not the richest, if communities are to thrive. There is nothing in the prescriptions offered by the business climate quacks that address our situation. The increases in inequality that cutting taxes on the rich and speeding up destruction of ecosystems brings in an era of job shrinkage due to computers are part of the problem, not the solution.

I also want us to push back the drum beat on regulatory reform and how regulations are supposed to be holding us back. Beyond the simple minded attack on the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act that underlies all of the anti regulatory fervor in America we have to remember how often it is the citizens of RI uniting to stop BAD projects that were presented to us as economic nirvanas that have prevented ever greater disasters. You know quite well that if Rhode Island had had a full open discussion of 38 Studios we would not be out $100 million. You might also want to remember that if the public had been shut out and the Mega port at Quonset had been built, it would have opened just as the global economy tanked and cost us $1 billion.

The point you never made, and should have, is that if we are to make permitting easier, everyone wants simple easy to read and fill out forms, we need to make it easier for communities to defend themselves as well. Easy permitting can not be an attack on the environment or our health and safety if it is to actually help our communities achieve prosperity. We have to remember how to subtract as well as add when pondering the economy we want.

You are not the only elected official I have had this conversation with. Several years ago I sat with Speaker Fox and Leader (now Speaker) Mattiello and told them what I knew that day. I did not get the impression that Speaker Mattiello could remove his ideological blinders about the role of ecology and justice in prosperity any better than you. His public statements do not give me much hope.

I helped organize a meeting between Governor elect Raimondo and a number of the leading environmental thinkers in our state about a year ago. Several of us made the point on the importance of ecology and justice in prosperity in an age of shrinking economies in the old industrial west. The next Governor wanted to talk about storm water and solar power, but needs to continue to evolve on Full Cost Accounting, the need for the public to be fully engaged in decisions about economic development in the community, and how climate change changes everything. Food Security may just be the best lens for examining economic development policy under the circumstances.

I had a similar conversation with Mayor Elect Elorza when his campaign was beginning. I hope he remembers that Providence needs to grow 20 times as much food as it is now and that this is a key to our future economy. And using real estate speculation as a stand in for actual economic development in a city that already is too expensive to live in only serves the rich.

I expect you will do some very interesting things once you leave office. I think your best work may be ahead of you. And we all know there is much to do.

Sheldon Whitehouse introduces a carbon tax


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And in his 80th Senate floor speech on climate change, Sheldon Whitehouse introduced a carbon tax.

“For years now, Rhode Island has been on the losing end of the fossil-fuel economy,” said Whitehouse, according to a press release announcing the legislation. “We suffer the effects of climate change caused by carbon pollution – from rising seas that damage property to warming waters that affect our fishing industry.  Meanwhile, the big polluters get to offload the cost of that harm without having to pay a dime.  Today I’m introducing legislation to put the costs of carbon pollution back on the shoulders of the polluters where it belongs, while also creating an even playing field for Rhode Island clean energy businesses to compete and generating much-needed revenue to benefit families in Rhode Island and across the nation.”

Coal, oil, and natural gas, no matter where it comes from, will pay $42 per ton of carbon pollution it creates. The fee is expected to raise $2 trillion in 10 years, according to the press release.

The American Opportunity Carbon Fee Act is co-sponsored by Sen. Brian Schatz of Hawaii.

Here’s more from the New york Times.

Regulate RI’s marijuana forum packed with information


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panel one“There are more African-American men in prison, jail, on probation or parole than were enslaved in 1850,” said Diego Arene-Morley, President of Brown University Students for Sensible Drug Policy. “That’s a statistic that you don’t really ever forget.”

He added, “The federal prison population since 1980 has grown 721% thanks to Reagan’s vision for a war on drugs.”

Arene-Morley was acting as the emcee at a forum on Regulating Marijuana in Rhode Island. It featured two panels of experts and advocates addressing a crowd of over 120 people. With nearly two hours of experts discussing policy and outlining possible courses towards the regulation of sales of marijuana, it was a night jam packed with information.

Representative Scott Slater (D-Prov) spoke about his involvement in passing a law to regulate the recreational use of marijuana as a continuation of the work his father, former Representative Thomas Slater, who was instrumental in passing the laws that allowed for the medical use of marijuana in our state.

Dr. David C. Lewis, MD, founder of Brown University’s Center for Alcohol and Addiction Studies, gave a short history of drug prohibition laws. He says such laws have always been racist in origin. That’s not to say that there are no dangers in using marijuana. Dr. Lewis maintains that we must balance an understanding of civil liberties with an understanding of the medical information.

Jim Vincent, president of NAACP Providence Branch pointed out that it’s not just communities of color, but all communities that are impacted by these drug laws. Money dedicated to the war on drugs is money not used in our schools or for other public goods. Vincent mentioned the book The New Jim Crow by Michelle Alexander (see the suggested reading list below) as being an excellent guide to the cost of such policies on our society.

Elizabeth A. Comery, JD, retired attorney, former Providence police officer and member of LEAP, (Law Enforcement Against Prohibition) recalled her days as a police officer in Providence. She joined the force in 1976, and said, “I went on because I really wanted to serve and protect. It may sound naive given what’s happening now but we have to get back to that.”

Comery knows police officers who are “consumed with guilt and regret” over their actions during the drug war. The police routinely targeted communities of color in their drug raids, and their war on drugs almost never penetrated into white or economically advantaged communities. Meanwhile, the clearance rates on homicides has plunged. In Providence, only 43% of homicides have been cleared since 2000.

Mason Tvert, Director of Communications at Marijuana Policy Project and co-director of the 2012 Amendment 64 campaign in Colorado, was asked about the approach most Rhode Island state legislators seem to be taking towards the issue, which is to “wait and see” what happens in Colorado in the wake of regulation there. Tvert compared those legislators to people who find out that they have cancer and wait to see how a friend’s treatment goes before deciding on a course of action for themselves. In adopting this attitude legislators are dodging the question and destroying lives.

Tvert also talked about the jobs marijuana regulation has brought to Colorado. In addition to 18,000 badged employees licensed by the state, there are uncounted thousands of spillover jobs in terms of construction and attendant industries. Tvert feels that responsible regulation that mandates living wages and health care for employees, among other benefits, could mitigate the effects of “Big Marijuana” in the event of nationwide regulation and federal acceptance.

Michelle McKenzie, MPH, public health researcher and advocate for people in recovery from substance dependence, who was part of the second panel, said, “Our society has tasked the criminal justice system with a task it just cannot do. We desperately need drug policy reform.”

Pat Oglesby, JD, MBA, former Chief Tax Counsel, US Senate Finance Committee would prefer that the regulation of marijuana be done under a state monopoly, but he was assured by Senator Josh Miller that such an idea is politically impossible at the Rhode Island State House. Oglesby thinks the taxation of marijuana should be on volume, not cost, as this reduces the chance of losing revenue as market competition drives down the price of marijuana in the future.

As to the possibility of passing marijuana regulation legislation in the near term, Senator Josh Miller is hopeful. Though by Senator Miller’s estimation the majority of State Senators privately believe that regulation is the best answer, most will not publicly endorse the idea for political reasons. Miller only got 13 Senators to publicly support the measure last year.

Miller isn’t all that interested in the financial implications in ending the war on marijuana. “There’s a culture of violence around drug use,” says Miller, “I’m interested in saving lives.” Regulation means that a person purchasing marijuana will be dealing with licensed businessmen, not criminals. Criminals bring access to weapons and harder drugs.

“The gateway,” says Miller, “is the drug dealer, not the drug.”

panel twoDr. Lewis joked that this being Brown University, he couldn’t let the audience go without giving them a reading assignment. He recommended the following:

The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander

High Price: A Neuroscientist’s Journey of Self-Discovery That Challenges Everything You Know About Drugs and Society by Carl Hart

Why we need to end the War on Drugs a TED Talk by Ethan Nadelmann

Not to be outdone, Beth Comery added a bit of required reading as well:

Last Week Tonight with John Oliver: Civil Forfeiture (HBO)

RhodeMapRI opponents fear future plans, affordable housing


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From RhodeMapRI. We’re apparently supposed to be afraid, very afraid, of Lincoln Chafee’s “Rhode Map” for economic development. Since the election there seems to be a coordinated effort to scare the state about this plan for future growth.

Gary Morse, wrote a fairly confused screed in the Providence Journal Monday that complains the RhodeMap RI, well, I’m not really sure what is the problem with it. Maybe that its development was partly funded by the US Department of Housing and Urban Development?  He writes,

“[W]hat RhodeMap RI is really all about is HUD’s demand that low-income housing, particularly low-income rental housing, be implemented side-by-side with existing housing in every neighborhood across America.”

Shocking, I know. But he can’t quote anything in the report to support this kind of claim because it doesn’t say anything like it anywhere in the report. Go ahead, search it right here.

There is a comment in there that lots of towns in our state have failed to meet the affordable housing goals in their comprehensive plans, but (a) that’s no surprise to anyone and (b) it’s not what Morse claims is being said.

Over at the Center for Freedom and Apple Pie, the analysts are even more distraught.  According to them:

“RhodeMapRI is the most dangerous public policy agenda every [sic] proposed for the Ocean State.”

Which part of the plan has them so upset? Again, it’s not exactly clear. Here’s the Center again:

“If implemented in our state, as similar plans have been implemented in other cities and counties across America, with as much lack of concern for the property rights of individuals and business owners, with as much ignorance of basic economic principles, and with as much derision towards the sovereignty of locally-elected officials, our Center has no reservations in going on record as a strong opponent of this RhodeMapRI scheme.”

In other words they are concerned that someone in your government might show a lack of concern for property rights, but they can’t show where in the plan this lack of concern is manifest. In fact, in the entire nine-page “analysis” linked to above, they don’t manage to quote the Rhode Map document even once to show what they see as so “dangerous.” Not once.

They quote lots of other proponents of affordable housing and “smart growth” – two phrases that seem to be key to their evaluation of “danger.” But it’s not clear to me why we should fear housing that people can afford to live in, or growth smarter than we have seen. My town, for example, has grown enough that we have fouled one of our town wells and allowed so much development that there is no place to dig another well to replace it. I would welcome growth smarter than that.

Meanwhile, over at the RI Tea Party Patriots site, there are more dire warnings about the agenda behind the “Rhode Map.” Over there, they helpfully list many other phrases that set their teeth on edge:

  • Smart Growth

  • New Urbanism, Urban growth boundaries

  • Redevelopment Areas, mixed-use re-zoning

  • Social equity, social engineering

  • Wild lands programs

  • Affordable housing

  • Community oriented policing

  • Climate change

  • Green (fill in the blank–green loans, green renewable energy. . .)

Again, though, despite lots of frothing about people who use these phrases, there are no actual quotes from the Rhode Map document. In fact several of these phrases don’t appear at all. Try, for example to find anything about “community oriented policing” in the document. Or “wild lands,” “social engineering,” or “urban growth boundary.” They are simply not there.

What is most fearsome about this plan is entirely in the imaginations of the writers.

There is one place where the curtain slips a little. The Center for Freedom and Apple Pie dwells extensively on the threat the Rhode Map poses to private land ownership. This is more nonsense, of course, but it is true that land-use planning is an important part of the Rhode Map, and restrictions on land use are a fairly unexceptional part of that kind of planning. That is, if you want a plan to actually work. Companies across America plan for the future, and families do, too. But in the eyes of the Center for Apple Pie, the only plans a government should make are ineffectual ones.

What is going on here is a reaction to the mere threat of a plan, especially one that might have such fearsome goals as affordable housing and community-oriented policing. Who would have the temerity to suggest such dastardly policies? Only a North-Korea-loving-Venezuela-hugging-apostle-of-Marx-with-a-K-communist, of course.

In truth, the Rhode Map is hardly the stuff of anybody’s bad dreams. It is, instead, a perfectly sensible set of suggestions about how our state might move forward to the benefit of all.

The Rhode Map is a big document, and I’m certainly not going to endorse every word of it, but it’s miles better than any economic development document that has been prepared in this state over the last three decades. If anything, I find it a bit anodyne (it was, after all, the work of a large committee) and think that many of its recommendations are easier to say than to implement. Here are some:

A. Provide opportunities for career growth and assist employers to attract and retain qualified talent.
B. Support reform of the education system to better provide the knowledge and skills necessary for success.
C. Support apprenticeships and internships to increase access to experiential learning

The horror, the horror!

What is so terrifying about a plan like this, of course, is that it illuminates a different way to go. An economic development plan that does not depend on just cutting taxes for rich people and companies, that does not envision more cuts to education and fewer repairs of our roads, and that does not blame our economic ills on immigrants or liberals is a real threat to people whose livelihood depends on selling fear and outrage.

And of course, the most disquieting thing of all for these opponents of the Rhode Map is that focusing on the fundamentals, well, it might work. The idea that Grover Norquist’s hope to drown government in the bathtub might be discredited by the success of an opposing viewpoint is too terrible to contemplate. Which is why the tribunes of great wealth can always be counted on to wax hysterical against plans that might discomfit their masters. They are reliable because they are paid to be.

So hooray for Lincoln Chafee and his attempt to at last insert some simple common sense into our state’s planning apparatus. It’s way overdue. But don’t believe me; check out the Rhode Map yourself: rhodemapri.org.

The mechanics of gentrification


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boarded up small commercial building with overgrown weeds, sign on utility pole reads "I buy house lots"; over-printed text reads "future starbucks"

boarded up small commercial building with overgrown weeds, sign on utility pole reads "I buy house lots"; over-printed text reads "future starbucks"

In the introductory post of this series on housing in the Providence metro, I laid out some basic concepts in antithetical pairs. I sought to show how policy advocates and community activists argue their competing viewpoints within a zero-sum logic, usually to the detriment of both. This post examines the process of radical neighborhood change commonly called gentrification. Like so much in life, it’s a good thing right up until it goes horribly wrong.

I gentrify

I sometimes describe myself—tongue in cheek—as a ‘serial gentrifier.’ For nearly 3o years, I have spent some amount of my time renovating buildings in San Francisco, Burlington, VT and greater Providence.

I have moved from city to city and neighborhood to neighborhood, always in the first wave of change in communities that would later be described as ‘gentrified.’ By they were considered gentrified, I was long gone, tearing out crumbling plaster in a neighborhood where few people would choose to live.

I have seen this process occur repeatedly, and I understand the basic mechanics. I also know that gentrification is not necessarily the inevitable result of a change to a more affluent demographic. Given certain rare conditions, this process can improve quality of life for most existing residents.

I have seen this happen in exactly one place: Mt. Hope in Providence. This neighborhood is largely gentrification-proof, and community-oriented urbanists would do well to study why.

How gentrification starts

For a neighborhood to become gentrified, two types of properties must be present is significant quantities: vacant properties and absentee-landlord properties. Those in the know may already predict that owner-occupation, regardless of socio-economic conditions, is the key factor that prevents gentrification.

Here’s how it works. Some young person—probably white, probably non-traditional, probably an artist, probably leftwing, probably already connected to low-income and/or minority communities—decides to get out of the losing game of paying rent on some crappy apartment. The one thing we know for certain about this person is that he or she is skilled in multiple construction trades, probably from some years working in the industry. If he or she is not, that’s about to change real fast.

This person has scraped together some pittance of a down payment, but can’t qualify for a mortgage, so he or she scours the very bottom of the real estate market—burn-outs, abandonments, tax foreclosures, bank-owned properties. Perhaps someone they know tips them off to a building on their block that can be bought for next to or for actually nothing. This building is probably legally uninhabitable, but this doesn’t stop our young person. In they move, and the rehabilitation begins.

This person’s friends start coming over to their house, and pretty soon one of those friends—slightly less non-traditional, slightly less leftwing, slightly-less connected to the community—buys a slightly less bombed-out piece of crap.

As this process continues, several things are happening. First, the number of abandoned properties starts to decline. Second, the condition of the worst property starts to improve. Third, the demographics of the buyer trend ever wealthier and more conservative. Lastly and most importantly, the price paid for the building starts to increase.

Conditions for local residents

To this point, local residents generally see these changes as positive. More people and fewer vacant houses generally improves safety and quality of life. Streets start looking nicer and on rare occasion an absentee landlord decides to put a little effort into improving a rental property. “Finally,” locals often remark, “it looks like somebody cares about this place.”

The only time I’ve seen this go otherwise was in a neighborhood in San Francisco now called Hayes Valley. The aftereffects of the 1989 earthquake played an enormous role in this neighborhood, but in 1985 it was largely African-American, largely supported by public assistance and largely bombed out. Drug-addicted prostitutes plied their trade in the area under the elevated highway. Such was my neighborhood.

My first rehab was the apartment where I lived, in exchange for rent. Like four of the six units in the building, it had been a flop for junkies. (Crack cocaine was about a year away from exploding into the urban environment.) I had grown up in the suburbs of New York and never lived in the inner city. It was a learning experience in many, many ways.

The problem for local residents in this slowly changing neighborhood was not that new residents were white or that they were more wealthy. The problem is that many of them were gay men. AIDS that year was epidemic in San Francisco, and less informed people of all walks of life feared any gay man. But even without AIDS, some portion of this neighborhood expressed outright homophobia, sometimes in very ugly ways. “I’m moving to my cousin’s in Oakland,” was a common theme amongst this set.

Even though his grown son had left for Oakland, my 70+ year old upstairs neighbor wouldn’t. “I don’t care if they [redacted],” he once said of the next door building’s owners, passing me a joint. “Place looks nice.” (A WWII vet and retired civil servant, his apartment was barracks-neat. He painted it himself on a continuous basis, as he had ships in the US Navy. Fabulous human, he was.)

Where it all goes wrong

So far, our hypothetical neighborhood has seen its abandoned properties get renovated and its demographics trend wealthier and whiter, but without negative impacts on the existing residents. That’s about to change. And once this part of the process begins, it won’t end until the neighborhood is completely transformed and virtually all of the original residents are displaced.

At some point, there are no more abandonments left, no more burnouts. Around the same time, the demographic mix reaches a tipping point where very white, very traditional, relatively wealthy and relatively conservative people see the neighborhood as a desirable place to live. Young couples clear the way for families with young children, and this is commonly the point at which true gentrification occurs.

Realtors likely did not participate in the first few sales. These tend to be owner-financed or bank purchases (REO/OREO) or facilitated by a government or non-profit. But eventually realtors become participants. Perhaps a young, ambitious realtor buys an abandonment and pays a crew for the rehab. (This is another data point indicating that bad things are about to happen—owners stop doing the work themselves and instead pay professional crews.)

Many realtor are also property investors, aka, absentee landlords. So before too long, absentee landlords recognize that selling their buildings could yield substantial cash profits. So realtors connect our mid-wave buyers (let’s call them) with absentee landlords, and the real problems start.

Most places have very weak tenants rights laws, and a change of ownership generally voids the lease. But most long-term tenants don’t have a lease because landlord-centric laws default expired leases to “month-to-month” agreements, meaning that either party can terminate the contract with 30-days notice. Lobbyists typically sell these laws as empowering tenants to get away from bad landlords, but the opposite is closer to the truth.

Eviction and homelessness

Gentrification’s endgame plays out with a distinctly ugly character. Longtime residents who had always paid their rent on time are turned out into the street with eviction notices. Or perhaps the new owner raises rents to force an eviction. (This past month, this occurred to one of the young people I mentor at an afterschool program. He and his family are now homeless, forcing him to drop out of the program and his GED courses. Yay, capitalism!)

It really doesn’t matter which way it happens, and the new owners rarely care one bit about what happens to these people. “They should get better jobs if they want to live somewhere nice,” is a typical sentiment.

We see this dynamic today in places like San Francisco or Harlem and Brooklyn in New York City. This wave has largely swept past the West Side in Providence and is headed toward Olneyville as I write.

Fight gentrification before it happens

neighborhood map of providence showing locations of real estate in some form of vacancy, foreclosure or abandonment
Map courtesy of Jonathan Lax

The only way to prevent gentrification from occurring is to prevent its prerequisite conditions from occurring. In plain language, community organizations should focus as much energy as possible into transferring abandonments to local residents.

The map at right was put together by local activist and RI Future reader Jonathan Lax. He is also a former title examiner and worked many, many transactions during the housing bubble. He is currently studying a cluster of interrelated issues in the Providence real estate market, including vacancies. This map shows Providence properties in some state of vacancy, foreclosure or abandonment.

Except this: he’s only got about 60% of the data fully parsed and added to the database. 40% of the abandonments in Providence are not in this map. The completed map will be about 2/3 denser. But already it shows pretty clearly the neighborhoods most susceptible to gentrification.

In 1997, I bought my first building; it was in Providence in the grey area between the Mt. Hope and Summit neighborhoods. Despite an influx of upscale whites, this neighborhood remains highly diverse because a very large percentage of the buildings were already owner-occupied. On the block where I bought this three-family, three of the six houses were owned by one extended African-American family. The building I bought was the only absentee landlord building in the four-block area. But then I moved in with my young family, and their were no absentee landlords at all.

People I know on Camp Street tell me that back in the 1970s and 80s, when the neighborhood and the rest of the city were at a low point, the Stop Wasting Abandoned Properties (SWAP) program in that area specifically targeted young, local renters to take over these properties. Today, these no-longer-young owners are passing on their properties to their grown children. Better yet, they are using the equity in their homes to help their children purchase contiguous or nearby properties.

Returning to the map, I hope that the CDCs and other community groups in Olneyville, Elmwood and the lower West Side can act aggressively to get these properties into local hands. [I have no data to support this, but my gut tells me that Silver Lake likely has a higher than average rate of owner-occupiers that survived the bubble. It’s a dense cluster, but I rank it well below Olneyville/Manton, which I think is Providence’s most gentrifiable neighborhood.]

Low-income communities and communities of color rightly fear the encroachment of affluent, white buyers; in almost all cases, it will lead to their eventual displacement. Rather than mount a futile campaign to stop the worst aspects once they start, people should recognize that every abandoned property is an opportunity to keep their community together.

But they have to buy-in to the process. Literally.

How to structure a parking tax for Providence


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accessibleparkingpicThere are several ways a parking tax could easily be implemented in Providence.

In a previous post I introduced the concept of a parking tax for Providence. This post explores five such options for implementing and collecting parking taxes. Future posts will demonstrate how much revenue can be raised, how it could offset other city taxes and what social benefits will result.

A revenue tax on commercial lots

The easiest way to enact a parking tax would be to pass a tax on the revenue from commercial lots – that is, the ones that charge a fee to commuters in the downtown. This is the tax collection model in Pittsburgh, where lot owners are expected to keep receipts of the revenue they collect and pay a 40% tax on that revenue.

There’s a range of effects that could take place with this kind of tax. If demand for parking was really high–no one who already parked stopped parking–lot owners would be in a position to pass 100% of the tax on to customers. So, imagine for instance that your normal fee is $10/day. That fee would become $14/day.

If demand for parking was really low–everyone, say, decided that it was not worth it to park–then lot owners would have to eat the tax entirely themselves. Lot owners pay around $0.60 per spot per day in taxes, so paying a $4 a day tax would be left with a strong incentive to either sell or repurpose their land. Even if a healthy number of people still chose to park, lot owners might be incentivized to reduce the size of their lots in order to stop having to eat so much of the tax. This would reduce parking tax revenue (and parking supply) but would increase tax receipts from buildings (and more importantly, would mean that there’d be way more cool things to visit, places to live, and jobs to work at in the downtown).

The reality is that demand for parking would fall somewhere between these two extremes. Lot owners might feel some pressure to take on some of the tax as a profit loss, because at $0.60 or $0.70 a spot in property taxes, a $10/day fee minus x amount of additional parking tax would still leave them a healthy profit. There would probably be enough demand for parking that commuters would pay some of the tax themselves in higher fees, too.

The big thing to remember about a revenue tax is that if a parking spot were free in the city, the lot owner would pay no tax. If the spot were on the market, but didn’t “sell”, i.e., no one parked in it, it would also be tax-free.

A “per spot” tax on commercial lots

A tax on lots “per spot” could be applied to commercial lots. This varies from the revenue tax in that the city would decide a fee for each parking spot that did not depend on usage. In our 40% example, $4 would be the fee on a $10 parking spot, so perhaps the city would just say to lot owners, “if your spots are on the market, there’s a $4 tax. 100 spots is $400 a day tax, no matter who uses them.”

Lot owners in this scenario would face a slightly different situation, and I imagine this tax having a stronger effect on reducing lot size as well as a greater immediate effect on reducing the profitability of parking lots. For instance, if a lot owner has 20 spots open on a given day, that that’s an $80 loss. If it comes to 10 AM, and those spots aren’t full, he or she may give them away for $4 each, just to break even on the tax. A lot owner won’t accept that position for long, though. He or she will start to look at the bottom line and think about how to get rid of parking spots that are typically not full.

The other advantage to the “per spot” tax is that it’s much easier to account for. The city uses Google Maps, and counts, and issues a bill. In order to prevent fraud in revenue tax situations, cities often use some kind of a smart card, so that there’s an unchangeable paper trail. But none of that would be necessary for a per-spot tax.

Per spot taxes are favored by the Victoria Transportation Policy Institute, covered here on Streetsblog.

A “per spot” tax on all parking lots

A per spot tax also opens up the possibility of taxing all parking lots in the city, not just those that charge a value for their parking. I really think this is the best option, but I also realize that there are political difficulties to implementing it.

A disadvantage to only taxing commercial lots, whether in the “per spot” or “revenue” model is that it creates an arbitrage around the value of parking on free lots. An arbitrage is when something is selling for one price one place, and a different price in another. It’s the kind of thing that day traders take advantage of when they’re doing frivolous trades back and forth to make profits without creating things. Arbitrages can also be a legitimate tool in a marketplace, helping people to make sense of what the price of something is, if information is shared fairly. You don’t want to go out of your way to create one, though.

Imagine you’re the owner of a business. The cost of paving a flat parking lot might be very small to you, both in upkeep and taxes (property tax assessments would say that the lot wasn’t really worth anything). If you give your spots away to your workers for free, your workers are super excited. To them, this is a $14/day value, because their access to parking is solely through what they can buy from a commercial lot, and what is given away to them by an employer. But you, the employer, have a great deal more leverage. You’re not really giving your workers $14/day at all. You’re taking advantage of a tax loophole to turn a tiny investment into a huge benefit for your employees (and you). That might sound well and good if you’re the employee, but it circumnavigates the purpose of the parking tax, so the more we can do to stop that problem, the better.

A tax on free parking would tend to affect big box stores disproportionately, which in my opinion would be both fair in a market sense of the word (pay for what you use) and in a share-the-wealth way. A business like Home Depot is imposing a lot more cost on the city through all types of infrastructure than, say, Adler’s Hardware store on Wickenden. An African grocery store on Cranston Street in a bottom floor of a three story building is costing the city much less than a Stop & Shop. And you’ll notice, although there would be exceptions, that most of the smaller footprint businesses tend to be independently owned. It’s also the case that some Dunkin Donuts stores or other chain stores might get thrown into the mix. But for the most part, the tendency would be that large chain stores would have huge parking lots, and local businesses would have modest parking lots, or no parking at all.

Another really big advantage to a tax on big box lots is that, so long as the city allows it, big boxes may not necessarily object to having somewhat smaller lots. There was an absurd case of a municipality requiring so much parking that even Walmart asked for a variance to get out of the requirement. Parking requirements for big box stores is usually set to some imagined peak demand, usually Black Friday or Christmas Eve, and transportation advocates have even gone out on these days to take pictures and show how overabundant these parking supplies are even for that purpose. So big boxes would have a choice: pay a tax on parking that’s excessive to begin with, or lease out the space and build some more stores. As a mental exercise sometimes, when I’m in a really hopeless looking over-large strip mall, I like to imagine what it would look like if piece by piece, little bits of the parking lot were gradually turned into neighborhood extensions. All in all, many big box stores aren’t even necessarily that awful in and of themselves. In reduced lots with things built around them, they could be shopping hubs for a much more connected population.

Joe Minicozzi’s “value per acre” model often results in small businesses having the steepest lines. Imagine AS220 vs. Walmart. Land use!

Smart Providence voters would support the parking tax on big boxes also as a means of leveling the playing field. Providence has a minimum business tax, which means that you’re paying a fairly high premium just to start out, whether or not you’re successful. Lowering or eliminating this kind of tax, going to some kind of percentage tax, and having a surcharge on parking space could change that scenario. What a big box is doing is essentially wielding a huge weapon of amazing, awe-inspiring car access, but without having to pay for any of what makes that possible (environmental damage, loss of walkability, increased sewage runoff, increased sewer infrastructure, hundreds of thousands of dollars per intersection of signals, wider roads, etc., etc.). Small businesses are essentially paying those costs–the costs of taking away their own customers.

A per spot tax on all parking lots could be set up to have a deduction of sorts for the first X number of parking spots. I don’t really think this is necessary, because the net reality of a parking tax would be to return more property taxes to small businesses and residents than those small businesses or residents pay out, but we also have to be aware that many people don’t like to dive into complicated multivariable math, and if doing this makes it simpler for people to count the pluses and minuses in their life, then fine.

I wrote a lot about the concept of value-per-acre at EcoRI News some time ago. It’s an idea put forward by Joe Minicozzi, and I think people interested in building an equitable growth model that’s good for the environment would do well to familiarize themselves with his work. This also helps to explain this tax model more.

Residential parking

A concern is parking in shopping areas. How would a parking tax affect residential areas? I think the tax models above would have very diminished value in most residential parts of Providence, because in those areas the value of parking may be minimal compared to the effort of passing a law. However, there are parking policies we could institute that would help residential areas. Those I’ve loosely based off of parking guru Donald Shoup of UCLA.

Screen Shot 2014-11-18 at 3.55.58 PM
Mode share visual from California’s employee parking cash-out, which lets employees take cash instead of free parking.

A big tool would be giving renters a cash-out option on parking. As a beginning to this, renters who have a garage as part of their lease should be able to opt out of the cost of the garage if they don’t want to use it, because garage parking affects housing affordability. A rent of $1,000 for an apartment that includes one garage spot can be broken down into $600 for the room, and $400 for the garage. A lot of residents will be happy to pay for the garage if they use it, but forcing landlords to treat these as separate things will open up parts of the downtown to people with less money who don’t drive. The landlords would be free to open unused spots on the open market, which would also help get rid of surface lots, by competing with lot owners. There would be no tax on this residential parking, because forcing it to be treated as a separate commodity would have a downward effect on demand.

Many parts of Providence have driveways, a legacy of on-street parking bans of days of yore. It would be a real gain to get rid of some of those driveways, or at least people to put raised beds above them. Other driveways could be converted into “granny cottages” to add housing. But the reality is that driveways are just not worth anywhere near as much as garage spots, nor are they the severe blight on the city of surface lots. This might make a cash-out hard to calculate. Instead, why not nix the existing on-street parking permits entirely (Do I hear a huzzah?) and trade them for an equal permit cost on driveways. Parking on the street would be free in most residential areas. Think of this as a mini-credit towards green space. Homes that decided to park on the street would and use their driveway for raised beds, or that pulled up the paving on their driveway, or built a building extension into the driveway, would not pay the tax (although the building extension would be weighed into property taxes). Getting people to park on the street in residential areas would not only help green space, but would also slow down speeding. I know that getting rid of some of the driveways in Mt. Hope would make crossing my street much more pleasant.

For streets that got protected bike lanes (mostly arterials), the parking tax would be nixed, and no driveway tax would be issued either. The logic is that in some areas we may have to remove parking lanes to create safe biking, and if you’re not getting a parking spot out front of your house, why should you pay?

Screen Shot 2014-11-18 at 3.50.18 PM

Donald Shoup talks about “right pricing” (click for video) parking, which is really just an issue in places where parking is in high demand (the idea is the lowest price that still keeps a couple spots free). Most residential areas are not going to run low on parking no matter what the price, but some that are near shopping districts would benefit from parking meters to impose a price on visitors and ensure that residents have a place to park. To make things simple, residents would pay meters, but the meter money would be taken off their property taxes. This also solves a big problem with the parking permits we have now–they’re by ward. What happens if you want to visit someone? You can’t park away from your house without worrying that you’ll get a ticket. This way when I visit you I pay, and when you visit me, you pay, but we both get 100% of the money off the taxes we were going to pay the city for our house. And. . . and. . . we’ll be able to find a spot.

A land tax

A land tax is not a parking tax, but it’s worth talking about, since my proposal for a parking tax is sort of a modified land tax. A land tax says that you should pay not just for the building you build on top of a piece of land, but also for its location and the type of zoning it has. So, for instance, a vacant lot is a particularly galling case of an owner flaunting the lack of a land tax in Providence, because since we only tax property value, it’s assumed that the prominent downtown location of a lot is worthless when it’s anything but.

The concept of a land tax gets slightly complicated though, and although I’m a believer in land taxes overall, I want to avoid some of those complications by going straight for a parking tax. For instance, what do we do about green space? If you own a house with a huge yard, should you be taxed extra just for the fact that your land is a half acre instead of a quarter acre or tenth of an acre? I think a lot of people might find this concept troubling, because even if it’s not our yard that we’re talking about, we just kind of like grass and trees, etc.

By the same token, what if we decide that downtown is worth a lot more in land taxes than some other place, but we find that some historic buildings don’t produce enough revenue to pay what they would pay as 20 story buildings in that location. Do we want to create a situation that might push them out, or encourage demolitions? A clever administration could draw exceptions and loopholes into a land tax to try to close the problems with this, but I just prefer going around it entirely and focusing on what we want to get rid of most: surface lots.

One concept that works really well from a land tax that we should use is modifying our tax structure based on location. I think a really good rule of thumb should be that a parking tax should be highest in places within 1/4 mile of frequent transit, a bit less 1/2 mile from frequent transit, and nonexistent where transit is nonexistent. Providence City Council could also choose to tax parking lots that are a adjacent to the front of a building differently than it taxed parking in the back of a building, since the latter has less of an effect on neighborhood walkability.

In the next piece I’m going to consider how suburban and rural areas of Rhode Island could best respond to Providence imposing a parking tax if they’re interested in saving their residents money. Stay tuned!

Rep-elect Regunberg brings ‘little d’ democracy to District 4


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Regunberg
State Rep-elect Aaron Regunberg

Well over 60 people showed up for newly elected State Representative Aaron Regunberg’s District 4 Community Forum at the Rochambeau Library Tuesday night. Regunberg and the helpers he had assembled for the event were pleasantly surprised by the turnout. The event had the feeling of a fresh start for District 4, which has long been represented by former House Speaker Gordon Fox until political scandal destroyed his career. Fox was not what most voters would consider to be accessible, so Regunberg’s collaborative and open style was warmly welcomed.

“I believe in ‘little d’ democracy,” said Regunberg to the assembled voters, before asking those present to suggest topics of political concern. “Education” was suggested first, then “public banking,” “violence,” “the environment” and a dozen more. The list of concerns was then consolidated and posted on large pages that were attached to the walls.

For the next 45 minutes those in attendance broke into smaller groups around the larger topics of concern to discuss possible solutions. Regunberg’s helpers moderated the discussions, and by the end a host of problems were identified and potential solutions were advanced. Regunberg intends to use the ideas generated at forums like this to guide his decisions at the State House.

This was democracy at its most participatory. Regunberg hopes to continue the dialog with his constituents and bring this format to other venues within his district, so he can get a more complete idea of the concerns of voters in all the neighborhoods he represents.

Time will tell if Aaron Regunberg can bring the kind of change he’s already brought to District 4 to the State House, where the culture can be poisonous and intransigent. But Regunberg’s experiment in “little d” democracy could prove to be a game changer in Rhode Island if more state representatives and senators were to implement it.

Revenge of the Swamp Yankee: Democratic disaster in South County


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south county votes fung
From the 11 South County communities.

While there was jubilation in the Rhode Island Democratic Party election night party because of the biggest sweep since 1960, that mood was not shared by Democrats in South County.

From Exeter to Westerly, Democrats, and especially progressive Democrats, took an awful beating in General Assembly and Town Council races. Majorities in several South County towns also shifted from blue to red in their votes for state offices.

Since I started living in South County in 2002 and covering local politics at Progressive Charlestown, I had enjoyed watching what seemed to be a steady shift from the region’s historic Swamp Yankee conservatism to more progressive politics. South County sent a high proportion of solid blue Democrats to the State House and voted mostly Blue in state and national races.

But that changed on November 4.

Of the 11 South County communities, only four voted for Gina Raimondo over Allan Fung.

In addition to going GOP for governor, South County lost three terrific progressives – my own state Representative Donna Walsh, Sen. Cathie Cool Rumsey and Rep. Larry Valencia. Each of them faced appallingly unqualified opponents. Donna Walsh lost to a radical “Tenther” who doesn’t even seem to live in the District. Cathie Cool Rumsey lost to Hopkinton’s honorific Town Sheriff who was caught using her uniform to impersonate a police officer.

Larry Valencia lost to a guy whose only previous experience was running as a delegate to the Republican National Convention as a delegate for Ron Paul – and who came in fifth out of five.

In Charlestown, we were totally crushed, losing every single elected office in the town to a group called the Charlestown Citizens Alliance (CCA Party), an off-shoot of the RI Statewide Coalition. If you mixed the Tea Party with the Nature Conservancy and the worst rich people’s homeowners association you can imagine, you’d get something that looks like the CCA.

The CCA Party gets more than 60% of its funding from out of state donors. They provide vacation property owners with the ability to vote with their checkbooks in local elections. The CCA Party has increasingly put Charlestown on a “pay to play” basis where the attention you get from town government is in proportion to the amount you donate to the CCA Party.

But those of us in Charlestown were not alone in our misery. Exeter Democrats also took a terrible beating. Exeter rejected all five state general office winners and provided winning margins for Tea Party Rep. Doreen Costa (R) to be re-elected and for progressive Sen. Cathie Cool Rumsey (D) to be ousted.

It was only 11 months ago that Exeter Democrats rallied to crush a gun lobby-sponsored recall of their Democratic Town Council majority. The “Exeter Four” won a huge victory last December 14 only to see two of the four defeated on November 4, costing them the Town Council majority. The level and sophistication of campaigning in Exeter for the general election bore little resemblance to the way Exeter Democrats won last year’s recall.

Larry Valencia’s home base in Richmond also went very bad. Voters rejected the state slate except for Seth Magaziner and also flipped their Town Council from a Democratic majority to Republican control.

Even in Westerly, a Democratic stronghold, Democrats lost control of the Town Council. So it went in North Kingstown, Narragansett and Hopkinton. When the dust settled, the only solidly Democratic town left in South County is South Kingstown.

South Kingstown was the only municipality not swept up in the red tide. South Kingstown was one of only three South County towns to vote for all five Democratic state office candidates. They also re-elected progressive Democrat Rep. Teresa Tanzi by six points despite a $100,000+ campaign mounted against her by mortgage banker Steve Tetzner.

In another closely watched race, South Kingstown also elected Democrat Kathy Fogarty over her Republican opponent, Lacey McGreevey. Fogarty defeated incumbent Rep. Spencer Dickinson in the primary to get her shot at the seat. She won the general election by 16 points.

On top of all that, South Kingstown voters also elected three Democrats and two independents to their Town Council. One of those independents is RI Sierra Club lobbyist Abel Collins.

So what happened?

Like elsewhere in the country, 2014 voter turn-out in South County was low. It was lower than expected even considering the normal drop-off in non-presidential election years.

In Charlestown, we expected turn-out to drop by 900 from the 2012 count for the presidential race. But the drop-off ended up being more than 1,100. With a total voter registration of just over 6,000, that drop-off had a huge impact on the results.

Challengers to incumbents trumpeted the state GOP’s lead issue – 38 Studios – 24/7. Forget that it was unlamented ex-Governor Donald Carcieri’s (R) idea. However, 38 Studios did not affect the state office races or act as much more than buzzkill in most races. Even Republican Attorney General candidate Dawson Hodgson, who probably banged the 38 Studios drum the loudest, admitted after the election that maybe the issue wasn’t so potent after all.

However, 38 Studios may have had a disproportional effect among our South County Swamp Yankees as it was in just about every one of the many mailers, ads and flyers attacking Democrats.

In many South County races, the conservatives out-spent and out-hustled Democrats. In the House District 36 race, Rep. Donna Walsh’s “Tenther” opponent out-spent her 13-to-1 going into the final month.

But money doesn’t always make the difference, as re-elected Rep. Teresa Tanzi can attest. Tetzner went into the final stretch of the campaign having raised three times as much money than Tanzi, mostly through loans he made to his campaign. Tetzner outspent Tanzi by six to one, but she still won.

By contrast, progressive incumbents Larry Valencia and Cathie Cool Rumsey both out-raised and out-spent their Republican opponents, Justin Price and Elaine Morgan respectively, by wide margins, but still lost.

After reviewing Price’s and Morgan’s campaign finance reports, it looks to me that there was a lot more money in their campaigns than they reported. Morgan, for example, reports having spent only $322 on her campaign up to the last week, but she had campaign signs plastered all over Richmond, Exeter and Hopkinton as well as campaign mailers. She only reported $444 in in-kind donations.

There are still unresolved pieces of the puzzle. At some point, Rep. Donna Walsh will get a hearing in front of the state Board of Elections on her charge that her opponent lied about where he lives and is not really a resident of the 36th District. There may be charges filed in other campaigns for misreporting, ethics violations or campaign sabotage. There are a few recounts to be done of some races for town office.

But in the end, there is a new political reality in South County.

Perhaps with more time and perspective, we’ll be able to figure out what went wrong, but we now live with the reality that on November 4, South County flipped from blue to red. We have to figure out how to flip it back.

DePetro = ‘unwarranted panic, terror, fear and paranoia’


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depetroThe Providence American is a monthly newspaper that covers news of interest to “the Greater Rhode Island and Southeastern Massachusetts communities of color” and in its most recent issue, editor-in-chief Peter Wells ran an op-ed accusing WPRO radio host John DePetro of being “on a campaign to spread unwarranted panic, terror, fear, and paranoia among the citizens of RI about Liberians and Nigerians residing in our state.”

The writer describes tuning into The John DePetro Show and listening to a discussion about Ebola. DePetro’s reports, according to the writer, were “inaccurate and rumor-based.” DePetro suggested that “restrictions be placed on the movement of Liberians coming into RI.”

I have written many times in the past about DePetro’s lurid, misanthropic and hateful rhetoric. The radio host is an embarrassment to WPRO and taints the otherwise fine work being done by WPRO news. Now DePetro is seeking to stigmatize an entire ethnic group here in Rhode Island for ratings and entertainment.

I am beyond being surprised by how low DePetro will go. What does surprise me is the tolerance for DePetro demonstrated by the owners of WPRO who, by providing DePetro a platform for his bile, support racism, misogyny, anti-Semitism, homophobia and intolerance.  WPRO almost single-handedly drags the entire public conversation into the mud, and it’s almost entirely the fault of DePetro.

Fortunately, more and more people are starting to speak out against WPRO and DePetro. In doing so, we are affirming the worth and dignity of the people DePetro attempts to dehumanize. The Providence American piece says it well. “John DePetro is NO more a Rhode Islander than any other member of the Liberian community. He needs to realize this and know that his rights as a citizen ends where the rights and liberties of other Rhode Islanders begin, and that includes members of the Liberian community in RI!”

You can read the entire op-ed here: WHO IS THIS JOHN DEPETRO (JOHN DEPETRO RADIO SHOW ON WPRO RADIO) IN RHODE ISLAND?

Providence students speak out


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pvdstudentpanel2Past and present Providence public school students spoke at Brown University Thursday night about the difficulties they face in their determination to do well, attend college, and “elevate” themselves and their families out of poverty. They spoke of good teachers, bad teachers, and resource inequality.

“It’s not the teachers’ fault and it’s not the students’ fault,” said Raycily Castillo, who attends the Paul Cuffee School. “It’s where they come from, what’s going on in their homes. No matter how good it is at school, they all have to go back home every day and face a wave of negativity.”

Francois Nduwumwami, from Del Sesto Middle School, added, “Children these days are failing school because of depression.” Mental health crises such as self-mutilation, he said, are common, even at the middle school level.

The panelists’ engagement in extra-curricular programs as well as their obvious pride in being from families who are supportive of their educations, set them somewhat apart from the majority of the city’s students, but they were clearly concerned about their peers and eager to offer advice about how to help more students.

Garren Jansezian, a graduate of E Cubed and now a freshman at URI, emphasized the need for teachers to know their students and care about them. “Advocate, advocate, advocate!” was his immediate response. But he also observed that there needs to be a societal shift in the way families do and do not support their children’s educations: “Parents’ impact on kids is so huge.” He talked about his own personal history with very young parents and how that made life challenging for all of them.

Several of the panelists addressed the difficulty of getting urban students involved in programs that would benefit them. Central High School student Destin Bibimi’s advice was to “get students you’re already working with to talk to their friends.”

“Food helps,” said Sidi Wen, from Classical High School. “Just say, ‘I’m gonna be there, pizza’s gonna be there, you should be there!'”

“We kids are really hungry,” Garren added. “Many of us go home to empty cupboards, especially the last few days of the month when the family is just trying to make ends meet. Snacks are so important. If you don’t eat, you can’t do homework.”

The panelists said they wanted teachers who care enough to build individual relationships with them, who are passionate about their subject and are well-prepared. Teachers need to know how to control their classroom, make the subject interesting to the students, and have faith that each and every student can learn.

The controversy over high-stakes standardized testing came up briefly. Garren, whose senior project last year was on the effects of income inequality on test scores, was strongly opposed. He cited as reasons for his opposition the difference in family resources, the cultural bias in standardized test questions, and the degradation of education in urban schools as a direct result of the high-stakes testing. “Teachers continuously teach to the test,” he said. You may pass the test, but then you go off to college and flunk out because you’re not prepared.”

The nine panelists are participants in Brown University student-originated programs that work in Providence middle and high schools: The RI Urban Debate League, Generation Citizen, Providence Student Union, and BRYTE (Brown Refugee Youth Tutoring and Enrichment).

“While this event is the brainchild of the coordinators (of the four programs), Ashley Belanger, of the RI Urban Debate League, said, “the Swearer Center has encouraged and supported us throughout the planning of the panel. The Swearer Center, Brown University’s center for public service, has increasingly encouraged (Brown’s) students to take an interest in the city in which they live. I think that the Rhode Island Urban Debate League, Brown Refugee Youth Tutoring and Enrichment, Generation Citizen, and the Providence Student Union are all evidence of the increased engagement.”

Photos show PVD middle school in disrepair


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Gilbert Stuart Middle School in Providence has perhaps bigger issues than just one bad teacher, as evidenced by photos provided to RI Future.

The building was built in 1931, and some consider it to be among the most dilapidated schools in the city. A 2013 RIDE report rated it a 2 out of 5, with 1 being the highest score (2= “Generally good condition, some system needs. Minor renovations.”). From the RIDE report:

ridechart_gilbertstuart
From RIDE report.

According to the Feb. 2013 RIDE “Public Schoolhouse Assessment”: “Most children spend a significant part of their lives inside public school buildings, so the condition of those buildings is of great concern to the State of Rhode Island. Aside from the physical safety and well-being of school children and the adults who work in school buildings, it has long been accepted that the condition and design of school buildings has a direct impact on academic performance. As the state strives to prepare its public school students for success in college, careers and life, facilities must be part of the equation.”

RI state law (16-7-35) requires “adequate school housing for all public school children in the state.”

The pictures below were sent to Providence Public School Department on October 6 by RI Future with a request for comment. That email, as well as subsequent follow-up emails and phone calls, have not be returned.

gilbertstuart3gilbertstuart8 gilbertstuart6gilbertstuart4gilbertstuart5gilbertstuart9gilbertstuart7gilbertstuart2gilbertstuart11gilbertstuart12 gilbertstuart10

 


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