Conservative Talking Points And Conspiracy Theories


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In response to our post this morning about how increasing income taxes by 2 percent the tax rate for the richest 2 percent of Rhode Islanders, I got a couple responses on Twitter.

One came from the RI Tea Party that I thought was particularly ridiculous, but I think it also speaks to a way fiscal conservatives are manipulating the debate here in Little Rhody.

RI Tea Party on tax equity

Storified by Bob Plain· Tue, Mar 12 2013 08:35:24

Redistribution of wealth = theft “@RIFUTURE: Tax equity bill would yield additional $66 million for Rhode Islanders. http://ow.ly/iNJkC”RI Tea Party
@riteaparty I think you are taking a very radical view of income tax reform.Bob Plain
@bobplain Persecute the wealth producers of RI by giving $ they’ve earned to those who have not? If that’s radical, we’re guilty as charged.RI Tea Party
.@riteaparty you think paying taxes is being persecuted? really? #firstworldproblemBob Plain

Here’s a multiple choice question about the tea party tweets: When they tweet that tax reform is “theft” and/or persecution, do you think this is:

  1. A realistic expectation from  a civil society that has long ago decided against anarchy
  2. Purely philosophical, and not meant to be taken seriously as a matter of political debate
  3. Pure histrionics meant to make a pretty moderate progressive tax reform proposal seem like Stalinism.

If you guessed 1., you will probably enjoy life a little more in Alaska, or certain remote parts of Montana. If you guessed 2., I’d really like to have that conversation with you at another time (maybe after the session). And if you guessed 3., chances are you understand how the political/economic narrative in Rhode Island is being distorted by radical libertarian talking points.

Seriously folks, this is a real issue in Rhode Island.

In today’s Providence Journal Ed Achorn actually put forward the idea that perhaps Governor Chafee and the legislature want people to move out of Rhode Island because that will make them more politically powerful. This is a paid staffer for the statewide paper of record who wrote this!!

I once worked for an editor in Oregon who believed that September 11 was planned by the Bush Administration and that the United States faked the moon landing, and he opined about such things! Achorn’s allegation is equally credible. Personally, I don’t suspect either of them believe in such conspiracy theories … I think they all just enjoy writing ridiculous things.

Tax Equity Bill Would Mean $66 Million For State


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The state could collect a much-needed $66 million in additional revenue by raising the income tax rate the richest 2 percent of residents pay by 2 percent. That’s the message tax equity advocates will announce at a press conference at the State House this afternoon.

“We can’t keep going down this failed path,” said Kristina Fox, who works for Ocean State Action. “RI needs a more equitable tax code that brings in revenue fairly to fund public programs and services that we all benefit from.”

Rep. Maria Cimini and Senator Juan Pichardo, both of Providence, are sponsoring a bill that would roll back some of the tax cuts bestowed on the richest Rhode Islanders during the previous decade. Their proposal would raise the rate from 5.99 percent to 7.99 percent of those who make more than $250,000 a year.

“This is a common sense solution to the biggest problem facing our state,” Fox said.

Tax advocates say the additional revenue could be used to increase state aid to cities and towns. When former Gov. Don Carcieri and the legislature gave tax breaks to the rich, they did so in part by slashing aid to cities and towns. This is what led to the financial catastrophes in Providence, Central Falls, Woonsocket and West Warwick.

Not only did Rhode Island’s urban areas struggle because of the rapid decline in state aid, but the rationale for the tax cuts never materialized. In fact, unemployment in Rhode Island has skyrocketed since the tax cuts of 2006 and 2010 and the cuts in state aid, which you can see in this chart:

Or you can watch this video that the group Rhode Islander for Tax Equity created last year:

Do RI Corporations Really Need A Tax Break?


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The Senate Finance Committee hears tax code amendments proposing to drop the corporate income tax rate by 2 percent over the next three years. (Photo: Dave Fisher)

This week, both the House and Senate finance committees considered legislation that would reduce the corporate income tax from 9 percent to 7 percent over the next three years.

The move, as always, is touted as a way to make Rhode Island’s business climate more competitive with our neighboring states’. While Rhode Island’s corporate tax rate is the highest in New England, as I posted yesterday, the real-world ramifications of a 2 percent state tax reduction means little to most of our businesses, due to the fact that the majority of the tax burden on Rhode Island’s businesses are borne of local property, sewer, and tangible asset taxes.

The vast majority of our businesses, y’know, the small ones that legislators tout as the “lifeblood of Rhode Island’s economy” report income of less than $249,999 on their tax returns. Even at the top of that tier, a business that reports earnings of $249,999 pays $22,499 in taxes to the state at 9 percent. At a rate of 7 percent, that same business would pay 17,499; a net gain of $5,000 which could easily be eaten up by those local taxes, especially if that business made capital improvements to its structure or purchased new equipment.

Check out this chart of the combined corporate income and taxes collected by the state for FY 2010 from the R.I. Division of Revenue.

As you can see, the 42,929 businesses that reported a loss/or $249,999 or under in income paid just under $29 million, even though the combined adjusted income of these entities was actually a loss of  over $370 billion.

At the other end of the spectrum, the 152 businesses that reported income of $500 million or over, whose adjusted taxable income was just over $212 billion – a 580 billion dollar increase from the low end of the tier – paid just under $25 million, or $4 million less than the nearly 43,000 businesses who posted either a loss or income of $249,999 or less.

A policy brief issued by the Economic Progress Institute stated,

“With a price tag of almost $90 million over five years, the proposed corporate income tax reduction could backfire if public services that businesses rely on are cut as a result of revenue losses. Furthermore, the proposal will do nothing to help the majority of local businesses that do not pay the corporate income tax. Finally, research suggests that corporate tax cuts do little to stimulate economic growth.”

Once again, our small businesses get hosed by the tax code. It seems that even when it comes to corporate “people”, the 1 percent ride the backs of the 99 percent. And to top it all off, many of these 152 top-tier businesses get cushy tax breaks on property and tangible assets from the cities and towns that they call home.

Tax equity anyone?

Nesi Takes On Tax Policy!


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Chart courtesy of WhoPays.org

To my way of thinking, there are few things that would be better medicine for the debate on how to fix Rhode Island’s economy than for WPRI’s uber-influential blogger Ted Nesi to delve into the state’s tax policy in the same way he did for the pension debate.

And lately, he has!

Note the the last three headlines on Nesi’s Notes (as well as a number of posts on tax equity last week and the week before):

While all of Nesi’s posts haven’t furthered the liberal legislative agenda, that really isn’t what progressives want from the mainstream media; we want to have an intellectually honest and respectful debate about the issues that affect the community – be they tax policy, civil rights or social justice.

Nesi has a tough beat  because he has to cover politics AND the economy – and these two forces of nature often collide in odd ways. But if he devotes a fraction of the pixels to tax policy that he gave to pension reform (or even just Raimondomania!), progressives, and everyone else, will get a great deal of very valuable information by which to measure the success and/or failure of our tax policies, which I think people of all political stripes can agree is of tantamount importance to the state.

The zeitgeist here in the Ocean State is that Keynsian economics doesn’t exist. That’s what happens when there are very few progressive pundits and a great many conservative pundits posing as economists. Even self-described moderate Ken Block traffics in this talking point.

A little bit of sunlight from the mainstream media will go a long way to dispelling some of these myths.

Report Confirms Rhode Island Taxes Are Regressive


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Chart courtesy of WhoPays.org

A new report confirms what progressives have saying for several legislative sessions now: Rhode Island needs tax equity.

According to the nonpartisan Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy report the poorest Rhode Islanders will pay more than twice as much in percentage of income than will the richest residents of the Ocean State. Rhode Island has the eighth highest taxes on the poor in the nation, according to the report.

Executive Director of ITEP and an author of the study Michael Gardiner said:

We know that governors nationwide are promising to cut or eliminate taxes, but the question is who’s going to pay for it. There’s a good chance it’s the so-called takers who spend so much on necessities that they pay an effective tax rate of 10 or more percent, due largely to sales and property taxes. In too many states, these are the people being asked to make up the revenues lost to income tax cuts that overwhelmingly benefit the wealthiest taxpayers. Cutting the income tax and relying on sales taxes to make up the lost revenues is the surest way to make an already upside down tax system even more so.

 

The report also lists as one of the most regressive features that the state “Fails to require combined reporting to calculate the corporate income tax.” Gov. Chafee’s proposed budget last year suggested implementing combined reporting but the legislature decided to study the issue instead.

Read the entire report here. Or read the Kathy Gregg’s front page ProJo here and Ted Nesi’s blog post here. Nesi and Gregg are Rhode Island’s two most influential journalists, and influential progressives often complain that both have editorial biases against liberal economic policies.

This report forces both writers to acknowledge Rhode Island’s very regressive tax structure, which is something progressives feel is often ignored by the local media even though it is very popular in both the General Assembly – where almost half of the legislature co-signed a tax equity bill last session – and among Rhode Islanders in general – a Fleming poll last year showed almost 70 percent favored a less regressive income tax structure.

This alone will be regarded as a small victory for progressive Rhode Islanders who feel that the mainstream media turns a blind eye to Keynsian economics.

But the Providence Journal’s story goes one step farther, implying in the very first sentence that the report could affect the politics of tax equity at the State House. “As the tax debate begins anew on Smith Hill, a new study has identified Rhode Island as one of 10 states with the highest taxes on the poor,” writes Gregg, who is widely regarded as the most astute handicapper of local politics.

The ProJo story quoted Kate Brewster of the Economic Progress Institute to illustrate how the new report could tip the scales toward tax equity this legislative session.

Kate Brewster, executive director of The Economic Progress Institute in Rhode Island, viewed the report as ammunition for the campaign by organized labor and others to persuade state lawmakers to ask the wealthy to “pay a little more” by creating a new tax bracket. Advocates are drafting a bill that would raise the top rate from 5.99 percent to 7.9 percent on those whose household income tops $250,000.

“This report provides clear evidence that our tax structure is very regressive and policies are needed to improve fairness for the state’s low- and modest-income taxpayers,” Brewster said of the study titled “Who Pays?”

Brewster acknowledged that the sales tax hits the poor more heavily than any of the other taxes do, but she voiced hope lawmakers would look at the “combined impact of all state and local taxes.”

“If you look at the overall impact, it appears there is more room to ask upper-income households to pay more, through the personal income tax,” and to help the poor by increasing the size of the refund available through the state’s earned-income tax credit, she said Tuesday.

Arguing With The Tax Policy Switcheroo


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I was or will be on Channel 10’s News Conference Sunday show this week, depending on when you’re reading this.  John Simmons, of the Rhode Island Public Expenditure Council, was a guest with me.  An exchange we had reminds me of many I’ve had recently, including this comment from Dan DaPonte, the Senate Finance Committee chair.

It is an unmistakable fact of legislation that Rhode Island repeatedly cut the income tax in the years 1997-2009.  We cut the tax 10% between 1997 and 2002, we cut the capital gains rate in 2005, and we implemented the “flat” tax option in 2006.  All of these constituted cuts that were either exclusively for the richest of tax payers or predominantly for that top end.  The graph here, an old favorite of mine, shows the effect of the various cuts on the top 1%, and the median taxpayer, along with the unemployment rate during the period, just for fun.

In 2010, the legislature adopted a tax change (for tax year 2011) that froze the flat tax option in place and incorporated it into the tax code, preventing it from being easily repealed.  There were a large number of changes made that year, and the jury is still out on whether that was an advantage for rich people or not.  It was not designed to be, and possibly it was not, though only time will tell for sure.

However, the fact that the 2010 change may have been essentially neutral does not change the fact that the previous 13 years were characterized by repeated tax cuts for rich people.  The Almond cuts alone were worth about $100 million per year by 2002.  Nonetheless, when you complain about tax cuts for rich people, people like Simmons and DaPonte reply that the 2010 changes were not a tax cut for rich people and therefore “progressives are wrong.”  Then they go off into the weeds trying to demonstrate conclusively that the 2010 changes were not tax cuts for the rich.  If you watch the Sunday show, you’ll see John doing exactly that, and then getting miffed when I interrupt to say that the answer he’s giving is irrelevant to the complaint I’m making.

Here’s DaPonte:

I’m still quite honestly confused at the liberal opinion that the 2010 personal income tax reform was a big giveaway to high-income earners. From everyone that I’ve heard from, particularly tax professionals who do this stuff for a living – they have a completely opposing opinion, that that is not, in fact, what we did do.

But what did you do during the previous decade?

Whether you think that tax cuts for rich people constitute enlightened public policy or whether you think that they were a source a source of great inequity in the tax code and a source of real pain for our cities and towns (and the people who pay property taxes), it is tiring to hear people try to deny what actually happened in the last decade and a half or to obfuscate the issue, which is precisely what’s going on here.

The state of Rhode Island gave up a tremendous amount of revenue to these tax cuts.  The cuts produced a tremendous amount of fiscal pain in the cities and towns, and contribute to the fact that so few school systems have anything like a real music program left or new books on their library shelves.  Whether they added something to our economy is debatable (and I’m happy to debate it) but 100% irrelevant to the claim that they happened.

The 2010/11 tax changes are a part of this story only to the extent that they make restoring the status quo ante far more difficult.  Other than that, they have nothing at all to do with the larger offenses against tax equity committed over the last 15 years.  When you talk to people about tax equity, don’t let the subject change.

Chafee Takes Economic Center Stage Tonight


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Governor Chafee addressing a much smaller crowd at Bryant University in 2012. (photo by Bob Plain)

While Senate President Teresa Paiva Weed may have tried to focus some of the attention away from marriage equality with a press conference on the economy yesterday, the real news will happen tonight when Gov. Linc Chafee gives the annual State of the State speech.

In it, he will outline his proposal for next year’s budget and thus likely frame the fiscal debate for the month’s to come.

Will Chafee again suggest lowering sales taxes across the board while broadening the base? This hasn’t been popular with some small business owners or legislative leadership in past years. Or will he pick up on the idea progressives have been pushing for and reverse the Carcieri-era tax breaks to the wealthy? This idea should be popular with small business owners, and it’s gaining traction with leadership too. Ted Nesi reports this morning that Teresa Paiva Weed is still open to including tax equity measures in this year’s budget.

Perhaps the governor will suggest a some of both?

Paiva Weed’s report with RIPEC suggests our high unemployment rate is the biggest drag on the state’s economy. The governor last year cut funding to this vital and struggling 10 percent of the state’s workforce. I’m hoping there will be a number of policy suggestions to reverse Rhode Island’s trend of being pulled down by our poor.

To that end, I’m also hoping Chafee will declare 2013 the sequel to the year of cities and towns. Last year, he pledged to help our poorest cities which have been decimated by state aid cuts and tax and spending policies that benefit the suburban class over inner city folk. But in offering the poorest communities relief from labor laws, he tried to do so in a way that would have hurt the same working class people he was hoping to help.

A better way of addressing this issue would be to reexamine the state’s education funding formula, which still doesn’t adequately address the urban/suburban inequity that exists in the Ocean State.

What are you hoping the governor addresses tonight? Let Rhode Island know in the comments below…

An Epic Economic Fail


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The experiment to build our economy with tax breaks for the wealthy continues to be an epic failure. A healthy middle class grows the economy, not giveaways to rich and powerful.

We’re gearing up for another year at the State House to ensure all residents pay their fair share in taxes, not just you and me. Can we count on you to help?

Tell Governor Chafee Rhode Island can no longer afford unsustainable tax breaks for the wealthy.

After years of tax breaks for the wealthiest Rhode Islanders, our state’s  unemployment rate has grown to the second highest in the country, working families are paying higher property and car taxes, and deep cuts have decimated funding for education, infrastructure, transportation, and services for Rhode Island’s most vulnerable populations.

Despite significant legislative and public support Governor Chafee has blocked efforts to end the failed tax cuts to the wealthiest Rhode Islanders during his time in the Statehouse. It’s time for change!

That’s why Ocean State Action is teaming up with Rhode Islanders for Tax Equity (RITE is a coalition of labor and community groups fighting to restore tax equity) to call on the wealthiest Rhode Islanders to join the rest of us in rebuilding our economy.

CLICK HERE to Tell Chafee to end tax breaks for the wealthy in his budget this year.  

It’s time to get Rhode Island back on the right track, join us today!

Help Pass Tax Fairness For Rhode Island Tonight


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Sen. Josh Miller and Rep. Maria Cimini, sponsors of a bill that would raise taxes on the richest 2 percent of Rhode Islanders.

Tonight’s your chance to help bring tax fairness to Rhode Island. Ocean State Action is holding a phone bank party its headquarters at 99 Bald Hill Rd. in Cranston from 5:30 to 8 p.m.

“We’ll be mobilizing Rhode Islanders from Woonsocket to Westerly to contact their elected officials in support of tax fairness,” said Kristina Fox, who is leading OSA’s tax equity campaign. “Every phone call counts, and we need your help to reach as many folks as possible.”

Last session, Ocean State Action lobbied hard for the legislature to pass Rep. Maria Cimini and Senator Josh Miller’s tax equity bill. That legislation would have increased taxes on those who earn more than $250,000 annually but also tying that tax rate to the unemployment rate to encourage job growth.

Let’s Have 2013 Be A Year For Action in Rhode Island


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Happy 2013, Rhode Island!

It’s hard to know, only one sunrise removed, how 2012 will be remembered in Rhode Island. In so many ways, it seems it was a year defined by inaction.

Most notably, we watched as our $75 million investment in a baseball player’s ability to launch a video game company – not surprisingly – went south. The only actions we took toward reversing the recession was rejecting new ideas, neither tinkering with the tax code or the EDC. There were no big upsets in the election. The biggest policy change was the way the legislature dismantled oversight of all public education without a lot of rhyme or reason or even a clear path forward.

With that in mind, how about we make a resolution to get something done in 2013? Here are some ideas:

Let’s restructure our tax code soup to nuts. Everyone seems to agree something needs to be done here. Ideas range from, on the left, steep increases, to, on the right, eliminating sales taxes altogether. More moderate proposals exist too: Gov. Chafee has proposed lowering and broadening sales taxes. Rep. Maria Cimini suggests tying top income tax rate reductions to unemployment, to incentive job creation. Rep. Teresa Tanzi has called for examining existing tax breaks.

Let’s make national news for the way we debate marriage equality at the State House. Let’s have spirited rallies and protests; let’s debate the merits in an open, honest and transparent manner; let’s hear from all sides and respect our cultural and political differences.

Let’s become the first state in the northeast to legalize marijuana. There is across-the-board, bipartisan support for this and virtually no real opposition or drawbacks. Guaranteed, it would generate tens of millions of dollars in brand new revenue, reduce crime and and save state resources, make it harder for kids to get drugs and create jobs in a new, green industry that would compliment existing economic strengths. Meanwhile, one or two cops and drug counselors will testify that it would make their jobs a little bit harder.

I think everyone can agree that 2013 should also be the year we put pension reform politics in the past tense. Let’s come to a compromise that saves money, sustains the system and respects retiree rights. Let’s have Angel Taveras mediate the deal and move on already.

I think we can also agree that we’ve got a pretty good opportunity to have a big picture conversation about education policy. As we reset the boards that oversee public education, et’s talk about what we want to get out of our investment in it – happy workers, high test scores, enlightened minds, employable labor, economic engines? All of the above, right? We can do that!

We can do all of this, and make Rhode Island a way better place to live and do business in as a result.

2013: The Year for Tax Equity in Rhode Island


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George Nee, president of the AFL-CIO, talks to House Speaker Gordon Fox during the previous legislative session. Nee will ask Fox to consider a tax equity bill this session. (Photo by Bob Plain)

Progressives have a lot to look forward to in the upcoming legislative session. While everyone expects a high profile debate on marriage equality, it seems that State House leaders will consider tax equity, too. The Providence Journal reports this morning that House and Senate leaders are open to the idea of rolling back the Carcieri-era tax breaks for Rhode Island’s richest residents.

“Maybe it is a time to say, maybe we need to enhance some revenues,” Fox told the Journal. Paiva Weed said, “I would keep an open mind to a tax increase on the highest-wage earners.”

So popular has taxing the rich become that even House Minority Leader Brian Newberry told the ProJo he’s also open to the idea, if coupled with conservative proposals as well.

The only State House leader who seemed to dismiss the idea entirely was Governor Linc Chafee. Interestingly, he is likely the only one who would personally feel the effect of the income tax increase on families who earn more than $250,000 a year.

Chafee said he’s worried tax equity might make rich people move away from Rhode Island. I disagree. Rhode Island’s population decline is not because the less than 2 percent of its population that makes more than a quarter million annually are leaving and not being replaced; it’s because the 46 percent who earn less than $50,000 are leaving and not being replaced.

Regardless, it won’t be either Chafee or the extremely small and powerless Republican Party that will stand between Rhode Island and the additional $131 million in revenue it would generate for the state. It’ll be the business community.

But Laurie White of the Greater Providence Chamber of Commerce, didn’t seem on the defensive as long as the deductions that were eliminated can be reinstated. After all, it isn’t necessarily the people represented by the Chamber who make more than $250,000 – it’s a couple handfuls of lawyers, doctors, stock traders and powerful executives.

And last session, Gary Sasse, a former RIPEC leader and fiscal adviser to Carcieri, told the House Finance Committee that a small tax increase on Rhode Island’s richest residents would be advisable.

Also last session about half the House signed on to a bill that would have raised revenue by tying the tax rate on the rich to the unemployment rate – as an economic incentive to create jobs for the Ocean State. And that was prior to the November election, which has largely been seen as a mandate to raise taxes.

One thing we can certainly all agree on is that the reason for giving the richest Rhode Islanders a tax cut in the first place has been an abject failure. As George Nee, president of the AFL-CIO told the ProJo, “The basic, fundamental reason for doing this was that it was supposed to be a job creator. I think it is obvious that it has not had an impact on job creation.”

Or, it’s had a very big impact. Here’s a chart showing the relationship between job creation and tax cuts for the wealthy since 2005.

RI – What Went Wrong: Tax Cuts for the Affluent


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In the previous installment I discussed the devastation wrought by massive austerity, which was the principle cause of Rhode Island’s terrible jobs picture.  The traditional justification from austerity apologists is that those public sector cuts were necessary, and Rhode Island was forced to make those layoffs. Of course, this argument makes no sense in Rhode Island not just because the cutbacks began before the second Bush recession but also because the government found the money for a huge income tax cut for the rich, cutting the top rate from 9.9% to 5.99%.  This brings me to the subject of today’s column: taxes.

As I noted in the first column, the bottom fell out of the Rhode Island economy in late 2007, nearly a year before the second Bush recession began. Perhaps it is just a curious coincidence that this happened as the effect of the income tax cuts for the wealthy passed in 2006 began to kick in, but I suspect not.  Indeed, there is considerable evidence that it was these tax cuts that triggered the collapse of our economy.

The details of the tax cuts are slightly complicated. The original tax cut passed in 2006 and imposed an alternate flat tax rate that you could choose to pay instead of the traditional tax brackets. This rate started at 8% and fell by 0.5 percentage per year, hitting 6% in 2010, but in 2010, the government overhauled the tax code again in a tax cut aimed primarily at the upper middle class. You can see the three different rate schemes in the graph below.

Rhode Island tax rates before the 2006 flat tax, the rates after the flat tax (the flat tax, which decreased from 8% in 2006 to 6% in 2010, is shown with the 2010 6% rate), and the current tax rates.

Perhaps the most troubling aspect of these tax cuts is that they were pushed largely by Democrats, an act of conservatism that elated the Wall St. Journal’s editorial board.  Although they are often called the Carcieri tax cuts, and he vigorously supported them, much of the impetus came from General Assembly Democrats like Speaker of the House William Murphy (D-West Warwick) and Majority Leader Gordon Fox (D-Providence).  Fox predicted that “this new tax rate, as it did in Massachusetts, is certain to create new jobs, spur economic development, put money back in taxpayers’ pockets, and otherwise bring Rhode Island to a position of twenty-first century economic leadership in the region and, indeed, in the country.”  To say that did not happen is a severe understatement.

Income tax cuts for the wealthy at the national level provide mild, if inefficient, stimulus for the economy because they are offset by increasing the national debt. (Of course, there are much better ways to spend our nation’s money.) At the state level, however, it’s a different story. Because state taxes are deductible from national taxes, which tax the wealthy at a higher marginal rate, state level income tax cuts for the wealthy result in increasing national income taxes. The tax cuts also made it harder for Rhode Island to capture revenue from Rhode Island residents who have income in other states. Because so many wealthy Rhode Islanders work in Massachusetts, this is a serious issue. States can only tax out of state income if their tax rate is higher than the tax rate in the other state. So lowering Rhode Island’s income tax rate for the wealthy results in Rhode Island collecting less revenue from other states and other states collecting more revenue from Rhode Island, on top of sending more taxes to Washington. The net result is a considerable flow of capital out of the state, which is not good for the economy.

The real devastation from income tax cuts for the rich, though, comes from the spending cuts and property tax hikes that offset them.  The previous section discussed the spending cuts, and how they accelerated after the tax cuts.  The next section deals with the property tax hikes.

Want an Efficient Historic Tax Credit? Raise Taxes


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State House Dome from North Main Street
State House Dome from North Main Street
The State House dome from North Main Street. (Photo by Bob Plain)

As the maneuvering in advance of the next legislative session gets into gear, we keep hearing that the state’s historic structures tax credit is to be revived.

To recap: for several years, Rhode Island had a tax credit available for developers who restored historic buildings.  It was essentially a subsidy for 30% of the cost of the project.  In a variety of ways it was a decent program, with low overhead to administer, and the subsidies went to a variety of worthwhile projects, mostly in the cities that need it.  Some of the projects were a bit too gentrifying, and I regret that the credits didn’t come with strings to insure better wages for the people who work on them, but it was, for several years, the most effective affordable housing program in the state.

The downside, though, was big.  Because the program was available to any qualifying project, it was impossible for the state to budget for it.  The credit was much more popular than budget-writers anticipated, and this made not only a big hole in the budget, but an unpredictable one.  When the program was closed in 2008, there were around $300 million of credits outstanding, waiting to be cashed in for lower tax bills.

It made sense at the time to float a bond to make the redemption of the credits a bit more predictable, so the state borrowed to create a trust fund to make payments to the people who held the credits.

However, there is another down side to our tax credits.  When the state gives a $5 million tax credit to some project, the project only receives around $4 million or less.  The rest is shared between some tax credit broker (Michael Corso has become a famous one for his involvement with 38 Studios) and a business or rich person who wants to lower their tax bill.  That is, less than 80% of the face value of the tax credit goes to the public purpose to which the credits are supposed to be devoted, and the other 20% is for a benefit that goes directly to the richest citizens of our state.  Being a perfect example of government overpaying (by a lot) for a service, one might think this the very definition of “government waste,” but somehow the label never seems to be applied there by the fiscal watchdogs.

Contrast this to federal tax credits, where it is usually more than 95% of the credit that goes to the stated purpose.  Federal taxes are higher than Rhode Island taxes, so credits against those tax bills are worth more than credits against a state tax bill.  So one way to increase the efficiency of state tax credits would just be to raise the state business and personal income taxes on the top end by a lot.  Yes, I know, that’s just my little joke, but with the recent “reforms” of the tax rates, prices for state tax credits are going to be even lower than they were in 2008, when they were 80 cents on the dollar or less.

Here’s the bottom line: credits against state taxes are a great way to waste a ton of money and create unpredictable budget costs.  The projects that the tax credit funds are worthwhile, but if they are to be subsidized they should be funded by grants, with a set annual budget and rules to demand that projects pay at least a living wage to their contractors.  As they were constituted, they did useful work, but also served as a giveaway to wealthy insiders who don’t need your tax dollars to live a life of ease.

Progress Report: Tax Fairness; the End of Reaganomics; Free Market Lesson for Mike Riley; Curating the News


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Downtown Providence from the Providence River. (Photo by Bob Plain)

If Obamacare’s survival was the biggest policy victory of the election, a close second has to be tax equity. In his first post-election presser, Obama said yesterday the nation needs to ask the richest 2 percent of the population to pony up a few more tax dollars if we’re to avoid a fiscal disaster. Congressional Democrats are in a great position to win this no-brainer before the new year, and we’ve got Senator Sheldon Whitehouse to thank for making this a kitchen sink issue with his Buffett Rule bill of last session.

Our state legislators would do well to follow this lead and pass their own tax equity bill in 2013. Speaker Gordon Fox told me on election night that the conversation has already begun.

Speaking of tax policy, the ProJo editorial board is incorrect when it asserts that state workers are to blame for Rhode Island’s relatively high cost of government. It’s got far more to do with our small size, high density and desire for top notch services and amenities.

But there’s also a larger takeaway from last Tuesday’s election on economic policy. Newsweek/Daily Beat correspondent Michael Tomasky writes:

Trickle-down economics died last Tuesday. The post-election chatter has been dominated by demographics, Latinos, women, and the culture war. But economics played a strong and even pivotal role in this election too, and Reaganomics came out a huge loser, while the Democrats have started to wrap their arms around a simple, winning alternative: the idea that government must invest in the middle class and not the rich. It’s middle-out economics instead of trickle-down, and it won last week and will keep on winning.

ProJo columnist makes a great point about Mike Riley’s sour grapes concession speech in which he blamed the media for the electoral drubbing he took from popular incumbent Jim Langevin.  He writes, “Riley did say something wise, but he somehow missed how it applies to his own campaign: ‘Hopefully someday many of you will do very well because of your own hard work. You will have succeeded and you will have failed, but ultimately it will be you — and not somebody else that did it to you.'”

Here’s one way the media mistakenly makes it seem like there is fraud and waste in the public sector: GoLocal reports that 52 percent of state education dollars makes its way into the classroom. “That seems small,” says an advocate for smaller government. But it’s not. Does anyone think Hasbro spends half its resources on manufacturing toys? Or your favorite restaurant spends half of its total revenue on your food? Not if the cost was calculated the way GoLocal looked at ed. funding. The reality is we hold the public sector to a ridiculously high standard, which we should, but we shouldn’t mistake our high standards with inefficiency.

I’m absolutely thrilled to be participating in Journalism Day at URI, my alma mater! I’ll be on a panel talking about news curation, or as the URI journalism department calls it, aggregation. Whatever you want to call it, it’s the art of finding, packaging and adding value to already existing content. It’s a super important component of advocacy journalism in general and media criticism in particular for pretty obvious reasons. It’s also a super important component of beat reporting for the most obvious reason of all: it’s a service to readers. We’ll be discussing whether or not it’s ethical, which I actually think is a question that long ago was settled in the affirmative, but as with most topics, I’m more than happy to have the debate…

Why Stock Buybacks Benefit Corporate Greed


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Image courtesy of Hodart Report.

One of my last posts touched on how corporations are spending their money, what they are doing and not doing with the piles of record profits they’ve been making in the past few years while median wages have stagnated or fallen.

Here’s some additional information. First, the cites:

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10000872396390444657804578052472320753336.html

http://www.thereformedbroker.com/2012/10/12/the-buyback-epidemic/

If you piece the two of them together, you will glean that dividend payments to shareholders are near an all-time low. Something like 34% of earnings are being paid out in dividends today. OTOH, stock buybacks by the S&P 500 hit $112 billion just for the second quarter of 2012. You will also learn that, in contrast, companies paid out about 60% of their earnings in dividends in 1960. This is despite a top tax rate of 91%. No, that’s not a typo. 91%.

Why the preference for stock buybacks over dividend payments? Again, apply the principle of ‘cui bono’: to whose benefit?

Dividends generally benefit the average holder, the smaller holders. In fact, as I’ve said before, prior to about 1990, one bought stocks in order to collect the dividend paid, not with the idea of the price of the stock going up. In fact, stocks like utilities were considered ‘widows and orphans’ stocks because of the generous dividends they generally paid.

Buybacks, OTOH, generally benefit the corporate executives because the bulk of their compensation is in company stock. One component in the price per share of stocks is the number of shares outstanding. In fact, it’s the denominator in the equation. Since corporate compensation comes from huge issues of common stock, the denominator grows, which drops the average price, which means that the shares executives increase in value. Shares that are bought back are retired, decreasing the number of shares outstanding, which has the impact of pushing the price up, other things being equal.

Yes, the average holder gains from this too, but the benefit is much more limited. Let’s say I own 1,000 shares, which is a big holding for most middle-class folks. If the price goes up a dollar, I’ve made $1,000. Not bad. But if I own 100,000, or 500,000 shares, the gain is much higher. And grants of hundreds of thousands of shares are not unusual. An executive holding a million share is not unusual.

Plus, this gain is completely tax-free, until the stock is sold. This benefits the executive who can then borrow against the shares and perform feats of legerdemain with the money. The small holder, OTOH, will generally never see the benefit f the capital appreciation because s/he is less likely to sell shares.

Yes, they may, and then turn around and buy others. However, this sort of trading mentality is very dangerous for the small investor. 80% of professional investors do not ‘beat the market’ through frequent trading. If these professionals can’t, then what chance does the small investor have? A small one, and then usually only for a short time before regression to the mean sets in. The safest strategy for the small investor is to buy stocks that pay a decent dividend and hold them for the income. Now, that few companies do this any longer is certainly a problem. Once again, the market is tilted in favor of the larger investor who can make a lot of money on fairly small increases in price, or who can hedge, or who has access to resources and information that the small investor does not have.

Cui bono? The corporate executive.

In the WSJ (yes, Wall St Journal), note the following quote:

        …More than seven decades ago, in his classic book “Security Analysis”, the great investor Benjamin  Graham made a call so radical that it still sounds shocking today. Complaining of the “despotic powers wielded over dividend policy by corporate executives and directors, Graham argued that companies should no longer be allowed to direct surplus cash away from paying dividends–even for reinvesting in the business–without first obtaining formal “consideration and appraisal” from their investors, most likely through a vote at the annual meeting.

 

        Capitalist to his core, Graham was dead serious with this Bolshevik-sounding suggestion.  He wanted shareholders–who, after all, own the company–to force management to provide at least a general justification for using cash for any purpose other than paying a dividend.

 

      With the percentage of profits paid out as dividends today near all-time lows, at 34%,  Graham’s drastic proposal is just what we need to cattle-prod companies out of being such skinflints.

One “argument” that tax-cutters like to use is that it’s our money, not Washington’s. Fair enough. But those corporate profits belong to the shareholders, not to the CEO. So why should the CEO decide?

(Yes, he is a shareholder, but he & his board almost never control a majority of shares. Plus, Graham’s point was to make them explain why they were not issuing larger dividends. You know, make them accountable? Radical notion, I realize. Only people on the bottom are accountable for anything. Those on top can do whatever they damn well please.)

(Point 2: the fact that dividends are ‘double taxed’ is completely irrelevant to the argument. But let’s put it this way: they are double taxed. So what? What difference does that make?)

Here’s how the other article describes the buyback/dividend issue:

…One other thing — executives use buybacks to offset compensation, they issue themselves shares or options, and then get the board to approve a stock buyback to counter the effect of dilution. If you’re asking yourself “wait, so buybacks can be used as a tool to transfer shareholder money to executives?”  then you’ve got it figured out, that’s exactly what they can be used for. And they often are.

As I said, cui bono? The corporate executive. He does not own the company. He–in theory, anyway–works for the shareholders, and yet he’s following policies that enrich himself (and it’s pretty much always a ‘he’) at the expense of those he works for. Somehow, I suspect that if he found an underling at the company doing something similar, the underling would be fired, if not prosecuted.

As an aside, the comments section of the WSJ article is hilarious. Note the utter horror–The horror! The horror!–with which they regard a tax rate of 39% on dividends. Somehow, the returns to capital should be privileged above actual work. And note how they throw out retirees who will be hurt by paying an hypothetical 39% in taxes on their dividend income, after the confiscatory Obama plan of letting the Bush tax cuts expire. But, 39% is the top tax rate. Only people making the highest incomes would pay at that rate. For the rest of us, we would pay at the rate we pay on the rest of our income. The only retirees who would be hit by the top tax rate are those who are earning in the top level of income.

One final word. A while back I wrote a post about how the purpose of allowing capital to accumulate was so that business could expand and benefit more people through hiring. IOW, there’s an implicit deal: we allow capital formation so you can increase the number of people you hire, which benefits everyone. However, the capital side of deal has not kept up its end of the bargain. For pointing this out, I was excoriated as a…whatever. You can fill in the blank. But this is exactly what is happening: the profits are not being reinvested in the US, those receiving the benefits of the profits are not paying taxes to support our society, even though they benefit disproportionately from the peace and security provided by the US government. They’ve breached the contract.

Finally finally, here’s something about the effects of income polarization.

    “If a man is not an oligarch, something is not right with him.”

http://blogs.reuters.com/great-debate/2012/10/15/the-billionaires-next-door/

OK, feel free to excoriate mindlessly by calling me all sorts of names, and saying I’m wrong without ever quite showing how I’m wrong.

Budgeting for Disaster: Like What We’ve Got? Good


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As has been amply reported by other writers here and in other places, the state budget has emerged from the mists of the Finance Committee, and will likely be voted on and passed this week. It contains no broad-based tax changes, though there are small increases in cigarette taxes, and small expansions of the sales tax, and tolls, to cover restoring 40% of the money cut from care to the developmentally disabled, and to fund the state’s education funding formula — the one that the legislature’s own study shows is inadequate. Due to more encouraging revenue projections than were the case last fall, some money has been restored to important places, but it’s just a bit here and there.

This graph is still the policy of the state:

That lower line is the effective tax rate on the median taxpayer. The blue line is the rate on the top 1%, and the red line is just thrown in there to show there is no relationship between taxes and unemployment.

The message overall from the legislature is that the cities and towns be damned. There seems no willingness to acknowledge that the fiscal crisis in the cities is largely the result of state policies. Tremendous cuts in state aid in 2008-2010 to both the municipal and education sides of city and town budgets brought fiscal havoc everywhere, and last week we had the spectacle of Lisa Baldelli-Hunt, a representative from Woonsocket, begging her colleagues in the legislature not to allow Woonsocket to fix the problems caused by her colleagues. Oddly enough, they complied, and now we have two more cities half a step from joining Central Falls in bankruptcy.

The sad fact is that by and large the people in charge of our cities and towns have actually been more fiscally responsible than legislators in the General Assembly, but they have less power, and so the Assembly leadership can pretend otherwise.

That’s quite a claim, isn’t it?  How to back it up?  How about this: as of 1990, Rhode Island cities and towns collected about $1.3 billion, between state aid, property taxes and various municipal fees. In 2008 — before the worst of the state aid cuts — they took in a bit less than $3 billion. This does not count the car tax payments from the state, which only offset taxes that towns would have collected from their residents. If you’re keeping score, that’s growth of about 1.9% per year — after correcting for inflation. This is troubling, but it’s not necessarily evidence of mismanagement. Inflation measures the price of goods and a few services, while towns spend their money on services and a few goods.

So how best to measure this if not against the inflation rate?  If you want a yardstick with which to measure a service-oriented enterprise like a town, how about a private-sector service like Federal Express? Fedex is fiercely competitive, I hear, and non-union, to boot. How did they do?  In 1990, it cost $11 to send an overnight letter across the country, and today it’s about $25.50 for the same service. After correcting for inflation, that’s up about 2% a year.

What about the state?  After accounting for inflation in the same way, the state’s general revenue has gone up 2.4% per year since 1990, and overall expenses are up even more. (That’s the structural deficit and the rise in state debt you’re smelling.)

So who is being more responsible with tax dollars?  The General Assembly, with members like Baldelli-Hunt who give lectures to municipalities, or the towns, who have controlled costs not only better than the state, but better than Fedex. But it’s the towns who get cut while the state basks in the adulation of business leaders who praise legislators for their tax cuts.

The main message of this budget bill is continuity. This is a budget motivated by policy choices virtually identical to the ones of the previous year, the year before that, the year before that, and so on. The idea is to squeak through another year with minimal pain to everyone, especially the wealthy. But it was to a large extent that very set of policies that brought us to the status quo: high unemployment, bankrupt cities, ever-rising tuitions at the state colleges, and lower taxes on rich people.

Do you like the way things are going around here?  Hope you do, because the legislature is voting this week to give you more of the same.

Progressives May Still Push for Tax Equity in Budget


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State House Dome from North Main Street
State House Dome from North Main Street
The State House dome from North Main Street. (Photo by Bob Plain)

Progressives had mixed reactions to the budget bill passed by the House Judiciary Committee late Thursday night, expressing disappointment with the lack of focus on the revenue side of the ledger. While there are few new cuts in this year’s spending proposal, and a few restorations, it didn’t include tax-the-rich revenue enhancers that organized labor and community activists lobbied for all session long.

“If this budget is passed as is, the wealthiest Rhode Islanders will skate by again while lower and middle-income Rhode Islanders get stuck with the bill,” said George Nee, president of the AFL-CIO who took an active role with Working RI, a group that led the charge for taxing the rich.

While legislative leadership and the local media widely predicted income tax equity reform wouldn’t pass this year, the fight isn’t over yet.  Progressive lawmakers are expected to offer an income tax amendment to the budget bill when it hits the House floor next week. Rep. Maria Cimini, a progressive Democrat from the Elmhust area of Providence, led the charge in the House this year, could be the one to offer the amendment. She’s a rising star to the liberal left and an increasing thorn-in-the-side of the more moderate House leadership.

Her bill would have raised the income tax rate on those who make more than $250,000 from 5.99 percent to 9.99 percent, what the rate was before former Gov. Don Carcieri cut taxes to the rich. It also included a job creator incentive that would have lowered the proposed increase by 1 percent for every 1 percent the state’ unemployment rate dropped.

But Rep. Larry Valencia, a progressive Democrat from Richmond, also could offer the amendment. He sponsored a similar bill for the second consecutive year that doesn’t include the job creator incentive, which he said would make the budget more volatile.

“You can tell by the kinds of bills I’ve introduced that I would have preferred some changes to a more progressive tax code,” Valencia said, right after voting for the bill Thursday night. While he was hoping for income tax reform, he said he was happy it included some new sales taxes and glad it didn’t increase the meals and hotel tax – which would have hurt the the local tourism economy, one of the state’s strongest sectors.

Rep. Scott Guthrie, a populist Democrat from Coventry, has sponsored several income tax reform bills during the past two sessions also could offer an amendment.

House leadership has communicated to progressive legislators that it doesn’t want an amendment to come up on the floor. Income tax reform is expected to be used as a campaign issue this summer and fall, as voters seem to support it more than politicians. A Flemming Associates poll showed that 68 percent of Rhode Islanders support a more progressive income tax code, and many conservative legislators don’t want to be put on the record as supporting tax breaks for the wealthy.

Tax Equity Still A Question for Impending Budget Bill


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Sen. Josh Miller and Rep. Maria Cimini, sponsors of a bill that would raise taxes on the richest 2 percent of Rhode Islanders.

One of the key ingredients in this year’s impending proposed budget from the House Finance Committee will be how to pay for existing services that have already been cut to the bone in recent years.

There’s the governor’s proposed 1 or 2 percent meals tax increase, which would raise some $20 to $40 million for education. There’s also Rep. Edith Ajello’s proposed soda tax, which would net another $40 million in revenue.

But the most talked-about revenue-increasing mechanism debated this year has been increasing income taxes on Rhode Island’s richest residents. The Miller-Cimini bill would raise state income tax rate on Rhode Islanders who make more than $250,000 a year from 5.99 percent to 9.99 percent, but the percentage would drop with every one percentage point decrease in the unemployment rate. Rep. Larry Valencia’s proposal would make a similar increases without being tied to unemployment.

House Speaker Gordon Fox, who pushed for tax cuts for the wealthy as majority leader when former Gov. Don Carcieri first proposed the idea, doesn’t want to touch the tax rate this year, but Majority Whip Patrick O’Neil has signed onto the Miller-Cimini bill. Fox has told lawmakers he doesn’t want a floor amendment on a tax increase during the budget debate.

Some speculate that a compromise put forward by local fiscal guru Gary Sasse of raising the rate slightly and earmark those additional funds to economic development.

“I don’t think anyone in this room could really defend the difference between 5.9 and 6.2 percent among certain levels of income,” he told the House Finance Committee on April 24. “My conclusion is there’s some room to make a modest increase to the top rate.”

Whatever happens, Rhode Islanders for Tax Equity, a group made up of community activists and organized labor, knows well this is the time of year the bill is being scrutinized the most. So they’ve flooded the marketplace of ideas with advertisements. In addition to buying space with RI Future, the group also put together a radio ad and this TV spot:

The TV ad was only seen on ABC6, though … that’s because WJAR and WPRI didn’t air the ad. WPRI didn’t, according to a source familiar with production of the spot, because it prominently features their news staff. WJAR, the source said, didn’t because it prominently features WPRI’s news staff. Sales reps for both companies could not be reached for comment.

Valencia Bill Shows Momentum for Tax Equity


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Long before the Occupy movement and Warren Buffett made the idea of taxing the rich politically popular, Rep Larry Valencia, a progressive Democrat from Charlestown, introduced just such a bill in the previous legislative session.

This year, although it hasn’t received the media attention the Miller-Cimini proposal has, he introduced the same bill again. And, because he recognizes there still isn’t a preponderance of political will to tax the rich in the fiscally conservative-leaning General Assembly, he said he’ll do so again next year too, if need be.

“I think it’s important to keep these ideas in the spotlight,” he said. His bill, the model for the Miller-Cimini version but it doesn’t include a reduction tied to the unemployment rate, will be heard by the powerful House Finance Committee this afternoon. Families earning more than $250,000 would pay an additional 4 percent on income above that amount and individuals would do so at $200,000. It would raise about $140 million for the state, he said.

While both Chairman Helio Melo and Speaker Gordon Fox told me earlier this session they don’t support changes to the tax code this session (Valencia’s bill didn’t make it out of committee last year) some in leadership now do. Majority Whip Pat O’Neil, a Pawtucket Democrat and potential rival to Fox for the speaker’s gavel, is a co-sponsor this year.

“I think we are slowly building a consensus,” Valencia said, noting that he’s picked up several additional supporters this session. “We know from national polls that people are sympathetic to the ideas of taxing high income earners at a higher rate.”

Although he’s a co-signer of the Miller-Cimini bill, he thinks his is better legislation because it isn’t tied to the unemployment rate, which would cause fiscal fluctuations from year to year.

Raimondo Advocates Against Tax Equity


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If you’re still looking for the evidence that likely 2014 gubernatorial candidate Gina Raimondo is a progressive Democrat, as she told many a union member during her push for pension reform last year, you won’t find it in local tax policy. Instead of advocating for more revenue, Treasurer Raimondo decided to again side with business interests and the right in calling tax equity measures the enemy of economic growth.

“Given Rhode Island’s current economic condition – with high unemployment and stagnant population growth – I have reservations about adopting policies that could put us at a competitive disadvantage when compared to other states,” she said in a prepared statement. “The best way to increase tax revenue is to grow our state’s overall economy so every Rhode Islander benefits from our success.”

Earlier this month, when I first asked Raimondo about the Miller-Cimini income tax bills, that would repeal the flat income tax and raise back the rates on Rhode Island’s richest residents to the where they were lowered from starting in 2007, she said she hadn’t heard of the effort – even though it had been covered by this news outlet, as well as the Providence Journal, WPRI and RI Public Radio, among others.

In her statement that her deputy chief of staff Joy Fox gave me more recently, Raimondo said: “Representative Cimini and Senator Miller should be commended for reminding all Rhode Islanders about the increasing levels of income inequality across our state, and by extension our country. I look forward to working with Representative Cimini and Senator Miller to actively pursue economic development policies and opportunities that improve our state for everyone.”

When asked about Raimondo’s position on the tax equity bills, George Nee, president of the local AFL-CIO, who has been helping to lead the charge for the bills passage, said, “I don’t know if I’m surprised but I’m certainly disappointed. I still don’t see the connection between jobs and taxes.”

Nee, and other supporters of the tax equity bills, have pointed to the fact that unemployment in Rhode Island has gone up as income tax rates for the affluent have gone down. The AFL-CIO also released poll results last week done by Flemming and Associates that indicates 68 percent of Rhode Islanders support the bills, which would raise the income tax rate on those who make more than $250,000 but subsequently lower it when the unemployment rate drops.

“We will continue to provide her with information to try to change her mind,” Nee said. “I was hoping she would see this as a necessary change in policy on both a state and federal level.”


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