Jorge Elorza: rhetoric for the 99%, policies for the 1%


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Elorza Solomon

With Providence’s mayoral election looming, Jorge Elorza has positioned himself as the ‘progressive’ candidate in the race, with many local progressives jumping on the Elorza bandwagon. There is one small problem. Elorza isn’t progressive by any feasible definition of the word.

As I will detail in-depth below, Elorza falls on the conservative or neoliberal side of almost every single issue, from raising the minimum wage to charter schools to racial profiling to progressive taxation. There is a candidate in the mayoral race with a solid progressive record and concrete progressive social program. However, once we pull the rhetorical wool from over our eyes and consider actual policy, it becomes clear that the candidate is not Jorge Elorza.

If the definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results, a progressive vote for Jorge Elorza would be literally insane.

Elorza represents a disastrous nationwide habit of 21st century American progressives: supporting charlatan politicians who are progressive in rhetoric but utterly neoliberal in policy. While progressives are right to feel despair at the rightward drift of our country and our ever-widening inequality, they must accept partial responsibility. Swindled with sweet songs of vague progressive rhetoric, progressives have time and time again elected many of the very politicians who go on to desecrate progressive values. A sober look into Jorge Elorza’s actual politics makes clear that he is attempting to do the same, that Elorza is in no substantive way progressive, and that Providence progressives are on the cusp of repeating the same error we’ve repeatedly committed and come to regret in past election cycles.

Well-intentioned progressives have elected a long list of rhetorically progressive candidates who have gone on to govern as conservatives or neoliberals. There was Bill Clinton—whose legacy is still shrouded in a mythical mist of populism— destroying welfare programs and attacking workers through passage of NAFTA. There was Barack Obama—who rallied progressive enthusiasm unlike any other candidate in recent American history—deporting more immigrants than any President in American history, abandoning campaign promises of labor law reform, and drone-striking foreign civilians at appalling rates. And locally, how can we forget Angel Taveras, who galvanized progressives and working-class Latinos with his ‘Head Start to Harvard’ personal narrative. Of course, Taveras proceeded to send firing notices to all Providence teachers and oppose the hotel worker minimum wage ordinance, just to name a couple of progressives’ disappointments.

Many local progressives feel some sense of betrayal towards politicians such as Obama and Taveras; their policies have rarely aligned with their progressive promise. Obama and Taveras represent a powerful new figure in American politics: the politician whose personal narrative and identity are used as a progressive mask over a neoliberal social program. Despite Obama’s overwhelmingly moderate voting record prior to 2008, progressives nationwide clung to the belief that he would govern as a progressive due to his personal narrative and identity. Lack of a clear progressive social program didn’t matter; his background combined with teasingly vague progressive rhetoric was enough to convince progressives. Angel Taveras replicated the mold, bludgeoning voters over the head with his ‘Head-Start-to-Harvard’-from-a-Dominican-Providence-family personal narrative enough times that no one seemed to care that he didn’t actually propose a substantive progressive social program. As the renowned political scientist Adolph Reed Jr. described, both men are “the triumph of image and identity over content; indeed…the triumph of identity as content.”

Jorge Elorza has attempted to cut this exact same political figure. Without articulating an actual progressive social vision, Elorza is attempting to garner the progressive vote through rapid-fire repetition of his ‘Cranston Street to Wall Street’ personal narrative—a slightly modified version of the Taveras story. Elorza rarely delves into specifics when speaking to progressive or working-class voters, but specifics of his second-shift-working mother and his voyage from CCRI to Harvard Law are provided almost incessantly. As for vague rhetoric? Elorza’s campaign slogan of “One Providence” attempts to represent everyone by taking an actual stance on nothing in specific (its worth noting that Obama’s version of vague rhetoric, “Change,” was at least vaguely progressive; Elorza’s is so vague it doesn’t even go that far). Elorza also tempts progressives to draw their own dreamy conclusions on how he will govern as mayor via anecdotes of subpoenaing banks as a housing court judge, reminiscent of Obama’s winking references to his time spent as a ‘community organizer’. Just as progressives excitedly cited Obama’s community organizing experience as evidence that he was a closet socialist, I’ve heard more than one Providence progressive cite Elorza’s bank anecdote as indication of his progressive politics. Elorza has mastered the gameplan; his claim for the progressive vote substitutes identity and narrative for actual progressive policy.

Yet unlike Obama and Taveras, it’s hard to find a redeeming quality in Elorza. Obama has mixed in some genuinely progressive stances and Taveras may very well be the only thing that can save Rhode Island from the atrocious Gina Raimondo. Elorza, on the other hand, uses personal narrative to appeal to the progressive and working-class vote because behind the rhetorical fog lies an entire set of policies no progressive could possibly get behind. For the skeptical, lets go through the list:

Raising the minimum wage for workers? Elorza has not once but twice come out publicly against raising the minimum wage for Providence workers.  First, Elorza declared his opposition to the Hotel Worker Minimum Wage Ordinance, offering the Reaganesque explanation that raising wages would drive business away. Then, perhaps in courtship of business-class support, Elorza doubled down against raising the minimum wage, telling the Providence Chamber of Commerce “I am not in favor of Providence imposing an across-the-board wage hike at the city level.” Amidst skyrocketing inequality, what has become an obvious need for American workers and a milquetoast issue for Democrats nationwide is too far left for Elorza. Progressive?

Fighting racial profiling? Even amidst the horrific murder of Mike Brown in Ferguson, Elorza comes down on the conservative side of the struggle. Against what should be an obvious progressive stance, Elorza came out against the Providence act to combat racial profiling in a candidate interview with the RI Coalition to Defend Human and Civil Rights. Elorza ultimately sided with conservative opinion instead of taking a stand against racist immigrant ICE holds and police brutality. Elorza, instead offered conservative tropes, proposing ‘changing the culture and instituting more community policing’. Progressive?

Standing up against the attack on our public school system? Most progressives oppose the expansion of charter schools in support of a democratically controlled public school system. Not only did Elorza publicly call for the expansion of charter schools in Providence, Elorza sits on the board of Achievement First, a controversial charter school in Providence. With teachers unions and public education advocates fighting to stem the tide of the business-backed charter movement, Elorza’s again taken the side of business in the education struggle. Progressive?

Advocating a progressive tax system? After (opportunistically?) telling the Rhode Island Progressive Democrats of America he was “open to exploring the idea of a municipal income tax” and securing their endorsement, Elorza quickly retreated firmly back onto conservative ground. Quite typically of pseudo-progressives, Elorza stated in a television debate that he was interested in municipal income taxes, just not in Providence  (incidentally, the city he is proposing to govern). Out of one side of the mouth comes soft, reassuring rhetoric that he is progressive at heart. Out of the other side come firm policy statements for the wealthy—‘No, I am not in favor of an actual municipal income tax in Providence’. Progressive?

Using government power to directly create good jobs? Since FDR helped create hundreds of thousands of good American jobs through the New Deal, Keynesian economics and direct worker stimulus have been staple rallying cries for progressives. But absolutely nowhere in any of Elorza’s seven-point ‘Jobs Plan’ does he propose any form of direct worker stimulus. Instead, Elorza treats us to trickle-down economic proposals. His plan to create ‘1,500 jobs’ is a bizarre supply-side plan to better integrate Providence in the global trade market, and he worryingly proposes “working creatively to forge new public-private partnerships” (read: privatization). Moreover, Elorza nailed down his conservative economic credentials when he criticized his opponent’s proposal for direct government job creation in Providence. In response to Michael Solomon’s plan to (in a refreshingly New Deal-esque progressive fashion) create 2,000 Providence jobs through rebuilding our public schools, the Elorza campaign stated: “[Elorza] has a plan to create 1,500 jobs by doubling our export economy, and unlike Michael Solomon’s plan, Jorge’s doesn’t require spending a quarter-billion in taxpayer dollars” [emphasis added]. Fear mongering about taxes and big government to fight government job creation to rebuild public schools sounds like FOX News. Advocating ways to better attract business and investors while opposing direct job creation and worker stimulus from government sounds like Ronald Reagan or Margaret Thatcher. Progressive?

One could go on and on, but this slew of conservative policies alone should be more than enough for any sober progressive. There is simply no way possible to reconcile the above policy program with progressive or egalitarian politics. In a vacuum, no progressive would ever endorse a candidate against raising the minimum wage, for expanding charter schools, opposed to anti-racial profiling legislation, against progressive taxation, and in favor of trickle-down economics over direct government stimulus to workers. They would more likely refer the candidate to the Tea Party. With Elorza, we get rhetoric for the 99%, and policies for the 1%.

Progressives who’ve taken the Elorza bait are undoubtedly well-intentioned. The desire to diversify our elected offices is understandable, and the rags-to-riches narrative tugs on a noble progressive emotional desire to see such upward mobility for all.  But failing to see past the thin façade would be more forgivable if progressives hadn’t been fooled so recently, so numerously, and so locally in the exact same fashion. Providence progressives who can still feel the sting of disappointment from Angel Taveras are somehow following the exact same course with a nearly identical candidate. These progressives are either suffering from a bad case of historical amnesia or some sort of political Stockholm Syndrome.

The obvious response from progressive Elorza supporters will be the lack of a superior alternative. Even if this were true, celebrating neoliberal politicians as progressive champions is a pernicious practice that puts off the real work of building a genuine progressive movement. Nevertheless, there is a superior alternative in the race, Michael Solomon. I’m not engaging in opportunistic exaggeration or self-delusion. Solomon is not Martin Luther King Jr., Che Guevara, or even Bill de Blasio. Solomon’s election alone will not lead us to the promised land. But sober analysis reveals that Solomon does have a host of genuinely progressive concrete policies, unlike Elorza. Solomon proposed directly creating 2,000 jobs by rebuilding our Providence public schools, remarkably reminiscent of FDR’s New Deal and a striking break from the supply-side economics of most modern Democrats. Solomon publicly opposed any expansion of charter schools in Providence in the recent WPRI debate, taking a firm progressive stand where he had previously gone along with Angel’s Mayoral Academies. Solomon supported the Providence racial profiling ordinance—in fact, he is lead sponsor of the ordinance. I personally witnessed Solomon struggle vigorously for passage of the $15 hotel worker minimum wage, an issue Elorza refused to support even rhetorically. Solomon has an actual political record of taking on large corporation to protect workers and the environment, championing nationally groundbreaking legislation in introducing the Worker Retention Ordinance (which protects hotel workers’ jobs upon change of ownership and was viciously opposed by local hospitality corporations) and confronting Big Oil itself in voting to divest the city’s pension holdings from fossil fuel companies. Solomon is not a perfect progressive. But he is not part of crusading neoliberal movement that is currently driving our country into unseen depths of inequality. Rather, Solomon represents some of the genuinely admirable strands of the Democratic Party tradition, far from the Wall Street neoliberals currently dominating the Party and so lamented by progressives. He is a more traditional Democrat who exhibits at least some sense of obligation to working families and some willingness to regulate the excesses of free market capitalism.

It will undoubtedly be said that my support for Michael Solomon is professionally motivated—the organization for which I work, Unite Here Local 217, is endorsing Solomon. It is true that supporting Providence’s hotel workers is something about which I am deeply passionate, and personally witnessing Solomon risk alienating the entire business community as he pushed and maneuvered vigorously behind the scenes to raise hotel workers wages was moving. Yet I do not write this piece as a hotel worker organizer. I write this piece as a dedicated progressive, as someone wholly committed to advancing civil rights, immigrant rights, worker rights, and general equality everywhere. As progressives, we must stem the tide of the neoliberal onslaught, stem the tide of ballooning inequality. We must learn from recent history and break from the insanity; we cannot do the same thing over and over and expect different results. By that definition, a progressive vote for Jorge Elorza on September 9th would be literally insane. Michael Solomon may not be the candidate of progressives’ dreams, but he will move us in the right direction. Stem the tide. Break from the insanity. Vote sanely September 9th.

PVD police union ad violates People’s Pledge


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tableThe People’s Pledge has been violated, said Common Cause RI Executive Director John Marion. And as a result, Gina Raimondo and Clay Pell are to make a donation to the charity of Angel Taveras’ choice.

The ad in question was an attack on Taveras, paid for by the Providence Fraternal Order of Police. Marion included it in this letter.

“It is my opinion that the advertising does indeed violate the terms of the Pledge,” said Marion, in an email. “I am not yet able to determine the cost of the advertising buy, and subsequently determine how much must be donated to charity.”

The Taveras campaign has asked the other two campaigns to donate to the Federal Hill House. “Federal Hill House is dedicated to enabling people from throughout the Greater Providence area achieve their potential by removing obstacles that hinder them,” according to its website.

Marion said this has been the only violation of the People’s Pledge in a letter to the candidates. “If this is the only violation of the Pledge we see in this primary election it will be a great success and something I think you should all be proud of having taken part in.”

Rhode Island fast food workers arrested in Hartford


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Thirteen fast food workers were arrested during a civil disobedience action in Hartford yesterday, seven of them were from Rhode Island. Here’s my story:

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Charles under arrest

“Do you have any sharp items in your pocket?” asked the police officer.

“No,” said Charles, a forty year old black man wearing his Burger King uniform. Charles, who I had met long before he was involved with the fight to secure a living wage for fast food workers, is always polite.

“Do you have any medical issues?”

“No.”

“Okay. I’m placing you under arrest.”

Charles stood up, placed his hands behind his back and, after the plastic cuffs were fastened, was escorted to the waiting police van. With that, the Fight for a $15 minimum wage officially entered it’s civil disobedience phase.

DSC_0600Some variation of this routine played out 12 more times around noon on Thursday in front of a McDonald’s restaurant in Hartford. More than half of those arrested were from Rhode Island. Six of the Rhode Islanders work in the same Wendy’s in Warwick. The rest were from Hartford, and at least two of them worked in the same McDonalds they were protesting.

DSC_1286“I’ve never seen security guards at that McDonalds before,” said a worker at the discussion held after the action was over, “they were wearing black suits and sunglasses and everything.” I had to agree. They looked more like the Men in Black than mall-level rent-a-cops.

“Shows that they have money…” said someone.

“…and they don’t know how to spend it,” laughed another.

DSC_1632McDonalds left the actual arresting of the protesters to the Hartford cops, not private security. One by one the thirteen fast food workers were loaded into a hot and stuffy police van. Despite not having any medical issues of which he was aware, Stacey, a twenty something black man and Providence native in a Wendys uniform, started having a seizure. By the time the police van arrived at the makeshift booking site a couple blocks away, Stacey needed an ambulance, and was taken to the hospital.

The Fight for a $15 minimum wage has been slowly gaining traction and scoring significant victories over the last year. Seattle recently passed a $15 minimum wage and San Francisco and Chicago may soon follow. The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) ruled that the McDonalds Corporation is a “joint employer” with its franchisees, making the restaurant corporation responsible for “illegally firing, threatening or otherwise penalizing workers for their pro-labor activities,” according to the New York Times, a decision that may make unionizing fast food workers easier.

Not bad for a nascent movement that has so far relied on one day strikes and picket lines to get its message across, but corporate interests are starting to hit back. The deep-pocketed McDonalds Corporation, a longtime opponent of unions,  claims the NLRB ruling goes against “decades of established law” and is expected to appeal the ruling all the way to the Supreme Court, if need be. Meanwhile, several states, including Oklahoma and Rhode Island, have passed measures preventing cities from setting their own minimum wage ordinances.

Recognizing that the battleground is shifting, the largest gathering of fast food workers to date met outside Chicago in late July, and unanimously decided “to conduct a wave of civil disobedience actions.” Sponsored by the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), the driving theme of the meeting was that the Fight for $15 was the latest in a long line of civil rights battles that prioritized economic justice. Representative Keith Ellison, (D-MN), no stranger to civil rights battles as the first Muslim American in Congress, explicitly spelled this out when he said to the crowd, “What you are doing right now is the most important workers’ movement in America today.”

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Samuel Velez

“‘We talked a lot about civil disobedience,’ Samuel Velez, a McDonalds employee from Hartford, said. “What we’re doing; fighting for our rights is really important. It was very good that a whole bunch of workers came together as one and spoke about what we’re going to do next, and that we got feedback about how we’re doing.’”

—-

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Stacey, Reggie, Corey, Jo Ann, Charles, Staria and Kenya

The drive from Providence to Hartford is nearly silent. There are seven fast food workers in the rental van with me and the mood is contemplative. In addition to Charles and Stacey, I’m driving with Jo Ann, Staria, Reggie, Kenya and Corey.

“Everybody’s so quiet,” says Jo Ann, a Wendys worker.

“Maybe people are nervous about being arrested,” I suggest. I also suspect that the group is being less boisterous in the presence of media.

“Maybe,” says Jo Ann, “but most of us just finished a full day of work and we’re just tired.”

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Jo Ann

Jo Ann has the heart of an activist, and she’s a natural leader. She became involved in this effort because at her job, everyone received a ten cents per hour raise, “whether they deserved it or not. Good worker or bad, you got ten cents. It wasn’t fair, and it meant hard work was meaningless.” Then, shortly after the raise, and adding injury to insult, the employees all had their hours cut by a third. Jo Ann went from just over thirty hours a week to just over twenty. The cut in hours obliterated the paltry pay increase.

Unhappy with the treatment she and her fellow fast food workers were receiving Jo Ann went online and started to look up her rights as a fast food employee living in Rhode Island. She quickly learned that the laws in Rhode Island had almost nothing to say about her right to be treated fairly by her employer. At this point she began searching the internet for alternatives. This is how she discovered the nascent Fight for $15 movement and the SEIU. It wasn’t long before Jo Ann was talking about fair treatment and fair pay to her co-workers, and not long after that she found herself walking the picket line.

Early on, Jo Ann could have left her job at Wendys. “I was looking around, and found a job as a manager at a McDonald’s. I was offered the job over the phone, but I turned it down, because even though it meant more pay and more hours, I would have been leaving behind all the friends I had made at my Wendys.”

Staria
Staria

Jo Ann likes her job. She likes meeting people, likes her co-workers and likes serving food to hungry customers, but she isn’t being paid enough to live on, and as tough as the low pay is for her, it can be much worse for her co-workers. Jo Ann stays because she feels a sense of responsibility to her co-workers, and its obvious that her co-workers think a lot of her. “How could anyone not like Jo Ann,” says Staria, a young black woman and co-worker, “she’s like the nicest person ever.”

Charles
Charles

Charles often has to decide between buying medicine or paying his rent. This despite the fact that Charles has a job, albeit one that doesn’t pay him enough to live on. “I’ve been working at Burger King for ten years, and I’m still making minimum,” says Charles. Meanwhile, some of the managers, claims Charles, make $25 an hour plus benefits. Charles is one of the nicest people you could meet. I ask him if he’s nervous about being arrested. He’s not.

“When it happens it happens,” says Charles.

The fast food workers will get some training in nonviolence and civil disobedience before the first action, scheduled for 10:30 at a nearby Burger King. They will learn how to be arrested in a way that will prevent them from getting hurt or incurring charges of resisting arrest as they are (hopefully) booked and released. During their training the workers will be encouraged to express themselves freely, without fear of judgement.

“I’ve been getting arrested every month since 1972,” jokes Steve, who will be training the workers on how to get arrested. When asked about the cops, Steve is reassuring, “These guys here in Hartford are very cool. They have a lot of experience and they don’t mess with us.”

Ben, the SEIU organizer running the action in Hartford, doesn’t want me at the training, because the workers should be free to express their concerns with some measure of privacy.  I’m cool with that, but I also get the impression that he doesn’t trust the press. “We’ve been attacked from the left,” says Ben, confirming my hunch. I don’t argue for access, I’m sure I’ll have plenty to write about.

Appearing at the Comfort Inn breakfast buffet, where the Providence contingent is gathered, Ben enthuses, “Today is going to be fucking awesome!” He has just heard from his people in Rhode Island that a strike notice has been delivered through the drive thru window of the Warwick Wendys to the manager on duty. Upon hearing what that it was a strike notice, the manager reportedly refused to touch the paper. Pretty much the entire lunch crew is in Hartford, leaving Wendys in Warwick with no workers for the afternoon.

The two most important things these workers need for today’s actions are their uniforms, which will instantly mark them as fast food workers, and their identification cards, to make it easier for the police to process them after their arrest.

Getting arrested is the plan. One day strikes have had the impact they’re going to have, and it’s time to take the Fight for $15 to the next level, goes the logic. There’s no reason for the police to be angry or agitated. This should be a simple book and release, but of course the ongoing scandal of Ferguson is all over the news, and good number of the fast food workers involved in these actions are people of color.

“The majority of people in Hartford are black or Puerto Rican,” says Steve, explaining that the cops are wary of coming off like Ferguson. Hartford has its own police brutality controversy currently making its way through the courts in the tasering of teenager Luis Anglero. Police across the country know that the world will be watching them during these civil disobedience actions. There are reportedly 150 cities involved today and it will be covered by all the news channels, so the cops will be on their best behavior.

As if to confirm the attention being focused on today’s actions, the Today Show runs a short piece as the workers make there way to their training.

DSC_0769At 10am about thirty fast food workers and supporters march inside the Burger King next door to the Comfort Inn, chanting and waving signs. The manager on duty says, “if you come in here I’m calling the police,” but she is ignored. The protesters ask the staff of the restaurant to join them in their chants, but none do. Mostly they look nervous as they try to fill customer orders.

DSC_0826A few customers evidence annoyance at the protest, but most seemed pleased by the show. At least one customer joined in with the chants. The protesters quieted only long enough to catch the tail end of a CNN report about today’s planned civil disobedience actions. There was laughter at this. The protesters exited the restaurant chanting, “We’ll be back!” As the vans pulled out of the Burger King parking lot, the police arrived.

DSC_0835Unlike the contemplative ride from Providence the night before, the atmosphere in the van as we traveled from the Burger King near the hotel to the McDonalds in Hartford was electric. The first taste of protest had energized the group and they were ready for more. I found out that Jo Ann had attended the big meeting in Chicago where fast food workers had decided to engage in civil disobedience. Today’s actions are the first since she helped to decide on the direction this cause is going to take in the future. Staria is sorry to have missed the Chicago meet. She enjoys the unity and community this drive for fair wages has provided her..

DSC_0937As we pulled into the parking lot that would serve as the staging area for the march to the McDonalds, everyone noticed that the cops were already out in force. Across the street were about seven cops, huddled together in conversation. More joined them. Local community leaders, labor leaders and labor friendly politicians had announced the fast food workers’ intentions to the police, and the cops were there to direct traffic ahead of the march.

Speeches were given and there were rallying cries for solidarity. The best speeches, as usual, came from the workers themselves.

“I’m fighting for 15 for my son but not only for my son but for everyone else who is scared to come out and fight with us,” said Samuel Velez to the crowd.

Salvador Lopez spoke of being fired for his unionization efforts, and getting his job back with the help of union representatives. Both Samuel and Salvador work at the McDonalds they are planning to protest.

DSC_1044I followed the quarter mile march and was pleased to see the positive reaction from many on the street. Many people joined the march, including a young mother pushing a baby stroller. There were drummers and chants lead by the Reverend A.J. Johnson, who seemed to be giving a crash course in how to energize a crowd. The man was tireless and his energy was infectious.

DSC_1284When we arrived at the McDonalds, the chanting crowd pushed its way into the restaurant, taking over the space for a good amount of time before moving outside, marching around the building and finally stopping at the front of the store, where the thirteen brave volunteers sat down to be arrested in an act of civil disobedience.

The officer in charge listened to the chanting crowd, and then asked the seated protesters to get out of the street. Politely, the protesters refused. The crowd cheered the arrestees on in various call and respond chants. Twice more the officer in charge asked the volunteer arrestees to get out of the street. Twice more they refused.

DSC_1670Calmly, one by one, the thirteen protesters were told that they were under arrest, asked to stand, and taken to the waiting police van. When the van was full the last three of the thirteen were taken away by police cars. The action over, the crowd dispersed.

I went to the staging area a few blocks away where the police were booking and releasing the protesters. Most of them were already free, a few were still receiving their tickets for “disorderly conduct.” It was when I got there that I learned about Stacey, and that he had suffered a seizure in the police van. Kenya had accompanied him to the hospital.

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Stacey

I learned later that Stacey was suffering from dehydration. The entire event had been outside in the hot sun, and in truth none of us had taken the time to eat much of anything since breakfast. Being locked inside the hot and stuffy police van was enough to send Stacey over the edge, but ultimately he was fine and the hospital released him that afternoon.

In the aftermath of the day’s events, the workers and the organizers gathered to review their efforts. On the TV, Fox News reads a statement from the National Restaurant Association, (the other NRA) which declares that the nationwide protests are “a national, multi-million dollar campaign engineered, organized and funded by national labor groups. The activities have proven to be orchestrated union PR events where the vast majority of participants are activists and paid demonstrators.”

DSC_1723There were certainly allies and organizers at the events Hartford, but the majority were clearly fast food workers. I look at Jo Ann, who found this movement on the Internet while working at a tiny fast food joint in Warwick, Rhode Island. She isn’t a paid activist, she’s someone committed to fighting for fair wages and a decent working environment for everyone. To everyone in the room, the NRA statement is obvious baloney.

The workers, those who were arrested and those who cheered them on, enjoyed the air conditioning and the pizza as they listened to reports coming in from bigger actions in Chicago and Detroit. Over 100 protesters were arrested in Detroit. Rumor has it that the police ran out of handcuffs.

This was a big action, and the publicity and the exposure, plus the positive experiences of the participants, has everyone eager to do more. Future actions are being planned, and the contingent from Rhode Island is eager to be involved. They don’t want to just fight for $15, they want to win it.

Kenya
Kenya

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Reverend A.J. Johnson

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Reggie’s ticket for “disorderly conduct”

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Housing could have saved Wayne Strobel’s life


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stroble2Wayne Strobel was a father, a fisherman and a self employed mechanic.

He also struggled with alcoholism, and often lived on the streets. Until one night earlier this year he was hit by a car while crossing Pontiac Avenue in Cranston. He died months later, still in the hospital. He was 52 years old.

“We can do better than allowing the homeless to die on our streets,” said Barbara Kalil, an outreach worker for the Rhode Island Homeless Advocacy Project. She and Strobel both lived at Camp Runamuck, an upstart intentional community of homeless people that formed in Providence in 2009.

RIHAP is having a candlelight vigil for Strobel at 6:30 tonight at Harrington Hall in Cranston. They say Strobel is at least the sixth person in Rhode Island this year to lose their life to homelessness.

“All of us at House of Hope CDC are saddened at the passing of Mr. Strobel,” says Jean Johnson, executive director of House of Hope. “We look forward to a day in Rhode Island when no one has to die homeless. It’s a vision that keeps us going in our work to house the chronically homeless and the comprehensive services we provide at Harrington Hall.”

According to RIHAP’s press release: “Advocates point to last year’s decrease in the amount of Rhode Islanders experiencing homelessness as illustrating the importance of housing. After climbing for five years, the number of homeless Rhode Islanders fell from 4,868 in 2012 to 4,447 in 2013. While some of this drop is attributable to the economic recovery, a significant portion comes from the $750,000 for rental vouchers approved last year by the General Assembly. Those vouchers mean more than 125 of the most vulnerable homeless people are either housed or in the process of being housed.

The vouchers are called for as part of “Opening Doors Rhode Island,” which seeks to house those who find themselves homeless regardless of their situation. The State of Rhode Island has begun implementing “Opening Doors”, but deaths like Strobel’s make it abundantly clear that more needs to be done.

You can see program book for his service here.

It says:

He is survived by five brothers, Eric Strobel, Stephen Strobel, Wade Strobel, Richard Strobel, and Earl Strobel, Jr.; and two sisters, Victoria Vona and Shannon Sacchetti. He was the brother of the late Leslie Strobel.

He leaves behind several aunts and uncles whom he loved very much; along with six nieces, three nephews, six great-nieces, and three great nephews. Wayne will be remembered as a loving family man who enjoyed fishing, spending time with his two boys, and life on the water.

Is Jorge Elorza an atheist?


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jorge elorzaProvidence mayoral candidate Jorge Elorza was a law professor at Roger Williams University when he wrote his 2010 University of Pittsburgh Law Review article “Secularism and the Constitution: Can Government Be Too Secular?” In this legal paper Elorza claims, “science has disconfirmed the claim that the theist God has the power to violate the laws of physics” and that in a public school setting, “teaching that the theist God does not exist would not violate any of the underlying values” of the religious clause of the first amendment. In other words, it might be permissible, says Elorza, for public schools to teach that certain kinds of gods do not exist.

In his paper Elorza demonstrates a good deal of knowledge about the so-called new atheism, quoting extensively from Richard Dawkins’ The God Delusion, but he also mines popular works of science, such as Dawkins’ The Selfish Gene and Brian Greene’s The Elegant Universe. This is all part of an effort to “engage the literature from various scientific disciplines and reveal the extent to which religious claims have been successfully debunked by science.”

Elorza claims that there “are four views of God that cover the entire spectrum: the theist, deist, atheist, and what I call the memist view.” The deist position is that God is a creator who set the universe in motion and currently plays no active role in the universe. This means, says Elorza, that there is no “scientific” difference between being an atheist (one who denies the existence of god) and being a deist. “…the disagreement between deists and atheists is of no consequence,” say Elorza.

A theist god, however, is more problematic. “The theist believes,” says Elorza, “that God is not only the spark that gave birth to the universe but that He has also intervened in the natural world and has violated the laws of physics since the point of creation.” This is the god that Elorza maintains cannot exist, and is disproved by science.

The last kind of god Elorza discusses is “memist.” “Based on the concept of the meme,” says Elorza, “the memist God resides entirely in the minds of its adherents.” For a definition of this kind of god, Elorza turns to The Varieties of Religious Experience by William James, and James’ definition of the divine, “…the feelings, acts, and experiences of individual men in their solitude, so far as they apprehend themselves to stand in relation to whatever they may consider the divine.” The memist god, it seems, is the god in our head, and this is the one kind of god that is unquestionable real, because it is located within our minds, as a concept. “While the existence of both the deist and theist God can be called into question, the memist God most certainly exists!” declares Elorza.

Elorza seems to be arguing for the legal status of methodological naturalism, (a term he does not use in his paper) which is a requirement when engaging with the scientific method. Methodological naturalism is the assumption that miracles will not happen when scientists engage in experimentation, because science is the study natural laws, and miracles are by their supernatural nature violations. Differentiating between a theistic and atheistic world “is possible because a world with a theist God is fundamentally different than a world without one. In particular, a world without a theist God is one where natural phenomena may be understood as a gradual process over time. However, a world with a theist God that violates the laws of physics produces a world with ‘ontological discontinuities.’”

Still, Elorza’s ultimate conclusion is that the elimination of the theist god from secular society and laws does not diminish religious protections. “While the memist God would have all of the powers to prescribe a moral code as would the theist God, religious groups might object to the memist God on the grounds that it does not have a divine source. Since it is contained entirely in the human mind, it may be believed that its stature is comparatively diminished in relation to either the deist or theist God. However, I argue that even though it does not have a divine origin, religious adherents should take solace in the fact that this should not diminish its level of constitutional protection.”

In other words, even though science can show where your belief in god has come from, and even though there is no good reason to believe in your god, your belief is constitutionally protected.

Now this all sounds very much like the kind of paper an atheist might write. But when confronted about this paper by Ted Nesi during a televised debate with Democratic primary challenger Michael Solomon, Elorza backtracked. (.)

Ted Nesi: You wrote in a 2010 law review article that, quote, the evidence shows that it’s overwhelmingly unlikely that the theist God exists. Therefore, you wrote, it’s Constitutional to teach in public schools that, apparently, the God of Christianity and Judaism does not exist. Why do you believe that, and would you seek to implement that in the Providence public schools?

Providence Mayoral Candidate Jorge Elorza: No, absolutely not….This is a 60 sixty page article, and it’s a special definition of what the theist God means. Effectively, I wrote this article because there are a number of quote-unquote angry atheists arguing that since evolution has proved true…God doesn’t exist. And I wrote this article to combat them and say that look, you might be right on this small slice, but everything else that God entails remains intact…I don’t seek to have this be taught in the public schools. This is a hypothetical that I laid out over 60 pages in an academic article.

TN: But you did write it’s unlikely that the theist God exists…Do you believe that yourself, or are you saying this is what those scientists believe?

JE: As narrowly defined, within that article, then yes, I believe that. But that’s a very special definition. There is so much more to what God entails.

Why did Elorza mischaracterize his paper? “I wrote this article because there are a number of quote-unquote angry atheists arguing that since evolution has proved true…God doesn’t exist.” Yet the only kind of God that Elorza allows in his piece is one that exists in human minds, one without any external reality or divinity. Bringing up the “angry atheists” comes off as a dodge, and an insult to atheists. The only people Elorza mentions as being angry in his paper are theistic parents. “…in order to teach, over the objections of angry parents, that the theist God does not exist, the issue must be a well-settled scientific principle.”

The truth is that being an atheist is seen as a career killer for politicians seeking public office. The American Humanist Association’s Maggie Ardiente claims that 24 members of Congress have privately admitted to be atheists. However, if these politicians are outed, they will deny being atheists. Pew has pointed out that atheists are near the bottom (with Muslims) of the popularity poll with voters.

With public attitudes like these, it makes sense that Elorza might want to distance himself from his paper, which is a shame, because the paper really does argue for the kinds of religious and conscience protections the first amendment guarantees.

If Elorza is elected mayor of Providence, he would be the the highest ranking openly atheist elected official in the country.

But of course, he would first have to be open about his atheism.

Pell on when he left GOP: ‘We can get details on time’


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pell jaehnigResponding to an RI Future report that he was a registered Republican until at least 2003, Clay Pell told NBC 10’s Dan Jaehnig that he switched his party affiliation during college but didn’t offer an exact date.

“We can details on time,” Pell told NBC 10’s Dan Jaehnig, who responded: “You don’t know that firsthand.”

Jaehnig stopped Pell, who has disavowed negative campaigning, from turning the focus from his party affiliation to his opponents.

Here’s the NBC 10 segment:

Clay Pell was a registered Republican until 2003


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clay pellClay Pell, Democratic candidate for governor, was a registered Republican in Pima County Arizona until 2009, according to the County recorder’s office. Pell’s campaign manager Devin Driscoll countered that the candidate was a registered Rhode Island Democrat as of 2003.

“Per our conversation, Mr. Pell was registered as a Republican in Pima County from 6/10/1999 until he voluntarily cancelled his registration on 5/18/2009,” Pamela Franklin, the executive assistant in charge of public records requests for the county recorder’s office, emailed to RI Future this afternoon. “I will send the forms to you via US Mail.”

When presented with the information from Pima County, Driscoll said Pell registered as a Democrat in Rhode Island in 2003, when the candidate was still in college. Driscoll did not comment on why Pell changed his party affiliation. “I cannot speak to what was in his mind,” Driscoll said. “I can give you the facts.”

The Taveras campaign declined to comment.

An archived Newport This Week post about a Pell family funeral indicated a teenage Clay Pell was a Republican. It said:

Wimby Hoyt, recalled a conversation last Christmas aboard a family-ladened sailboat in the Caribbean.Discussing Mr. Pell’s son, Clay’s activities with the Republican party, Mr. Pell asked his father, the former Senator (a Democrat), if Clay were to run for office, would he vote for him.The senator and grandfather replied, Blood is thicker than politics.

Earlier in the campaign Pell’s voting record came into question, but never his party affiliation.

Senate President Paiva Weed wins Sierra Club endorsement


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paiva weed ft adamsThe environment has a friend in Senate President Teresa Paiva Weed, who again earned the endorsement of the local Sierra Club chapter this campaign season. The state’s highest ranking senator who represents Newport and Jamestown has won the Sierra Club’s support going back to at least 2006.

“I sought out the Sierra Club’s endorsement because I have great respect for them as an organization,” she told me. “Anyone who crosses the Newport Bridge as often as I do can’t help but take in the beauty of Narragansett Bay and realize how important of an asset it is to our state.”

Paiva Weed has a mixed record on progressive issues – she was a holdout on same sex marriage but has pushed hard to fight poverty. She’s never been wavering on her commitment to environmental causes though, including habitat restoration efforts and growing green jobs. This past year she was an early and ardent supporter of the recently-enacted Resilient RI climate change bill that will help the state prepare for rising sea levels, super storms and other climate change impacts.

Rober Malin, political chair of the Sierra Club said she obviously knows her stuff.

“The endorsement committee was impressed that Teresa Paiva-Weed displayed a depth of knowledge about environmental issues when answering our questions and has been outspoken in her views on the importance of dealing with climate change,” he said. “In the interview it was clear that she is someone who understands that prioritizing this problem is essential to Rhode Island’s economic future.”

Paiva Weed said she thinks coastal communities like the ones she represents have shown a stronger commitment to addressing climate change and a clean environment. “Often it’s more of a priority for those of us from coastal communities than those from urban districts,” she said.

Monday Night: Adia Benton addresses West African ebola crisis


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Adia Benton
Adia Benton

The Humanists of Rhode Island are proud to host medical anthropologist Adia Benton, delivering a presentation, “Addressing the Ebola Crisis in West Africa” in the auditorium of the Knight Memorial Library on 275 Elmwood Av, Providence, RI 02907 at 6pm on Monday, September 8, 2014.

The Ebola outbreak in West Africa has reached crisis proportions, and the world response has so far been inadequate.

“In this talk,” says Adia Benton, “I will provide an overview of the factors that have helped to propel the Ebola crisis in West Africa. I will also address some of the important social, economic, political and cultural consequences of a delayed and inadequate response, as well as the concerted efforts occurring worldwide to control the spread of the disease.”

Adia Benton is an assistant professor of anthropology at Brown University. As a public health specialist, she has worked and lived in various parts of Africa, with long-term experience in Sierra Leone. As an anthropologist, she studies the impact of public health, humanitarian and medical interventions on communities.

This presentation is open to the public and there will be time for questions and answers. Time will also be made for questions from the press.

EbolaBeGone 034

Block and Fung: mutual disrespect


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fung block
Click here for the full debate.

Republican gubernatorial candidates Allan Fung and Ken Block both support Common Core, cutting taxes, shrinking government, federal – not local – immigration reform and a women’s right to an abortion.

And despite admitting they would support the other in the general election during Tuesday night’s WPRI/Providence Journal debate, the thing they seem to agree on the most is the belief that their opponent would be a bad governor of Rhode Island.

Fung called Block a “political opportunist” and “not a real Republican.” He said he “has a difficult time reading municipal budgets” about an accounting error Block admitted to. “How can we trust him” with the state budget, he asked.

Block, on the other hand, said Fung is too familiar with local government. “If you’re happy with Rhode Island the way it is, vote for my opponent, or one of the other Democrats,” he said during his closing remarks.

At different points during the debate, they each paraphrased Ronald Reagan’s famous “there you go again” quip to Jimmy Carter. They each blamed the other for the negative tone of the campaign.

“This campaign has been full of venom, vile and half truths,” Block said. “We didn’t start the negativity. You have to respond at some point, anyone who watches politics knows it.”

Fung responded, “I think the viewers of Rhode Island see where much of the negativity and half truths have been coming from in tonight’s debate.”

They even both agreed they didn’t know yet whether they support Education Commissioner Deborah Gist’s recent decision to delay implementing a high stakes test graduation requirement. (Don’t forget, she was appointed by Republican Gov. Don Carcieri)

One rare instance of policy disagreement came on unemployment insurance.

Block says unemployment insurance in Rhode Island covers more seasonal employees than in other states. “We must fix it,” Block said. “There’s no more Republican ideal than having those who heavily use the system pay their fair share.”

But Fung counters that Block is effectively advocating for raising taxes on seasonal businesses such as those in tourism, agriculture and construction. “That is going to crush the seasonal industry,” he said. “I would not support tax raises to those seasonal industries.”

Both, however, agree that the economic burden is best dealt with at the employee level.

September is the month of Peace


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Peace Man Poster - JohanThe Peace Flag Project coordinates and connects the community to events that celebrate peace during the month of September. Celebrating the Month of Peace is about working to create the Beloved Community and a Culture of Peace in our communities. A peaceful culture is one that we, as citizens, can create by how we live our lives each day.

The goal is peaceful relationships on all levels.

Our focus is on how we live with our families, friends, and community members; what kind of citizens, coworkers and colleagues we are; and, how we educate our children and work for social justice.

It is about being able to live a healthy life with meaningful work, good housing and safe neighborhoods.

It is about affirming our need for artistic expression and appreciation for culture in all its diversity.

It is about how we live on this planet and use its resources.

International Peace Day - September 21, 2010It is about appreciating the connection of all life physically and spiritually.

List of Events this Year

Month Long Events

Winning Poster Virginia GeorgievSpecial Events

More information about all of the RI Month of Peace events: http://thepeaceflagproject.org/peace-month-events-sept-2014/

International Peace Day - September 21, 2010

International Peace Day - September 21, 2010

Photographer David Pinkham w CommPrep Peace Flags - Nepal

Peace2014cardFinal

Peace2014cardFinal2

Elorza can bring back pride in Providence


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elorza soeIn November of 2005, my siblings and I left Ghana, and resettled as Liberian refugees in Providence, Rhode Island. We were embraced by the city with open arms and merry smiles, making us feel pleasantly at home when we desperately needed one. We felt the sense of community when we were received at TF Green Airport by staff from Dorcas International Institute of Rhode Island.

The transition was quite a challenge, but the people of the city stood firmly with us. We were guided through the process, and we were warmly embraced and supported in every step.

Over the years, Providence gradually became part of my life. I became quite involved with whatever was going on in the city – from politics to WaterFire events and more. It became home to me when I was searching for a place to call home. I believed in the city and its open arms to embrace immigrants and all peoples.

However, having lived in the city for nine years, I have learned so much about what holds the city back even with its vast diversity and vibrant immigrant communities. This is because the city leaders have ignored the residents and the ability of these communities to thrive.

The city of Providence finds itself in very difficult circumstances from which it has been struggling to emerge. A majority of the failed and failing schools in Rhode Island are found in Providence; the sense of pride in the city’s residents has dwindled over the nine years I have lived in Providence; and above all, Providence is not providing enough in terms of development and opportunities for its young and talented population.

I have known Jorge Elorza for a while and I have come to understand and believe his vision for the city: One Providence. Jorge attended Providence Public Schools; he lived through the difficulties of struggling communities; he knows the city’s enormous gap of inequality and lack of opportunity for many of the immigrant communities; and above all, Jorge is the epitome of leadership that the city desperately needs to unite and create opportunities for all its communities.

I believe in Providence and its ability for growth. I know Providence will rise again; I believe Providence can transform into an economic hub where all of its residents can participate and be proud of it again. Jorge’s vision for Providence is to do just that. He understands the needs of the city; he has lived through its struggles, and he understands what it takes to rise up from the dust of life’s struggles and despairs.

I stand with Jorge Elorza because I believe in Providence and I want to be proud of it again. No one else has better vision and ideas to transform, unite, and bring back the pride of Providence than Jorge Elorza.

I stand with him and I hope you will too.

Ruling may cost RI more time and money for convictions


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For most Rhode Island residents, plea bargains in criminal court are poorly understood.  “They let him off easy,” some may say.  Others may wonder why judges are not ordering the sentences unilaterally, and wonder why the defendant gets a say in the “bargain” process at all.  The “If it bleeds, it leads” media have fed a culture of convictions, where criminals are “coddled” if getting nothing short of gruel before the lash.  The inner workings of the system reveal that the bargain is generally for the sake of the State, not the defendant.

Providence Superior Court Judge Lanphear recently ruled that the prosecutors and defense attorneys must tell judges of all plea agreements, although the top judge (Presiding Judge Alice Gibney) stated that Lanphear’s ruling does not apply across the entire court system.  What impact does that have on a defendant, the one who is afforded constitutional protections and attorney-client privileges?

Inmate ID 150165 How many past and potential defendants are in Rhode Island?

Not all criminal defendant’s pass through the Adult Correctional Institutions.  Many will be arrested and released from the police station, so it is difficult to put a number on exactly how many people have been defendants in Rhode Island, a state of just one million people.  The ACI has admitted over 150,000 people who were initially held without bail on a criminal charge.  90,000 of those people are over the past thirty years.  But this is not all, because a decade ago the ACI began separately identifying people who were first admitted as probation violators; meaning, they had previously been arrested and convicted without having gone through the ACI.  Now a subsequent issue (it could be a criminal allegation or as little as missing a meeting) has them being incarcerated.  That tally is over 61,000.

ACI number 560421
ACI unique identification numbers, showing both number systems (Screenshot: Aug. 29, 2014).

Where 210,000 people hold unique prison identification numbers, perhaps the plea bargain is not so mysterious after all.  Those people have families as well, so the number expands even further.  Realistically, however, only a few thousand of those people really know how the “deal” works.  The rest, as well as those of you not yet to get an ID number, might only figure it out when it is too late.

Having confidence, and confidentiality, with a lawyer.

Most defendants I’ve known don’t trust their lawyer, even the hired lawyers.  This is not out of the norm with America’s disdain for lawyers, generally, despite continually electing them to political office.  (Caveat: some of my best friends are lawyers.)  I should point out that I’ve known thousands of defendants and served as a consultant on hundreds of cases for free.  They trusted me because I had a reputation for confidentiality and nothing to gain, not a paycheck nor favor with my boss.  Many defendants believe that a lawyer, whether privately retained or public defender, is just going through the motions.  The defendant’s goal is to be in the “good” stack of people, those the lawyer “fights” for rather than those the lawyer “sells out.”  They often believe a plea negotiation is “Listen, I’ll let you get this guy for twenty years but you gotta let these two guys get out on probation.”

Judge Lanphear is playing right into the conspiracy fears of defendants.  He is making the attorneys into employees of the Court, rather than the client.  The judge is adding extra players into the negotiation.  Rather than parties A and B reach an agreement that C ratifies, he would like parties C and D to be privy for the ratification.  Adding parties and expanding the morass to navigate will require more delays, status conferences, pretrial hearings, and time spent at the ACI.  A 2012 legal victory in the U.S. Supreme Court held that defendants need to be told of all plea offers made by the government, ensuring full communication between attorney and client, but this is where the openness ends.  An attorney has no duty, on behalf of a client, to inform judges (including Judge Lanphear) of a guilty plea in other courts.  To hold those attorneys in contempt is to rewrite the code of ethics.

The Power of the Plea Bargain

People often forget that a defendant gives up quite a lot when pleading guilty, and provides significant relief to an overburdened criminal justice system.  Judges and lawyers rarely mention the lifetime of discrimination (including legal restrictions) following a guilty plea, and rarely explain how easy it can be to fall within those 60,000 probation violators returning to the ACI- this time with practically no constitutional protections as the rules of evidence are far more lax and the burden of proof is merely based on a judge’s reasonable satisfaction that a probationer failed to keep the peace.  Many times the only evidence comes from the arresting officer.  It is for this reason we needed to amend the law so that people could not be violated and given prison time for charges that are ultimately dismissed.  Of course the court, who years ago said “change the law,” are not satisfied the law was changed.  Nor is the Attorney General, despite the fact that the predecessor who wrote the law supported the reform. (See: State v. Nelson, pending before the RI Supreme Court).

Defendants may eventually “crash the system,” when too many people refuse too many plea bargains.  In New York City, for example, each of the 600,000 people who were infamously Stopped and Frisked by the NYPD, where no contraband was found, could have filed a harassment and/or civil rights complaint.  The number of plaintiffs and cases were twice the 300,000 cases New York City courts initiated last year.  The sheer volume would be a logistical nightmare, and the court would have begged them to consolidate into one single class action.  That class action, coincidentally, proved victorious for the plaintiffs.

Defendants in Rhode Island have little faith in the system.  Most of those who have done wrong are prepared to admit as much, which is one reason cases rarely go to trial.  Prosecutors are even more overwhelmed than defense attorneys as police departments continue to funnel people into the ACI and the courts.  Rhode Island public defenders have consistently had a policy of presenting several cases “ready for trial,” while the state then requests a continuance.  A good attorney will speak with witnesses, review crime lab reports, and request court funds for expert witnesses.  But rarely is that done on either side.  It can all be avoided by going straight to “The Deal.”

Here is an example of The Deal, from State v. Isom, 62 A.3d 1120, 1123 (R.I. 2013):

“THE COURT: Okay. Thank you. Mr. Isom, did you have plenty of time to discuss this with your lawyer.
“THE DEFENDANT: Yes, ma’am.
“THE COURT: And you understand that you have a right to the, a hearing on these violations?
“THE DEFENDANT: Yes, ma’am.
“THE COURT: And do you wish to give up your right to that hearing today and admit to the violations?
“THE DEFENDANT: Yes, ma’am.
“THE COURT: Okay. Understanding that you’re being sentenced to five years to serve on those violations, retroactive to the date of December 27th of last year?
“THE DEFENDANT: Yes, ma’am.
“THE COURT: Okay. Defendant admits and is declared to be a violator. That sentence just mentioned is imposed.
“THE CLERK: Five years, is that coming off one of the specific cases * * *?
“[THE PROSECUTOR]: That can come off of [the 2000 case], and that would leave a balance of eight years suspended with probation on that case. And the [2007] case may be continued on the same.
“THE CLERK: Thank you
“THE COURT: All set.”

In this case, the Defendant returned to court because he mistakenly (yet reasonably) believed that the new allegations and the probation violation would be all “wrapped up” in one deal.  That is the common practice, to wrap it up prior to the probation violation hearing that few (if any) defendants believe they can win- regardless of their innocence or guilt.  He gave the system what it wanted, efficiency, in exchange for very little.

The longer a defendant is held without bail at the ACI, the more leverage against him or her to take the deal.  The more suspended time looming over their heads, the more pressure to take the deal… or get slammed at the probation violation hearing.  A defendant will often have two different judges: a Superior Court judge to oversee the felony arrest, and a District Court judge overseeing a lesser probation violation they face.  Defendants may find themselves in front of one judge with the opportunity to “wrap it all up” within one deal.  This saves everyone considerable time and money.  Judge Lanphear is proposing to nullify that, creating more work and expending more time for everyone.

Will the System reform or collapse?

Those who read my blog know that I have a bias, but may also respect that I bluntly call it like it is.  I have long felt that the demise of the criminal justice system as we know it will come if it collapses under its own weight.  I do not foresee defendants taking collective action to crash the system, but they do not need to.  The system already collectivizes their actions, as each unique identifying number requires judges, lawyers, bailiffs, clerks, sheriffs, marshals, police officers, and prison guards to process.  Recent years have seen some take a reform approach due to the tax burden, changing attitudes on drug use, and cameras capturing abusive treatment that went disbelieved for far too long.

I wouldn’t read too much into Judge Lanphear’s ruling.  When the rubber hits the road, including if his decision is reviewed by the Rhode Island Supreme Court, the system requires considerable latitude for negotiating the deal.  It is a system that every Rhode Islander, based on the numbers, should be familiar with; someone in your family could be next.

Taveras tours Narragansett


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taveras monihansWith just 8 days left before the primary, Providence Mayor Angel Taveras was at Narragansett Beach enjoying the end of summer and meeting as many voters as he can before people head to the polls next Tuesday.

I met up with Taveras at Monihan’s, where he was enjoying a burger. Then we sat on the sea wall and talked about the campaign for a few minutes – including what he’ll be doing for the last week, the importance of tourism in our state and the mayor’s favorite beach.


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