Why wait for the feds when AG Kilmartin can use the RICO Act against Raimondo’s pension scheme?


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KilamrtinSince the publication of Ted Seidle’s letter to various federal agencies regarding the Raimondo pension policies, the operative question has been when will the feds come knocking on Smith Hill? It is clear that Raimondo is desperate to rebuild her reputation with unions, hence the push for the union-friendly RhodeWorks project. But why wait when Attorney General Kilmartin has the RICO Act at his disposal?

The website NOLO.com, a free resource for legal information, says the following of the federal Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act:

It allows prosecution and civil penalties for racketeering activity performed as part of an ongoing criminal enterprise. Such activity may include illegal gambling, bribery, kidnapping, murder, money laundering, counterfeiting, embezzlement, drug trafficking, slavery, and a host of other unsavory business practices. To convict a defendant under RICO, the government must prove that the defendant engaged in two or more instances of racketeering activity and that the defendant directly invested in, maintained an interest in, or participated in a criminal enterprise affecting interstate or foreign commerce.

(1) racketeering activity means
(A) any act or threat involving murder, kidnapping, gambling, arson, robbery, bribery, extortion, dealing in obscene matter, or dealing in a controlled substance or listed chemical (as defined in section 102 of the Controlled Substances Act), which is chargeable under State law and punishable by imprisonment for more than one year;
(B) any act which is indictable under any of the following provisions of title 18, United States Code: Section 201 (relating to bribery), section 224 (relating to sports bribery), sections 471, 472, and 473 (relating to counterfeiting), section 659 (relating to theft from interstate shipment) if the act indictable under section 659 is felonious, section 664 (relating to embezzlement from pension and welfare funds), sections 891894 (relating to extortionate credit transactions), section 1028 (relating to fraud and related activity in connection with identification documents), section 1029 (relating to fraud and related activity in connection with access devices), section 1084 (relating to the transmission of gambling information), section 1341 (relating to mail fraud), section 1343 (relating to wire fraud), section 1344 (relating to financial institution fraud), section 1425 (relating to the procurement of citizenship or nationalization unlawfully), section 1426 (relating to the reproduction of naturalization or citizenship papers), section 1427 (relating to the sale of naturalization or citizenship papers), sections 14611465 (relating to obscene matter), section 1503 (relating to obstruction of justice), section 1510 (relating to obstruction of criminal investigations), section 1511 (relating to the obstruction of State or local law enforcement), section 1512 (relating to tampering with a witness, victim, or an informant), section 1513 (relating to retaliating against a witness, victim, or an informant), section 1542 (relating to false statement in application and use of passport), section 1543 (relating to forgery or false use of passport), section 1544 (relating to misuse of passport), section 1546 (relating to fraud and misuse of visas, permits, and other documents), sections 15811592 (relating to peonage, slavery, and trafficking in persons).,[1] section 1951 (relating to interference with commerce, robbery, or extortion), section 1952 (relating to racketeering), section 1953 (relating to interstate transportation of wagering paraphernalia), section 1954 (relating to unlawful welfare fund payments), section 1955 (relating to the prohibition of illegal gambling businesses), section 1956 (relating to the laundering of monetary instruments), section 1957 (relating to engaging in monetary transactions in property derived from specified unlawful activity), section 1958 (relating to use of interstate commerce facilities in the commission of murder-for-hire), section 1960 (relating to illegal money transmitters), sections 2251, 2251A, 2252, and 2260 (relating to sexual exploitation of children), sections 2312 and 2313 (relating to interstate transportation of stolen motor vehicles), sections 2314 and 2315 (relating to interstate transportation of stolen property), section 2318 (relating to trafficking in counterfeit labels for phonorecords, computer programs or computer program documentation or packaging and copies of motion pictures or other audiovisual works), section 2319 (relating to criminal infringement of a copyright), section 2319A (relating to unauthorized fixation of and trafficking in sound recordings and music videos of live musical performances), section 2320 (relating to trafficking in goods or services bearing counterfeit marks), section 2321 (relating to trafficking in certain motor vehicles or motor vehicle parts), sections 23412346 (relating to trafficking in contraband cigarettes), sections 242124 (relating to white slave traffic), sections 175178 (relating to biological weapons), sections 229229F (relating to chemical weapons), section 831 (relating to nuclear materials),
(C) any act which is indictable under title 29, United States Code, section 186 (dealing with restrictions on payments and loans to labor organizations) or section 501 (c) (relating to embezzlement from union funds),
(D) any offense involving fraud connected with a case under title 11 (except a case under section 157 of this title), fraud in the sale of securities, or the felonious manufacture, importation, receiving, concealment, buying, selling, or otherwise dealing in a controlled substance or listed chemical (as defined in section 102 of the Controlled Substances Act), punishable under any law of the United States,
(E) any act which is indictable under the Currency and Foreign Transactions Reporting Act,
(F) any act which is indictable under the Immigration and Nationality Act, section 274 (relating to bringing in and harboring certain aliens), section 277 (relating to aiding or assisting certain aliens to enter the United States), or section 278 (relating to importation of alien for immoral purpose) if the act indictable under such section of such Act was committed for the purpose of financial gain, or
(G) any act that is indictable under any provision listed in section 2332b (g)(5)(B) [Emphasis added]

So the question then becomes whether Raimondo and her associates have engaged in this behavior. And there are plenty of reasons to suspect so.

The first document to consult is one commissioned by the American Federation of Teachers, the Roosevelt Institute, the Refund America Project, and the Haas Institute titled All That Glitters is Not Gold: An Analysis of US Public Pension Investments in Hedge Funds. While the document does not specifically study Rhode Island, the lessons are applicable here and it says the following:

Key Findings: Hedge funds were responsible for an estimated $8 billion in lost investment revenue

Our findings suggest that these 11 pension funds’ hedge fund investments failed to deliver any significant benefits to the pension funds studied. Specifically, we found that:

  • Hedge fund net return rates lagged behind the total fund for nearly three-quarters of the total years reviewed, costing the group of pension funds an estimated $8 billion in lost investment revenue.
    Despite lagging performance, hedge fund managers collected an estimated $7.1 billion in fees from the same pension funds over the period reviewed; on average, our estimates suggest that these pension funds paid 57 cents in fees to hedge fund managers for every dollar of net return to the pension fund.
  • Whereas hedge fund managers promise uncorrelated returns and downside protection, all of the 11 pension funds reviewed demonstrated significant correlation between hedge fund and total fund performance.

Recommendations:

Considering the implications of these findings for pension fund trustees, participants and consultants, we recommend that public pension funds currently invested in hedge funds immediately take the following steps:

– Conduct an asset allocation review to examine less costly and more effective diversification approaches. The review should include a complete analysis of past net performance of their hedge fund investments, as well as a comparison with low-fee alternatives.

– Require full and public disclosure from hedge fund managers and consultants, including complete disclosure of historical investment management and incentive (carry or profit-sharing) fees captured by hedge fund managers for the duration of their fund’s investments. Pension funds should also consider developing legislative policies requiring this level of disclosure. [Emphasis in original]

Before moving forward, it is worthwhile to recall here that the Governor has previously invoked a host of proprietary information reasons for not providing full disclosure of matters regarding the pension fund. In this sense, this document not only flies in the face of that logic, it is recommending things under the auspices of full disclosure laws that the Governor has said do not apply in this situation. As such, Attorney General Kilmartin could investigate further on this issue and hold people liable for failing to obey public disclosure laws.

Also notable is that, while the report does not deal specifically with the Rhode Island pension plan, it does discuss shortcomings of Daniel Loeb’s Third Point Capital, one of the firms the Rhode Island pension plan was invested in.

Here are further findings of this paper:

Indeed, our findings suggest that all 11 pension funds included in our analysis would have performed better having never invested in hedge funds in the first place. This has important implications not only for pension fund trustees, who have a fiduciary duty to prudently seek investments that provide the highest long-term returns for the lowest cost to the pension fund, but also for public employees, public employee unions, retirees and taxpayers, all of whom should be concerned about this overall negative impact that hedge funds are exerting on public pension funds. [Emphasis in original]

With that in mind, consider for a moment this information from Ted Seidle’s first audit of the pension, Rhode Island Public Pension Reform: Wall Street’s License to Steal:

[A] significant portion of the Treasurer’s wealth and income relates to shares she owns in two illiquid, opaque venture capital partnerships she formerly managed at Point Judith Capital—one of which she convinced the state to invest in on different, less favorable terms. Unlike the state which paid millions for its shares in one of the Point Judith funds, the Treasurer was granted shares in both of the venture capital funds for free… In a letter to the Rhode Island Ethics Commission requesting an advisory opinion concerning whether she had taken sufficient steps to avoid conflicts of interest relative to her ties to a venture capital fund in which the state had made an investment, the Treasurer represented that in 2007 the State Investment Commission entered into a ten-year contract with Point Judith in which the State agreed to invest $5 million dollars in the Point Judith II fund. She also represented that the State’s investment in the fund was passive, meaning that after signing the contract with Point Judith and making its investment commitment, the State Investment Commission had no say in the fund’s ongoing management or investment decisions.
The Treasurer notably failed to mention in her letter to the Ethics Commission that the state had not merely entered into a ten-year contract with Point Judith. Rather, the state was a limited partner in a fund managed by Point Judith as General Partner and, as a limited partner the state may have broad rights in the fund’s ongoing management, or investment decisions, the exercise of which may conflict with her rights and interests.
Further, as a Point Judith insider, she, or other investors, may have been granted special rights more favorable than those granted to the state, including special withdrawal rights; rights to receive reports from the partnership on a more frequent basis or that include information not provided to other limited partners; rights to receive reduced rates of the incentive allocation and management fee; rights to receive a share of the incentive allocation, management fee or other amounts earned by the general partner or its affiliates. If true, the Treasurer may literally be profiting at the expense of the state…Regardless, the characterization of the investment in the Point Judith II Fund as merely a ten-year contract in a passive investment as to which the state had no say is neither complete nor accurate.
In order to create further separation from her investment in the Point Judith funds, the Treasurer represented that prior to assuming office she placed all her right, title and interest in both funds into a blind trust designated as the Raimondo Blind Trust. While a blind trust may be of value in certain circumstances, where, as here, the sole assets of the trust, i.e. the shares in the two Point Judith funds, are illiquid, i.e. cannot be sold for a decade, no protection is afforded. The purpose of the blind trust is to keep the beneficiary unaware of the specific assets of the trust, so as to avoid a conflict of interest between the beneficiary and the investments.
In this case, the Treasurer knows precisely the assets held in the Blind Trust during her entire term as Treasurer and continues to enjoy cash distributions related to the Point Judith funds—payments exponentially greater than her state salary in the past year— and payments related to shares she was granted for free.
Rather than provide protection against conflicts, here the blind trust serves to enable the conflict of interest involving ERSRI to persist throughout her term.
Most important, in connection with granting the Advisory Opinion, the Treasurer did not indicate, and Ethics Commission did not consider, that the Treasurer would subsequently refuse to disclose to the public information regarding ERSRI’s investment in Point Judith II.
Ironically, the Blind Trust scheme she proposed to the Ethics Commission coupled with her nondisclosure policy regarding the Point Judith II fund, has resulted in only the public being “blind” as to the Point Judith II fund.
In short, in our opinion, this arrangement constitutes a misuse of the blind trust device. [Emphasis added]

This presents a host of not just interest conflicts but potential illegal market manipulation committed in totality on the state level. If Raimondo manipulated the public in portraying the investments of the pension in a fashion to personally benefit her, that would constitute a serious malfeasance for investigation by the Attorney General. Furthermore, as this matter has involved court proceedings in a variety of cases, there could be potential perjury charges brought.

We will continue to explore these documents and bring highlights in further reporting.

EDITORIAL NOTE: Following this report, it was indicated by readers that the aforementioned RICO Act is the federal as opposed the Rhode Island definition of the law. It is worth noting that, due to the interstate and international nature of the pension fund investments, the federal definition is still applicable and relevant. That law, Rhode Island General Laws Title 7 Chapter 15, says the following:

§ 7-15-1  Definitions. – (a) “Enterprise” includes any sole proprietorship, partnership, corporation, association, or other legal entity, and any union or group of individuals associated for a particular purpose although not a legal entity.

(b) “Person” includes any individual or entity capable of holding a legal or beneficial interest in property.

(c) “Racketeering activity” means any act or threat involving murder, kidnapping, gambling, arson in the first, second, or third degree, robbery, bribery, extortion, larceny or prostitution, or any dealing in narcotic or dangerous drugs which is chargeable as a crime under state law and punishable by imprisonment for more than one year, or child exploitations for commercial or immoral purposes in violation of § 11-9-1(b) or (c) or § 11-9-1.1.

(d) “Unlawful debt” means a debt incurred or contracted in an illegal gambling activity or business or which is unenforceable under state law in whole or in part as to principal or interest because of the law relating to usury.

§ 7-15-2  Prohibited activities. – (a) It is unlawful for any person who has knowingly received any income derived directly or indirectly from a racketeering activity or through collection of an unlawful debt, to directly or indirectly use or invest any part of that income, or the proceeds of that income in the acquisition of an interest in, or the establishment or operation of any enterprise.

(b) It is unlawful for any person through a racketeering activity or through collection of an unlawful debt to directly or indirectly acquire or maintain any interest in or control of any enterprise.

(c) It is unlawful for any person employed by or associated with any enterprise to conduct or participate in the conduct of the affairs of the enterprise through racketeering activity or collection of an unlawful debt.

(d) Provided, that a purchase of securities on the open market for purposes of investment and without the intention of controlling or participating in the control of the issuer, or of assisting another to do so, is not unlawful under this section if the securities of the issuer held by the purchaser, the members of his immediate family, and his or her or their accomplices in a racketeering activity or the collection of an unlawful debt after the purchase do not amount in the aggregate to one percent (1%) of the outstanding securities of any one class, and do not, either in law or in fact, confer the power to elect one or more directors of the issuer.

§ 7-15-7  Investigative demands. – (a) Issuance. Whenever the attorney general has reasonable cause to believe that any person or enterprise has knowledge or is in possession, custody, or control of any documentary material pertinent to an investigation of a possible violation of this chapter, he or she may, prior to and/or following the institution of a civil or criminal proceeding on the violation, issue in writing and cause to be served upon the person or enterprise a civil investigatory demand by which he or she may:

(1) Compel the attendance of the person and require him or her to submit to examination and give testimony under oath; and/or

(2) Require the production of documentary material pertinent to the investigation for inspection and/or copying; and/or

(3) Require answers under oath to written interrogatories.

(b) Power to issue. The power to issue investigative demands does not abate or terminate by reason of the bringing of any action or proceeding under this chapter. The attorney general may issue successive investigatory demands to the same person in order to obtain additional information pertinent to an ongoing investigation.

(c) Confidentiality. In the event the attorney general initiates a civil investigatory demand prior to a criminal indictment for violation of this chapter, then the commencement, contents, and results of the civil investigatory demand is held in the strictest confidence by the attorney general and shall remain so until the time that a civil action is commenced, indictment for violation of this chapter returned, or removal of the confidentiality is ordered by a justice of the superior court.

(d) Contents of investigative demand. Each investigatory demand shall:

(1) State the nature of the conduct constituting the alleged racketeering violation of this chapter which is under investigation and the provisions of law applicable to the conduct;

(2) Prescribe a reasonable return date no less than twenty (20) days from the date of the investigative demand, provided that an earlier date may be prescribed under compelling circumstances;

(3) Specify the time and place at which the person is to appear and give testimony, produce documentary material, and furnish answers to interrogatories, or do any or a combination of the above;

(4) Identify the custodian to whom any documentary material is to be made available;

(5) Describe by class any documentary material to be produced with such definiteness and certainty as to permit the material to be fairly identified;

(6) Contain any interrogatories to which written answers under oath are required; and

(7) Advise in writing the person upon whom the demand is served that the material or statements may constitute a basis for prosecution against the person.

(e) Prohibition against unreasonable demand. No investigatory demand shall:

(1) Contain any requirement which would be unreasonable or improper if contained in a subpoena or a subpoena duces tecum issued by a court of this state; or

(2) Require the disclosure of any material which would be privileged from disclosure if demanded by a subpoena or a subpoena duces tecum issued by a court of this state.

(f) Service of investigative demand.

(1) An investigative demand may be served by:

(i) Delivering an executed copy to the person to be served, or if the person is not a natural person, to any partner, executive officer, managing agent, general agent, or to any agent of the person authorized by appointment or by law to receive service of process on behalf of the person;

(ii) Delivering an executed copy to the principal office or place of business of the person to be served; or

(iii) Mailing by certified mail, return receipt requested, an executed copy addressed to the person to be served, or if the person is not a natural person, addressed to its principal office or place of business in this state, or if it has none in this state, to its principal office or place of business.

(2) A verified return by the individual serving any demand or petition setting forth the manner of service is prima facie proof of service. In the case of service by certified mail, the return shall be accompanied by the return post office receipt of delivery of the demand.

(g) Authorization to examine. The examination of all persons pursuant to this section shall be conducted by the attorney general or a representative designated in writing by him or her, before an officer authorized to administer oaths in this state. The statements made shall be taken down stenographically or by a sound recording device and shall be transcribed.

(h) Rights of persons served with investigative demands. Any person required to attend and give testimony or to submit documentary material pursuant to this section is entitled to retain, or, on payment of lawfully prescribed cost, to procure, a copy of any document he or she produces and of his or her own statements as transcribed. Any person compelled to appear under a demand for oral testimony pursuant to this section may be accompanied, represented, and advised by counsel. Counsel may advise the person in confidence, either upon the request of the person or upon counsel’s own initiative, with respect to any question asked of the person. The person or counsel may object on the record to any question, in whole or in part, and shall briefly state for the record the reason for the objection. An objection may properly be made, received, and entered upon the record when it is claimed that the person is entitled to refuse to answer the question on grounds of any constitutional or other legal right or privilege, including the privilege against self incrimination. The person shall not otherwise object to or refuse to answer any question, and shall not by him or herself or through counsel interrupt the oral examination. If the person refuses to answer any question, the attorney general may petition the superior court for an order compelling the person to answer the question. The information and materials supplied to the attorney general pursuant to an investigative demand are not permitted to become public or be disclosed by the attorney general or his or her employees beyond the extent necessary for legitimate law enforcement purposes pursuant to this chapter.

(i) Witness expenses. All persons served with an investigative demand, other than those persons whose conduct or practices are being investigated or any officer, director, or person in the employment of the person under investigation, are paid the same fees and mileage as paid witnesses in the courts of this state. No person is excused from attending the inquiry pursuant to the mandate of an investigative demand or from giving testimony, or from producing documentary material or from being required to answer questions on the ground of failure to tender or pay a witness fee or mileage, unless demand for the witness fee or mileage is made at the time testimony is about to be taken and unless payment of the witness fee or mileage is not made.

(j) Custody of documents. (1) The attorney general shall designate, from within the department of attorney general, an investigator to serve as racketeer document custodian and any racketeering investigators that he or she determines are necessary to serve as deputies to that officer.

(2) Any person on whom any demand issued under this section has been served shall make the material available for inspection and copying or reproduction to the custodian designated in the demand at the principal place of business of the person, or at any other place that the custodian and the person subsequently agree and prescribe in writing or as the court may direct, pursuant to this section on the return date specified in the demand, or on any later date that the custodian may prescribe in writing. The person may, upon written agreement between the person and the custodian, substitute copies of all or any part of the material for originals of the materials.

(3) The custodian to whom any documentary material is delivered shall take physical possession of it, and is responsible for its use and for its return pursuant to this chapter. The custodian may cause the preparation of any copies of the documentary material that are required for official use under regulations which are promulgated by the attorney general. While in the possession of the custodian, no material produced shall be available for examination, without the consent of the person who produced the material, other than for legitimate law enforcement purposes pursuant to this chapter. Under any reasonable terms and conditions that the attorney general prescribes, documentary material while in the possession of the custodian shall be available for examination by the person who produced the material or any authorized representatives of the person.

(4) Whenever any attorney has been designated to appear on behalf of the state before any court or grand jury in any case or proceeding involving any alleged violation of this chapter, the custodian may deliver to the attorney any documentary material in the possession of the custodian that the attorney determines to be required for use in the presentation of the case or proceeding on behalf of the state. Upon the conclusion of any case or proceeding, the attorney shall return to the custodian any documentary material withdrawn which has not passed into the control of the court or grand jury through its introduction into the record of the case or proceeding.

(5) Upon the completion of the investigation for which any documentary material was produced under this chapter, and any case or proceeding arising from the investigation, the custodian shall return to the person who produced the material all the material, other than copies of it made by the custodian pursuant to this section, which has not passed into the control of any court or grand jury through its introduction into the record of the case or proceeding.

(6)(i) When any documentary material has been produced by any person under this chapter, and no case or proceeding arising from it has been instituted within a reasonable time after completion of the examination and analysis of all evidence assembled in the course of the investigation, the person is entitled, upon written demand made upon the custodian, to the return of all documentary material. Provided, that no documentary material shall be tendered, delivered, or made available to any other state, federal, or municipal agency.

(ii) Anyone who knowingly and willfully violates the provision of this subdivision shall, in addition to any civil liability, be punished by a fine of not more than five hundred dollars ($500) and/or imprisonment for no longer than one year.

(7) In the event of the death, disability, or separation from service of the custodian of any documentary material produced under any demand issued under this chapter or the official relief of the custodian from responsibility for the custody and control of the material, the attorney general shall promptly designate another racketeering investigator to serve as custodian of the documentary material, and transmit notice in writing to the person who produced the material as to the identity and address of the designated successor. Any designated successor has all duties and responsibilities as to the materials imposed by this chapter on his or her predecessor in office as to them, except that he or she is not responsible for any default or dereliction which occurred before his or her designation as custodian.

(k) Enforcement of investigative demands for production. Whenever any person fails to comply with any civil investigative demand served upon him or her under this chapter requiring the production of documentary material, or whenever satisfactory copying or reproduction of that material cannot be done, and the person refuses to surrender the material, the attorney general may file in the superior court and serve upon the person a petition for an order of the court for the enforcement of the demand.

(l) Refusal of persons served to testify or produce documents. Whenever any natural person neglects or refuses to attend and give testimony or to answer any lawful inquiry or to produce documentary material if in his or her power to do so in obedience to an investigative demand served upon him or her under this chapter, he or she may be adjudged in civil contempt by the superior court until any time that he or she purges him or herself of contempt by testifying, producing documentary material or presenting written answers as ordered. Any natural person who commits perjury or false swearing in response to an investigative demand pursuant to this section is punishable pursuant to the provisions of chapter 33 of title 11.

(m) Motion to quash. Within twenty (20) days after the service of an investigatory demand upon any person, or at any time before the return date specified in the demand, whichever period is shorter, the person served may file in the superior court and serve upon the custodian a petition for an order of the court modifying or setting aside the demand. The time allowed for compliance with the demand in whole or in part as deemed proper and ordered by the court shall not run during the pendency of the petition in the court. The petition shall specify each ground upon which the petitioner relies in seeking relief, and may be based on any failure of the demand to comply with the provisions of this chapter or on any constitutional or other legal right or privilege of the person.

(n) Right of persons producing documents. At any time during which any custodian is in custody or control of any documentary material delivered by any person in compliance with an investigatory demand, the person may file in the superior court and serve upon the custodian a petition for an order of the court requiring the performance by the custodian of any duty imposed upon him or her by this chapter.

(o) Duty to testify. (1) If, in any investigation brought by the attorney general pursuant to this section, any individual refuses to attend or to give testimony or to produce documentary material or to answer a written interrogatory in obedience to an investigative demand or under order of court on the ground that the testimony or material required of him or her may tend to incriminate him, that person may be ordered to attend and to give testimony or to produce documentary material or to answer the written interrogatory, or to do an applicable combination of these. The above order is an order of court given after a hearing in which the attorney general has established a need for the grant of immunity, as subsequently provided.

(2) The attorney general may petition the presiding justice of the superior court for an order as described in subdivision (1) of this subsection. The petition shall set forth the nature of the investigation and the need for the immunization of the witness.

(3) Compelled testimony shall not be used against the witness as evidence in any criminal proceedings against him or her in any court. However, the grant of immunity does not immunize the witness from civil liability arising from the transactions about which testimony is given, and he or she may nevertheless be prosecuted or subjected to penalty or forfeiture for any perjury, false swearing, or contempt committed in answering or in failing to answer or in producing evidence or failing to do so in accordance with the order. If a person refuses to testify after being granted immunity from prosecution and after being ordered to testify, he or she may be adjudged in civil contempt by the superior court until any time that he or she purges him or herself of contempt by testifying, producing documentary material or presenting written answers as ordered. The above does not prevent the attorney general from instituting other appropriate contempt proceedings against any person who violates any of the above provisions.

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Increasing minimum wage reduces public assistance costs


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2015-11-10 Fight for $15 011As corporations achieve extraordinarily high profit levels and executive pay reaches new heights, wages in certain sectors are so low that even those who work full time must rely on government assistance to make ends meet. A new report from EPI economic analyst David Cooper finds that raising wages for low-wage workers will significantly reduce government spending on public assistance, making billions of dollars a year available for improvements to other anti-poverty programs.

“When employers pay wages so low that working people have to turn to public assistance to make ends meet, they’re effectively receiving a subsidy from taxpayers,” said Cooper. “Policies that raise wages would free up resources that could then be used to strengthen anti-poverty programs or make investments in any number of other policy priorities. The simplest way we can do this is by raising the federal minimum wage.”

The majority (66.6 percent) of individuals and families who receive public assistance work or are in a family in which at least one adult works. This number grows to 71.6 percent when focusing on recipients under the age of 65. More than two-thirds (69.2 percent) of all public assistance benefits that go to non-elderly families go to families in which at least one adult works.

If the bottom 30 percent of wage earners received a $1.17 per hour pay raise, more than 1 million working people would no longer need to rely on public assistance. For every $1 that wages rise among these low-wage workers, spending on government assistance programs falls by roughly $5.2 billion. Because this estimate is conservative and does not include the value of Medicaid benefits, it has the potential to be even higher.

Other findings from the paper include:

  • Raising the minimum wage to $12 by 2020 would reduce public assistance spending by $17 billion. These savings could be used to make improvements other anti-poverty programs, such the President Barack Obama’s proposal to expand the national school lunch program to provide food for children during the summer months.
  • Workers in the arts, entertainment, recreation, accommodation, food services, and retail trade industries are disproportionately represented among public assistance recipients.
  • Roughly 60 percent of all workers making less than $7.42 per hour receive some form of government-provided assistance, either directly or through a family member.
  • More than half (52.6 percent) of workers paid between $7.42 and $9.91 per hour receive public assistance, either directly or through a family member.
  • Nearly half (46.9 percent) of all working recipients of public assistance work full time.

[From a press release]

RI political leaders ignore evidence, pursue failed economic policies


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2-3-16sfp-f1A new report calls into question many of the job growth strategies being pursued and implemented by our state leaders. “To create jobs and build strong economies,” say economists Michael Mazerov and Michael Leachman in their new report, “states should focus on producing more home-grown entrepreneurs and on helping startups and young, fast-growing firms already located in the state to survive and to grow ― not on cutting taxes and trying to lure businesses from other states.”

The report, State Job Creation Strategies Often Off Base takes advantage of new data accumulated over the last fifteen years “about which kinds of firms create jobs” and the data shows that the “vast majority of jobs are created by businesses that start up or are already present in a state — not by the relocation or branching into a state by out-of-state firms.”

The immediate takeaway from this report for Rhode Islanders is that Governor Gina Raimondo’s planned (yet not realized) trip to Davos and the time she spent trying to persuade General Electric (GE) to move to Rhode Island rather than to Massachusetts are wastes of time and money. Raimondo’s offer to GE was in the “same neighborhood” as Massachusett’s $140 million in state and city incentives and grants.  Given the conclusions in this report, Rhode Island dodged a bullet when GE turned Raimondo’s offer down.

I asked the authors of the piece directly about the governor’s plan to travel to the World Economic Summit in Davos and they told me, “That is not where state economic development comes from and that’s really not where policy makers should focus. They should focus on homegrown businesses and try to stimulate startups and helping their businesses that are already in the state to find customers and find the skilled workers they need. Business recruitment accounts for such a tiny share of job creation and that’s really a major point of this paper. It is not where the priority should be placed.”

In other words, we are, as a state, pursuing failed economic and job creation strategies, and we will continue to fail unless we take this new data seriously.

On average, 87 percent of new jobs are created by businesses already in the state. In the chart below, you can see that Rhode Island is no outlier in this department. The remaining 13 percent of jobs come from out of state businesses branching into the state (think of a restaurant chain in Boston adding a store in Providence) or a business actually relocating into the state, as GE recently did when they moved to Massachusetts.

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What kind of businesses stimulate job creation? The report stresses that “startups and young, fast-growing firms are the fundamental drivers of job creation when the U.S. economy is performing well.”

The report quotes economist John Haltiwanger and his colleagues as saying, “Overall, the evidence shows that most start-ups fail, and most that do survive do not grow. But among the surviving start-ups are high-growth firms that contribute disproportionately to job growth. These high-growth young firms yield the long-lasting contribution of start-ups to net job creation.”

The firms that take off are called “gazelles.” Think Google, Amazon, Tesla or Under Armour, or, in Rhode Island, think NuLabel. These kind of firms accounted for about 15 percent of all businesses, but were responsible for half of gross job creation from 1992-2011.

Failed Policies

In trying to create a “business friendly climate” that will lure small businesses to the state, our leaders, like leaders in many other states, have pursued strategies that are “bound to fail because they ignore the fundamental realities about job creation revealed by the new data and research discussed above.” A favorite failed strategy is tax cuts for “small businesses.”

These tax cuts are not properly aimed at young businesses, they are aimed at small businesses.  Most small businesses don’t have employees or plan to add employees. And targeting tax cuts to young businesses has little effect because most young businesses spend so much money on new equipment, product testing and marketing that they have little in the way of taxable income in the first place.

Tax cuts don’t help a state’s business climate, but they do hurt a government’s ability to do the important work of funding education and maintaining a top notch infrastructure. The report cites an Endeavor Insight study that showed that only 5 percent of entrepreneurs cited low tax rates as a factor in deciding where to locate their company, whereas 31 percent cited access to talent (education) and a city’s quality of life as a factor.

Offering tax breaks and non-tax incentives to lure out-of-state companies to our state is also a losing game. In Rhode Island we are addicted to TSAs, Tax Stabilization Agreements, which allow companies and developers to avoid paying their fair share of taxes and shifts the businesses’ tax burden onto the rest of the city or state taxpayers. As the report clearly shows, “jobs gained due to firm relocation are such trivial factors in a state’s overall job creation record that they should not be a consideration in formulating state tax policy or economic development policy more broadly.”

A look at statements made at the recent Greater Providence Chamber of Commerce luncheon reveals that our elected leaders haven’t gotten this message yet.

Here’s Senate President Teresa Paiva-Weed talking about the importance of tax cuts:

Here’s Senate Majority Leader Dominick Ruggerio talking about tax stabilization agreements to spur development:

Here’s Senate Minority Leader Dennis Algiers on “broad-based” tax cuts, which we’ve seen are not only not effective, they are counter-productive:

Here’s Speaker of the House Nicholas Mattiello talking about how “incentives” (i.e. tax breaks) “attract new people to our state.”

Continuing to pursue strategies that have been shown to hinder rather than help in job creation would be foolish in light of the data in this new report. Instead, “policy needs to focus on encouraging entrepreneurship generally, helping new businesses to survive, and enabling businesses with the potential to become high-growth firms to fulfill that potential.”

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An economic history of our social downfall with Tony Judt


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judt2The late Tony Judt was a historian of undeniable talent, even if I personally find his political positions slightly problematic. His book Postwar, a history of Europe after the Second World War, is considered one of the finest volumes of the past decade.

As he was dying of ALS, colloquially known as Lou Gehrig’s Disease, he composed , a pleading for sanity in insane times called What is Living and What is Dead in Social Democracy?, which was later expanded into a book called Ill Fares the Land. In it, he makes a concise and mature estimation of the history of the Keynesian welfare state, how the rise of neoclassical economics under the auspices of neoconservative or neoliberal governments has perverted our notions of civic morality, and what can be done to resuscitate a society based around these ideas. Even if one disagrees with his embrace of anti-radical social democratic politics, it is a vital primer on the meaning of our social decay and how we got here.

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PVD City Council Finance rejects first of four proposed tax giveaways


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2016-01-07 Corporate Welfare 022The Providence City Council Finance Committee unanimously rejected the proposed extension of the tax stabilization agreement (TSA) for the property at 100 Fountain St last night.  The meeting, rescheduled after the unexpected death of former Mayor Vincent “Buddy” Cianci last week was on the same night and time as Governor Gina Raimondo’s State of the State address, so I had to access the recording of the meeting here.

During the brief discussion, Councillor Carmen Castillo noted that granting this TSA at a time when the City is facing an economic shortfall and planning to raise taxes on homeowners seems wrong.

Councillor Kevin Jackson proposed rejecting the TSA, pointing out that the agreement was granted to improve the condition of inactive buildings and not intended to be a lifetime grant.

Finance Chair John J. Igliozzi condemned the extension, saying, “The contract has been fulfilled. It’s become a high income subsidy.”

City Council President Luis Aponte, who is not on the Finance Committee, addressed the room, and said, “It’s the right signal that the [Finance] Committee is sending to the public and to the [City] Council.”

“Most tax treaties that have been approved in Providence have been beneficial to local development and have improved both new businesses and encouraged new housing,” said City Councillor Terrence M. Hassett in a statement, “However, the agreements have a shelf life and eventually expire. Extending them for a longer period, places other taxpayers in the position of paying more and that is coming to an end.”

The proposed TSA would have allowed the property owners to pay only 25 percent of their assessed taxes in the first year, with a 15 percent increase each year thereafter until year five, when the owners would have paid 95 percent of their assessed taxes. The owners stood to save hundreds of thousands of dollars, but as the STEP Coalition (Stop Tax Evasion in Providence) has pointed out, “[t]he construction jobs are long gone and these buildings have been occupied for quite some time.”

Mayor Jorge Elorza supported these tax deals, despite his earlier campaign promises to not give out TSAs “unless Providence could profit from the deal in some way.”

Sam Bell, a member of the STEP coalition who is also the executive director of the Rhode Island Progressive Democrats of America, said, “This was a huge win for Providence taxpayers!  It shows that, when we work hard, we can defeat the most powerful corporate interests in the City of Providence.”

The Finance Committee still has to decide on three other, similar TSAs in the near future.

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Another World Is Possible: Introductory Definitions


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This year Rhode Island’s Future is going to host a fortnightly column called Another World Is Possible. Using the popular socialist slogan as our guide, we are going to create twelve articles that deliver an in-depth description of what a socialist world would look like. There are plenty of writings on the internet that explain all sorts of theoretical positions on any variety of socialism, but we want to go to the next level and suggest the laws and social practices that can and should be enacted to bring the Ocean State to that point within our lifetimes.

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Before we begin any exposition of how to create a better society, it is necessary to properly define what we are actually talking about. Terms like proletariat and means of production are often tossed around like hand grenades by paper revolutionaries who do not grasp that their audience might not know what we are talking about. In this sense, we should help clear this up by creating a working glossary. Definitions used herein, unless otherwise noted, are taken from the Marxist Internet Archive and given some additions by the author.

  • Labor
    The basic building block of any Leftist discourse is the recognition that man’s labor is the basis of his existence. Unless one works, one dies. Whether you sweep a floor or trade commodities in the New York Stock Exchange, you must be laboring to make it in this world.
    (From a Marxist glossary by Darryl Mitchell) Labor is a purposeful activity that transforms and adapts natural objects so as to satisfy human requirements. Labor is a spontaneous and natural necessity, an indispensable condition of human existence. Without labor human life itself could not develop qualitatively.
  • Commodity
    A commodity is something that is produced for the purpose of exchanging for something else, and as such, is the material form given to a fundamental social relation — the exchange of labor.
    (From Mitchell) A commodity is a product of labor created to be sold (exchanged) rather than consumed by the producer. A commodity is, in the first place, a product of human labor that satisfies a human want; in the second place, it can be exchanged for another commodity, based on the socially necessary labor in it. All commodities are products of labor, but not all products of labor are necessarily commodities. A product becomes a commodity and acquires a commodity form, when produced for exchange, rather than consumed by the producer.
  • Value
    A commodity is, in the first place, a thing that satisfies a human want; in the second place, it is a thing that can be exchanged for another thing. The utility of a thing makes is a use-value. Exchange-value (or, simply, value), is first of all the ratio, the proportion, in which a certain number of use-values of one kind can be exchanged for a certain number of use-values of another kind.
  • Labor Theory of Value
    The proposition that the value of a commodity is equal the quantity of socially necessary labor-time required for its production. This theory was best defined by Adam Smith and David Ricardo. However, Marx expanded upon it in one radically unique way.
    (From an interview with economist Richard Wolff) When you sit there with the employer and he/she says, “Ok, I’m going to pay you 20 bucks an hour”, you know what Marx is here theorizing, even if it’s not conscious. You know that the only reason the employer is going to give you $20 for every hour you work is if that hour produces more than $20 worth of stuff for him/her to sell. Because if it didn’t, there’d be nothing in it for the capitalist. There’s got to be more than the capitalist gets from you, the worker, than he/she gives you because there’s no other rationale in Marx’s view to account for why this is done. The inference Marx then draws is stark.
    Workers are exploited! Why? Because they produce more by their labor than they get. In production workers add more value to the tools, equipment, and raw materials they use up than they are paid for doing so. Therefore, a worker who says to himself/herself, “I will never work for an employer who doesn’t pay me what I’m worth”, is a person who doesn’t understand capitalism. You will NEVER get paid what your worth, because that is the foundation of this system. The capitalist, because he/she has the money to put you to work in the first place only does it if he/she gets more from you than he/she lays out for the process. Which is why if you follow Marx, you have the mass of workers paid more or less what they need to get by, while the growth built into this system accrues to the employer. Or to say the same thing in simple English, the rich get richer and everybody else doesn’t.
    This understanding of the exchange of labor for money, that the laborer is inherently being under-paid for their work, is the basis of the argument for a new social order that ends this theft, called exploitation.
  • Money
    Money is the commodity whose sole use is for storing value and acting as a means of payment. That is to say, money is a commodity, but one which has been singled out to play a special role in relation to all other commodities, as the measure of their values.
  • Capital
    Capital is in the first place an accumulation of money and cannot make its appearance in history until the circulation of commodities has given rise to the money relation.
    Secondly, the distinction between money which is capital, and money which is money only, arises from the difference in their form of circulation. Money which is acquired in order to buy something is just money, facilitating the exchange of commodities. [Marx represent this as C – M – C or Commodity – Money – Commodity.] On the other hand, capital is money which is used to buy something only in order to sell it again. [Marx represented this as M – C – M.] This means that capital exists only within the process of buying and selling, as money advanced only in order to get it back again.
    Thirdly, money is only capital if it buys a good whose consumption brings about an increase in the value of the commodity, realized in selling it for a Profit [or M – C – M’].
  • Capitalist
    An owner of the means of production. One does not choose to be a Capitalist as one chooses to be a fan of a certain baseball team; to be a capitalist is to be ontologically and and demonstrably different in the way one lives from a worker. A capitalist does not work because they are so rich they do not need to, they own major industries and control the world. They also are quite aware of the contradictions of the system and that workers understand their exploitation. As such, the capitalist class uses the media to engage in a deceptive propaganda campaign to convince workers that they will one day be able to make enough money to become capitalists themselves if they work hard enough. This is simply a lie and the capitalist knows this very well, but it does help keep the workers in line.
  • Capitalism
    The social order we currently live under wherein the capitalist class exploits the majority of humanity for their own selfish ends. Social relations are based on commodities for exchange, in particular private ownership of the means of production and on the exploitation of wage labor.
    Wage labor is the labor process in capitalist society: the owners of the means of production (the bourgeoisie) buy the labor power of those who do not own the means of production (the proletariat), and use it to increase the value of their property (capital). In pre-capitalist societies, the labor of the producers was rendered to the ruling class by traditional obligations or sheer force, rather than as a “free” act of purchase and sale as in capitalist society.
    Value is increased through the appropriation of surplus value from wage labor. In societies which produce beyond the necessary level of subsistence, there is a social surplus, i.e. people produce more than they need for immediate reproduction. In capitalism, surplus value is appropriated by the capitalist class by extending the working day beyond necessary labor time. That extra labor is used by the capitalist for profit; used in whatever ways they choose.
    The main classes under capitalism are the proletariat (the sellers of labor power) and the bourgeoisie (the buyers of labor power). The value of every product is divided between wages and profit, and there is an irreconcilable class struggle over the division of this product.
    Capitalism is one of a series of socio-economics systems, each of which are characterized by quite different class relations: tribal society, also referred to as “primitive communism” and feudalism. It is the breakdown of all traditional relationships, and the subordination of relations to the “cash nexus” which characterizes capitalism.
  • Means of Production
    The tools (instruments) and the raw material (subject) you use to create something are the means of production.
    (From Mitchell) The nonhuman resources required for production, including land, raw materials, tools, machinery, energy sources, and technology in production.
    In our current-day society, this includes things like railways, roads, waterways, media venues, and air travel lanes used for the transport of goods, as well as the area within cyber space that is used to communicate and sell good via the internet. The so-called Internet 2.0, based around social networking websites like Twitter and FaceBook, is the first instance of an effort to privatize the internet, which up to a certain point in the recent past was essentially in the public domain.
  • Imperialism
    The highest form of capitalism. The epoch of imperialism opens when the expansion of colonialism has covered the globe and no new colonies can be acquired by the great powers except by taking them from each other, and the concentration of capital has grown to a point where finance capital becomes dominant over industrial capital.
    (From David McClellan’s Marxism After Marx) According to Lenin, the phenomenon of imperialism was tied to a change in the nature of capitalism: the growth of monopoly capitalism. This form of capitalism superseded competitive capitalism at the beginning of the twentieth century when the advanced economies came to be dominated by finance controlled by banks which were themselves concentrated in cartels or trusts. The former type of capitalism was typified by the export of goods: monopoly capitalism exported capital. The surplus capital could not be used at home (for this would mean a decline in profits for the capitalists) but ‘for the purpose of increasing profits by exporting capital abroad to the backward countries. In these backward countries profits are usually high, for capital is scarce, the price of land is relatively low, raw materials are cheap.’ This in turn led to the de facto division of the world into the various spheres of influence of international cartels… This much was common to several Marxist thinkers of the time, including Kautsky who had changed his mind about the future of imperialism in the years immediately preceding the outbreak of the war and considered that there might develop an ‘ultraimperialism’ in which the leading capitalist nations would divide up the world peacefully in some kind of international cartel. For Lenin, this was an impossibility, for
    The more capitalism is developed, the more strongly the shortage of raw materials is felt, the more intense the competition and the hunt for sources of raw materials throughout the whole world, the more desperate the struggle for the acquisition of colonies.
    Moreover, according to Lenin, Kautsky was only concerned with industrial capital and had not realized that it was financial capital that gave imperialism its inevitable characteristics. The capitalist system could not achieve equilibrium, for
    Finance capital and the trusts do not diminish but increase the differences in the rate of growth of the various parts of the world economy. Once the relation of forces is changed, what other solution of the contradictions can be found under capitalism than that of force?
  • Socialism
    The transcendence of the class antagonisms of capitalism, replacing the domination of the market by planned, cooperative labor, leads to socialism and communism.
    (From an interview with economist Richard Wolff) [T]he conclusion for Marx is revolution. You need to get rid of capitalism in order to replace the capitalist-labor relationship, wage labor in the way I’ve described it, with an altogether different system that is more egalitarian, more democratic, and more just, because the workers in each enterprise would become their own board of directors. That’s actually understood by people even if they’ve never heard of Karl Marx. You can see it in the fact that all over the world today, and true for the last 300 years, there are businesses that have organized themselves not as a capitalist corporation, but as what Marx would’ve called a communist organization. That is, it is a community of workers who set up a business and own and operate it themselves. But, because of the hostility of capitalists to all of this, the people who’ve organized their enterprises this way have had to come up with bland, unfrightening names. The most popular one is a “workers cooperative”. It sounds downright warm and cuddly. And that actually allows you to push in a direction that will hopefully not scare the status quo into repressing you, by having the clever disguise of a different name. I even know some worker coops that refer to what they are doing as entrepreneurial innovation. Because by putting the adjective entrepreneurial in front of it, it’s more of a protective disguise. I think it’s charming, and I think Marx is giggling it whatever place he remains as he watches the human race agonizingly, hesitantly coming to terms with what he figured out in 1860.
    (From Marx’s Das Kapital) Let us now picture to ourselves, by way of change, a community of free individuals, carrying on their work with the means of production in common, in which the labor power of all the different individuals is consciously applied as the combined labor power of the community. All the characteristics of labor’s labor are here repeated, but with this difference, that they are social, instead of individual. Everything produced by him was exclusively the result of his own personal labor, and therefore simply an object of use for himself. The total product of our community is a social product. One portion serves as fresh means of production and remains social. But another portion is consumed by the members as means of subsistence. A distribution of this portion amongst them is consequently necessary. The mode of this distribution will vary with the productive organization of the community, and the degree of historical development attained by the producers. We will assume, but merely for the sake of a parallel with the production of commodities, that the share of each individual producer in the means of subsistence is determined by his labor time. labor time would, in that case, play a double part. Its apportionment in accordance with a definite social plan maintains the proper proportion between the different kinds of work to be done and the various wants of the community. On the other hand, it also serves as a measure of the portion of the common labor borne by each individual, and of his share in the part of the total product destined for individual consumption. The social relations of the individual producers, with regard both to their labor and to its products, are in this case perfectly simple and intelligible, and that with regard not only to production but also to distribution.
  • Vanguard
    In any social movement there is a vanguard and a mass; these two concepts are meaningless outside of the movement of which they are integral parts, mutually constituted by their relation in development of the movement. The vanguard are groups of people who are more resolute and committed, better organized and able to take a leading role in the struggle, and on the other side, the mass, are larger numbers of people who participate in the struggle or are involved simply by their social position, but are less committed or well-placed in relation to the struggle, and will participate only in the decisive moments, which in fact change history. There is a continual movement and exchange between vanguard and mass.
    The Marxist theory of the vanguard, in relation to class struggle under capitalism, holds that the working class (the mass) needs to be militantly lead through revolutionary struggle against capitalism and in the building of Socialism. The vanguard is made up of those who are in the forefront of workers’ struggle, engaged in struggles against the capitalist state and the management of the firms which are “branches” of the ruling class.
    The operative question for this century is how quickly individuals can be radicalized into members of the vanguard. In 1917, Russia was a backwards, largely agrarian society with some metropolitan industrial centers and a working class in the minority and peasants in the majority. The act of radicalizing an individual into the vanguard then required training with books and speeches, usually done at a school (one could even get a college degree in Marxism-Leninism).
    But in the era when mass-communications and the internet have radically re-oriented the playing field so that radicalization can take just days, if that, perhaps these notions can be revisited in new and creative ways.
  • Anarchism
    A rival vision of socialism with Marxism. The original split between Marx and Engels on the one hand and Bakunin on the other led to the destruction of the First International Workingman’s Association, a federation of worldwide labor unions and socialist parties that was seen as a genuine threat to capitalism. Otto van Bismarck famously exclaimed “Crowned heads, wealth and privilege well may tremble should ever again the Black and Red unite!” This theory opposes political action in favor of change based solely on direct action protests and worker organization. This current has within its own Left and Right. Right anarchists are prone to individualist tendencies, including nihilism, that eschews mass organization in the name of personal autonomy, an orientation that lends itself also to so-called “anarcho-capitalists” or Libertarians like Ron Paul. Left anarchists embrace labor-based socialism and often can share a good deal with council and left communists.
  • Syndicalism
    An anarchist economic system based around a democratized market where the revolutionary movement asserts control of the economy through a large-scale industrial union action called a general strike. After asserting control of the workplace, society is reorganized into a series of councils that govern through direct democracy. What is worthwhile to note here is that this syndicalist vision bears a good deal of resemblance to the Federalist system laid out in the U.S. Constitution, particularly in terms of the electoral college and municipal government structures.Syndicalism_Outline
  • Neoliberalism
    The particular type of capitalism that defines American economic policy in our current day
    (From David Harvey’s A Brief History of Neoliberalism) Neoliberalism is in the first instance a theory of political economic practices that proposes that human well-being can best be advanced by liberating individual entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterized by strong private property rights, free markets, and free trade. The role of the state is to create and preserve an institutional framework appropriate to such practices. The state has to guarantee, for example, the quality and integrity of money. It must also set up those military, defense, police, and legal structures and functions required to secure private property rights and to guarantee, by force if need be, the proper functioning of markets. Furthermore, if markets do not exist (in areas such as land, water, education, health care, social security, or environmental pollution) then they must be created, by state action if necessary. But beyond these tasks the state should not venture. State interventions in markets (once created) must be kept to a bare minimum because, according to the theory, the state cannot possibly possess enough information to second-guess market signals (prices) and because powerful interest groups will inevitably distort and bias state interventions (particularly in democracies) for their own benefit… Neoliberalism has, in short, become hegemonic as a mode of discourse. It has pervasive effects on ways of thought to the point where it has become incorporated into the common-sense way many of us interpret, live in, and understand the world.
  • Keynesian Economics
    The economic philosophy that defined American governance from the period of the New Deal unto the Nixon administration. It is defined by deficit spending and job creation in the public sector to generate public works and infrastructure projects. As the public workers begin to take home a livable income, they in turn spend a portion of their incomes on luxury items that in turn helps an economy get out of a recession. The period of stagflation that occurred in the 1970’s and was seen as the proof that Keynesian economics does not work was caused by the end of the Vietnam war and detente policies under Richard Nixon; for the forty years since the New Deal, the main engine of Keynesian economic growth had been American patronage of the military-industrial complex and purchase of military equipment. A Green New Deal, based around Keynesian economics where the engine is renewable energy infrastructure modifications, might be able to avoid such a pitfall.

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Free tax filing and free money available to low-income Rhode Islanders


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2015-11-30 World AIDS Day 007 Gina RaimondoThough the big news was that Governor Gina Raimondo announced that she would be calling of an increase in the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and the minimum wage when she presents her budget during the State of the State address Tuesday evening, the press conference where this was announced was to call attention to VITA, a program to help low and modest-income Rhode Islanders file their taxes and apply for tax credits like the EITC. Raimondo said that if the budget permits, she will push that rate higher.

Even people who have paid no taxes are eligible for EITC rebates, meaning families can receive hundreds or thousands of dollars from the government. But to do so, families must file their taxes. VITA (Volunteer Income Tax Assistance) is a program to help people file. “Appointments are highly recommended,” says the webpage on VITA at the  You must also bring picture identification for both the applicant and spouse and social security cards for everyone listed on the return.” A list of VITA sites and contact info can be found here.

At the now annual press conference to advertise VITA and the EITC, Governor Raimondo announced her intention to ask that the EITC be raised to 15 percent when she presents her budget. This year the EITC was raised from 10 to 12.5 percent. Connecticut’s program is currently at 30 percent while Massachusetts has just raised their EITC to 23 percent.

The EITC “provides a tax credit and/or refund to people who earn low to moderate wages. The payment is received as part of the end-of-year tax filing period,” says the Economic Progress Institute on their website.

Representative Scott Slater and State Senator Gayle Goldin both praised the announcement that the budget will call for a 15 percent EITC, but both also noted that they have introduced bills and intend to fight to raise the tax credit to 20 percent.

The Governor also announced that she will once again be asking the legislature to raise the state’s minimum wage, which rose to $9.60 this month. Last year the legislature balked at Raimondo’s suggestion for a $10.10 and raised the wage just 60 cents, but also agreed to raise the tipped minimum wage to $3.39 this year and $3.89 next year.

Given that the General Assembly only granted slightly more than half of the minimum wage increase Raimondo included in her budget last year, perhaps the Governor should ask for more than $10.10 this year.

You can watch the relevant parts of the press conference below. The final speaker in the video speaks about the positive effects of the EITC in helping to bring her family out of poverty.

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Follow the money on Raimondo pension scheme: Is Providence bankrupt?


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Providence_RI_skyline2For some weeks now, there has been a great deal of conversation around the idea that Providence is on the verge of bankruptcy. A new rule regarding budget statements is key to understanding why.

A brief by the Center for State and Local Government Excellence titled How Will State Unfunded Pension Liabilities Affect Big Cities? lays out an explanation for new rules of the Governmental Accounting Standards Board (GASB) that moved “unfunded actuarial accrued liability [UAAL] for public pension plans…from the footnotes of financial statements to the balance sheets of employers... Cities are now required to include on their balance sheets the pension accounting information currently in the footnotes of their financial statements and to report their share of the unfunded liability in cost-sharing plans. This calculation does not create new liabilities; it simply reallocates them from the state to the city.

Translation by the Houston Municipal Employees Pension System: “Essentially, the UAAL is the amount of retirement that is owed to an employee in future years that exceed[s] current assets and their projected growth.” This means that Providence just went from $759,000,000 to $964,000,000 in pension liabilities that they could not fund in 2012.

Here is what Providence’s finances look like under the new GASB provisions:

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Unfunded Actuarial Accrued Liability (UAAL) and UAAL Relative to Own-Source Revenue for Affected Cities, Before and Estimated After GASB 68, FY 2012

Of course, another aspect is what is being reported here. The shortfall is caused by the City having to report their portion of the liabilities of the State Pension, which we have been reporting is facing shortfalls because of shady fees imposed by Gov. Raimondo’s friends on Wall Street.

Screen Shot 2016-01-24 at 10.00.19 PMThis is an issue that is going to affect all cities and towns in the state, not just Providence. It is worth noting that Woonsocket is also mentioned in this report.

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CFED Report: Rhode Islanders still struggling, especially with homeownership


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EPI LogoNew data released today by CFED (the Corporation for Enterprise Development), a national partner of Rhode Island’s Economic Progress Institute, shows that too many Rhode Island families remain economically vulnerable. Smart public policies that create opportunities for families to save and make investments in their future prosperity pay huge dividends for all of us. The Assets and Opportunity Scorecard, now published annually, shows Rhode Island ranked 35th overall in Outcomes, despite ranking 8th overall in the Scorecard’s Policy measures.

Doug Hall, Director of Economic and Fiscal Policy at the Economic Progress Institute isn’t surprised by these findings: “We see the economic vulnerability of Rhode Island families in wage and income data (as shown in our recent State of Working Rhode Island: Workers of Color report). Until Rhode Islanders have good jobs that pay economy-boosting wages, they won’t be able to set aside savings or invest in homes or businesses.”

Across five main issue areas, Rhode Island fares in the middle of the pack in four issue areas (Financial Assets and Income, Businesses and Jobs, Education, and Health Care) but nearly dead last for Housing and Homeownership.

Rhode Island’s outcome indicators point to a number of areas where improvements need to be made to improve the financial security of Ocean State families. Rhode Island scores very poorly (40th or worse) in 14 areas, including 8 indicators for housing/homeownership:

  • Income inequality (46th out of 50 states and the District of Columbia)
  • Business value by race (44th)
  • Underemployment Rate (40th)
  • Homeownership rate (46th)
  • Homeownership by race (50th)
  • Homeownership by income (51st)
  • Homeownership by family structure (50th)
  • Delinquent mortgage loans (49th)
  • Affordability of homes (43rd)
  • Housing cost burden – homeowners (46th)
  • Housing cost burden – renters (45th)
  • Uninsured by race (45th)
  • Uninsured by gender (49th)
  • Average college student debt (46th)

While Rhode Island’s poor performance on housing/homeownership outcomes in the Assets and Opportunities Scorecard is not new, it is striking. Jim Ryczek, Executive Director of the Rhode Island Coalition for the Homeless responds:

“While Rhode Island clearly has much work to do to meet the state’s housing needs, we have significantly increased funding of programs to solve homelessness. We need to match that progress with investments that provide housing options for all Rhode Islanders.”

It is also noteworthy that Rhode Island falls in the bottom 11 rankings in three of the six outcome measures that look at disparities by race/ethnicity. National data show stark disparities in wealth based on race and ethnicity. We know that here in Rhode Island, racial disparities in wages and income are significant. The lack of good state-based data on wealth prevents us from fully understanding these disparities, which in turn prevents us from addressing the challenges with the necessary urgency. Another new report released last week by the Annie E Casey Foundation addresses the need for better data:

“To properly gauge the effects of policies and practices on families’ ability to build assets, we must have the right tools. Data on family assets are meager and difficult to access, particularly for various racial and ethnic groups. The federal government should explore better mechanisms to track that information, such as representative surveys for national and state use with questions on savings behavior and asset holdings or additional questions in the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey.” Annie E Casey Foundation, Investing in Tomorrow: Helping Families Build Savings and Assets

CFED has been publishing the Asset and Opportunities Scorecard since 2002. It remains a key benchmark in tracking important policy and outcome measures, and highlighting best practices in state policies addressing these areas.

Key policies that Rhode Islanders can adopt to provide greater opportunities for Rhode Island families include:

  • Increasing the state Earned Income Tax Credit to 20 percent of the federal credit.
  • Further Increasing the minimum wage.
  • Providing protections from predatory lending such as payday loans.

These and other measures that boost family incomes will help families set aside savings while investing in assets such as a home.

[From a press release]

“Zero-emission” cars running on fracked gas


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In an editorial this week in the ProJo, Janet Coit and Marion Gold come to the rescue of embattled Governor Gina Raimondo.   Janet Coit is Director of Rhode Island’s Department of Environmental Management and Marion Gold is Commissioner of the Rhode Island Office of Energy Resources.  Both serve at the pleasure of the governor and whatever strengths, independence is not one of them.

Governor Raimondo has troubling connections to Wall Street going back to her days as Rhode Island treasurer.  Here are just two of a recent flurry of publications questioning the pension fund reforms that she pushed through in those days:

One of Governor Raimondo’s key supporters is John Arnold, a former Enron trader who went on to found a profitable hedge fund.

The irony of the Coit-Gold ProJo editorial is that it’s based on Enron-style accounting, used in this case to hyper-inflate Governor Raimondo’s “visionary” contributions to the climate change battle.

In their editorial Coit and Gold mention that RI ranks number four on the State Energy Efficiency Scorecard put out by ACEEE.  You do not have to know how this ranking is produced to understand that it is pure bunk.  Just look at what the Energy Information Adminstration web site has to say about Rhode Island:

  • Natural gas fueled 95% of Rhode Island’s net electricity generation in 2014.
  • Rhode Island is the second-lowest emitter of carbon dioxide among all states. Like the lowest emitter, Vermont, Rhode Island does not have any coal-fired electricity generation.

Natural gas is mostly methane. It is a greenhouse gas that is about 100 times as potent as CO2.  Methane is burned and escapes unburnt to generate Rhode Island electricity, but we put all of those climate threatening emissions on our neighbors’ tabs.

There is more about the ACEEE rating of Rhode Island as fourth in the nation that is disconcerting.  Scan the ACEEE web site and you quickly discover that they mention EPA’s Clean Power Plan again and again.  There are some minor problems with this plan:

Obama’s “Clean Power Plan” is a huge gift to the methane (“Clean Energy”) industry — we’ll show you how in a minute. And guess who’s big in methane? Big oil, of course […]

The plan fits perfectly with Obama’s general practice of saying one thing and doing the opposite.

Director Coit is one of the members of the Energy Facility Siting Board that is currently deliberating the fate of the new fracked-gas power plant with the Orwellian name Clear River Energy Center, Invenergy’s plan to sacrifice Burrillville to unfettered greed.

Coit is publicly on record with her support of methane:

With her so-called pragmatism, doesn’t Director Coit not sound remarkably like House Speaker Mattiello?

In the Coit-Gold editorial there is not a word about Clear River, nor about the natural gas that already produces 95% of RI’s electrical power.  There is no mention that Governor Gina Ms Wall Street Raimondo is on record supporting fracked gas.  That silence must be “because there is a fire wall,” as Director Coit said in the preliminary hearing of the siting board last week.  How convenient!

Picture by Pia Ward
Picture by Pia Ward

As the Clear River theater of the siting board progresses, we might hear about the CO2 emissions the power plant will produce in Rhode Island.  What we will not hear from the Governor and her allies on the board is to whom we will charge the fugitive methane.  Most of that escapes at the wellheads in Pennsylvania and along the pipelines and from the compressor stations.  Nor will we hear about the suffering it causes to the people on the frontlines in Burrillville and across the globe.  None of that, but we’ll follow the statutes, because we are a nation of laws.

Indeed, all of the Enron-style accounting is perfectly legal, but, dear reader, you surely do not believe any more than I do, that Mother Nature is impressed.

There is yet another accounting trick buried in the Coit-Gold editorial: the Zero-Emission Vehicle Action Plan.  True, we need electric cars and they have no tail pipes that emits CO2.  Still, the electric energy such cars use has to be generated somewhere.  If  it comes from renewables we win; if we generate it with fracked gas, we loose.  The latter is of course exactly what will happen if we let Invenergy build the Clear River Energy Center.

We are constructing a 30 megawatt wind farm off Block Island and are talking about a frack-gas facility with 30 times that capacity in Burrillville.  Accounting gimmicks devoid of physics may fool the people, the editor of the the ProJo and our hapless leaders, but none of that will change the laws of nature.

Update after the original post:  Senator Sheldon Whitehouse from National Grid has finally made up his mind and now supports the Clear River Energy Center.  He uses his same old arguments about choke points and price spikes. That was none of that last winter is but an irrelevant detail: As New England freezes, natural gas stays cheap.

A tale of two Brookings reports


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Economic Progress Institute EPI LogoOn Friday, the Brookings Metropolitan program released a report, City and metropolitan inequality on the rise, driven by declining incomes in which Rhode Island’s largest and capital city, Providence, emerges as the city with the 5th highest level of income inequality in the nation. A principal cause of this high rating is the erosion of wages (and hence income) for low income workers in Rhode Island, a situation likely exacerbated in Providence. Too many Rhode Island workers continue to feel the ongoing pain of the Great Recession that began more than eight years ago, and (at least officially) ended more than six years ago, experiencing levels of long-term unemployment, and underemployment that erode their financial well-being. The Rhode Island economy isn’t working for these people. Among those currently in the slow lane on the “Rhode to Prosperity” workers of color comprise a disproportionate share, as recently documented in The State of Working Rhode Island: Workers of Color.

On Tuesday, the Brookings Metropolitan program released a report, Rhode Island Innovates: A Competitive Strategy for the Ocean State¸ a report that expertly assesses the Rhode Island economy, using complex sector-based analyses to identify its comparative areas of strength, and some of the challenges that may prevent businesses from choosing the Ocean State as their home. The Brookings study presents several strategies to improve the business climate, noting that “Rhode Island is poised to emerge as a leader on business environment re-engineering.”

To Brookings’ credit, they point in Rhode Island Innovates to the importance of sustaining “good jobs” (which they define as those that “offer livable wages with benefits for full-time workers who have less than a four-year degree”), and they correctly note that the old mantra of “jobs, jobs, jobs” is no longer adequate or appropriate to today’s economic realities. Yet it feels very much like the two Brookings reports each exist in their own spheres.  What Rhode Island (and arguably every other state in the nation) needs is an approach to the economy that integrates the needs of its workforce with the needs of the business community. Innovation and growth are important, but unless such growth advances the well-being of Rhode Islanders regardless of age, race and ethnicity, we will remain diminished as a state.

First look at ‘Rhode Island Innovates: A Competitive Strategy for the Ocean State’


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Brookings logoBrookings Institute‘s new report, “Rhode Island Innovates: A Competitive Strategy for the Ocean State,” was formally presented to Governor Gina Raimondo and other government leaders this morning at the Rhode Island Foundation downtown.

The report can be accessed here.

The executive summary can be read here.

Perhaps the biggest surprise comes early on, when the report declares that Rhode Island’s economy is “less dire than middling.” To hear many people say it, Rhode Island is steps away from economic implosion. The Brookings report is more optimistic.

In the report Brookings offers a package of “initiatives and action steps” … that are “intended as a comprehensive package” of reforms. They see the culmination of these ideas as requiring “a new degree of partnership across the public, private, civic, and philanthropic sectors.”

There’s a lot to digest here in a two hundred page report, but some quick thoughts:

  • The word “poverty” occurs three times in the report, and two of those times in exactly the same context: merely noting its existence. In a state with over 14 percent poverty and nearly 1 in 5 children living in poverty, you’d think a report on creating a better economic climate might address the subject more forthrightly.
  • Brookings defines “good jobs” as jobs that “offer livable wages with benefits for full-time workers who have less than a four-year degree.” Nowhere in the report is the idea of raising the minimum wage mentioned, yet many of the sectors that Brookings see as having growth potential such as hospitality or shipping create the kind of low paying jobs you might see at a fast food restaurant or a warehouse fulfillment center.
  • Taxes: “it is important to keep in mind,” says the report, “that low taxes alone do not spur economic growth.” Yet the report then cites the fact that “Rhode Island ranks 45th in the nation in the Tax Foundation’s 2016 State Business Tax Climate Index.” Yet as economist Peter Fisher ably demonstrates, “Combining more than 115 features of state tax law into a single index number produces a state ranking that turns out to bear very little relationship to what businesses actually pay in one state versus another.” The Brookings Institute’s reliance on the Tax Foundation, which “represents the corporate view of tax policy” calls into question the supposed neutrality of this report.

As I get into the report more and have a chance to hear from others I’m sure I’ll have more to say on this report. In the meantime, I present it here for everyone to get their eyes on the page and contribute to the public discussion.

Here’s the slideshow off the Brookings site:

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The Estate Tax is a solution, not a problem


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Answer to InequalityAt the 2016 Rhode Island Small Business Economic Summit (Summit), Grafton H. “Cap” Wiley IV told Governor Gina Raimondo, House Speaker Nicholas Mattiello and a room full of government officials and small business owners that “it would be great if we had enough revenue to get rid of the estate tax” or if we don’t have enough revenue, “look at an increase in the exemption.”

“That’s something I’ve got my eye on,” said Mattiello, offering to collaborate with the business community to do something about it.

The idea of reforming the estate tax came out of a previous Summit, said Wiley, and the important thing, he continued, looking towards Raimondo and Mattiello, is that, “you guys are listening.”

“Rhode Island ends up at the bottom of a lot of the ratings of taxes and business climate,” said Wiley, and though he did not specify to what ratings he was referring, two annual business climate rankings, the SBEC (Small Business and Entrepreneurship Council)’s Small Business Policy Index and ALEC (American Legislative Exchange Council)’s Rich States, Poor States, include the mere existence of a state level estate tax as a negative in their questionable formulas for determining a state’s ranking.

The problem, says economist Peter Fisher, is that “the estate tax – which is paid only by the ultra-wealthy – doesn’t affect economic growth.

Fisher says that Rich States, Poor States author Arthur Laffer, “and his co-authors devote an entire chapter to estate and inheritance taxes, incorrectly tagging them as ‘job killers’ that ‘strangle economic growth.’”

Laffer and company assert that states with an estate tax are losing ‘enormous amounts of accumulated wealth,’ and that this wealth would have created jobs, alleviated poverty, and increased tax revenue, but they fail to explain how this would happen. The wealth held by retirees typically is not the kind of capital normally used in job creation. The wealth that drives prosperity consists of real assets: natural resources, plant and equipment, public infrastructure, human capital, technological knowledge. By contrast, large estates typically consist of real estate, stocks and bonds, mutual funds, and other financial assets which could be located anywhere in the world. The future use of those assets is unaffected by where the person who owned them died.”

So why would Mattiello be so eager to look at an idea that amounts to both failed tax policy and a giveaway to the mega rich? As Bob Plain showed, the last time RI messed with the estate tax, the burden of public services and infrastructure was shifted onto poor and middle class Rhode Islanders, allowing the rich and the mega rich to become richer still. These policies contribute to our ever increasing wealth inequality and pervert our democracy, tilting us ever faster towards an oligarchy represented by the likes of “Cap” Wiley, if we aren’t there already.

Citing an Economic Progress Institute (EPI) fact sheet, Plain wrote, “The clear winners are a small number of wealthy taxpayers whose estates will pay less in taxes and in many cases, nothing at all starting next year. The clear losers are tens of thousands of low- and modest-income Rhode Islanders who will pay more in taxes next year. Unemployed homeowners and renters are among the biggest losers, because they will no longer qualify for property tax assistance and are not eligible for the earned income tax credit (EITC). Many of the lowest-wage workers will also be negatively impacted by the loss of the property tax refund, even with an eventual boost in the EITC.”

“SBEC’s stated mission, says Fisher, “is to ‘encourage entrepreneurship and small business growth,'” but “its lobbying activities reveal a very conservative, anti-government agenda.”  ALEC, “is a mechanism by which corporations pay substantial sums of money to draft legislation benefiting them.” Neither group has the interests of state economies or average citizens in mind when they advance their agendas under the guise of “economic research.” These groups are made up entirely of the oligarchic prosperous and their servile, deluded sycophants.

Our gullible state leaders are not searching for real economic solutions to our state’s budgeting issues, they are instead looking for the excuses they need to pass the legislation their corporate masters demand.

To truly help our economy and budget, instead of eliminating the estate tax we should be increasing it.

Also, do yourself a favor and familiarize yourself with Peter Fisher’s website:

Grading the States logo

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Business leaders decide issues elected officials will pursue at economic summit


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2016-01-08 Stefan Pryor RI Small Business Economic Summit
Stefan Pryor

“Today is about you putting your issues on the table and [about] how you can influence the decision making process that we have in this great state,” Mark Hayward, District Director of the Rhode Island Small Business Association (SBA) told an eager gathering of business owners, lobbyists and politicians, “Your participation at this Summit will essentially decide… the direction of [economic and business] issues that are going to be critical to you over the next year.”

The 2016 Rhode Island Small Business Economic Summit (Summit) is held at Bryant University and sponsored by the SBA and the Center for Women and Enterprise. A long list of state senators, representatives and gubernatorial staff come out to this event every year. Big names include Speaker Nicholas Mattiello, General Treasurer Seth Magaziner and Governor Gina Raimondo. It took Hayward two minutes to list the the government reps appearing, and he didn’t get them all. It’s the kind of political access social justice groups cannot imagine.

The point, says Hayward, “is to provide an opportunity for members of the small business community to have a discussion with members of the General Assembly and the [Governor’s] administration and,” he says, “over the years, we have succeeded because many of the issues that are being taken up today, derive from the Summit.”

2016-01-08 Economic Summit
The sold old Summit

Hayward introduced speaker Stefan Pryor, Rhode Island’s Secretary of Commerce. Pryor painted a rosy picture of Rhode Island’s economic future, saying, “We’re beginning to see the optimism lift, we’re beginning to see the unemployment drop, we are starting to see the new projects start, and we are starting to see the pessimism dissipate.”

Pryor did not mention the cruel poverty that affects nearly 1 in 5 children in our state, but he did mention that the state is “still suffering from unemployment. We still compete for the worst unemployment rate in New England.”

Pryor did not draw a connection between the high unemployment, high poverty and what he called a “favorable tax climate” for business. “We have the lowest corporate tax rate in the northeast, a hard-earned distinction at 7 percent. In the recent session we completely eliminated the sales tax on energy, the Business Energy Tax. It’s not an easy tax to eliminate a tax entirely but it’s gone. Gone forever.”

Pryor assured those in attendance that Rhode Island will not be raising taxes on business owners. “We have not raised a major tax, corporate, income or sales, in twenty years,” said the Secretary with pride, “Think about that relative to tax stability and at the same time we’re axing taxes.

“Why do we think we can maintain that kind of stability going forward? In this past session we put the final touches on and solidified pension reform that then General Treasurer Raimondo had begun. With all your help, Medicaid reform, in a substantial way, was undertaken.

“These structural reforms will save Rhode Islanders over $4 billion dollars over the next 20 years” and “this will ensure future retirement security and future budgetary stability, said Pryor, “That’s the platform we’re building. The hybrid of generations of discipline and not raising taxes, even when times were tough.

“These are the signs of responsible budgeting and sensible fiscal stewardship.”

You can watch all of Pryor’s remark Here:

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Invenergy fails to gag activists on power plant intervention


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During the last two days activists filed rebuttals with the Energy Facility Siting Board as they contest Invenergy’s attempt to suppress public input on its proposal to build a fracked-gas power plant proposal.

STENCIL: "RESPECT EXISTENCE OR EXPECT RESISTANCE"In a press release late last month Fossil Free Rhode Island cited as reasons for filing a motion for intervention with the Board:

The construction of the proposed power plant —part of the energy policy of team Raimondo— would slow down the transition to renewable energy.

As a recent report of the PERI Institute of UMass in Amherst states: “New investments in energy efficiency and renewable energy will generate more jobs for a given amount of spending than maintaining or expanding each country’s existing fossil fuel sectors.”

“Natural” gas has a larger greenhouse gas footprint than coal and oil. Clearly, team Raimondo is wrong on all counts: physics, economics and morality.

In response to Invenergy’s objections to their Motions for Intervention Sister Mary Pendergast, Occupy Providence and Fossil Free Rhode Island argue that the company misconstrues the rules according to which the Board operates.

 

The activists also take Invenergy to task on its claim that they lack sufficient interest to justify intervention.  They remind the company of the U.S. Supreme Court ruling Massachusetts v. EPA (2007), which declared that greenhouse gases are pollutants under the Clean Air Act.  They also remind Invenergy of the Endangerment Finding of 2009 of the Environmental Protection Agency that determined that greenhouse gas emissions endanger the public health and welfare of current and future generations.

In a landmark environmental case (Payne & Buttler v. Providence Gas Co., 1910) the Rhode Island Supreme Court ruled that citizens can sue corporations for damages caused by “deleterious and poisonous substances.”

If these facts, rulings and liabilities do not constitute a direct interest, nothing will.

Occupy Providence, in its rebuttal,  said:

Invenergy cannot credibly argue that Occupy Providence lacks sufficient interests to justify intervention in spite of the fact that “the proposed plant will produce greenhouse gases highly injurious to the 99% for the purpose of producing profits which will go almost entirely and certainly disproportionately to the 1%.”

Sister Mary Pendergast echoed the same sentiment and quoted from Pope Francis’ encyclical Laudato Si’:

26. Many of those who possess more resources and economic or political power seem mostly to be concerned with masking the problems or concealing their symptoms, simply making efforts to reduce some of the negative impacts of climate change. However, many of these symptoms indicate that such effects will continue to worsen if we continue with current models of production and consumption. There is an urgent need to develop policies so that, in the next few years, the emission of carbon dioxide and other highly polluting gases can be drastically reduced, for example, substituting for fossil fuels and developing sources of renewable energy. Worldwide there is minimal access to clean and renewable energy.”

Two members of the Board serve at the pleasure of Governor Raimondo.  That does not bode well for the impartiality of the Board.  This is very troubling when it is clear that the Raimondo administration fails to understand the moral imperative to act on climate change.

Is there any ethical system under the Sun that holds that near-term profit is the ultimate standard?  It is certainly not what is meant by the Affirmation of Humanism that proclaims:

We want to protect and enhance the earth, to preserve it for future generations, and to avoid inflicting needless suffering on other species.

Nor is it consistent with, as the Islamic Declaration on Global Climate Change puts it:

Re-focus their concerns from unethical profit from the environment, to that of preserving it and elevating the condition of the world’s poor.

Citizens of Rhode Island understand that intervention is fully justified and, in spite of Invenergys’ claim to the contrary, that the public interest is not adequately represented by a state government and its corporate allies who willfully act in violation of Article 1, Section 17 of the Rhode Island Constitution, the supreme law of the State which establishes the duty to provide for the conservation of the State’s air, water and land.

Note added after original post: Also the RI Democrats of America (RIPDA) have filed a reply to Invenergy’s objection to their motion for intervention.  In their conclusion they write:

Invenergy’s desire to block RIPDA’s involvement should concern both the Board and the general public, as it suggests that Invenergy wishes to limit the discourse on this topic and stack the deck in its favor.

Interfaith Vigil at State House proposes ambitious poverty agenda


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2016-01-06 Interfaith Poverty Vigil 02
Bishop Herson Gonzalez

For the eighth year the Rhode Island Interfaith Coalition to Reduce Poverty held a vigil at the State House near the beginning of the legislative season to, in the words of House Speaker Nicholas Mattiello, “remind all of us in the General Assembly of how important it is to keep the issues related to poverty at the forefront of our agenda.”

The vigil was attended by representatives from a multitude of faiths. Governor Gina Raimondo, Speaker Mattiello and Senate President M Teresa Paiva-Weed all spoke briefly to the crowd. The keynote was delivered by Bishop Herson Gonzalez of the Calvary Worship Center in Woonsocket.

Maxine Richman, co-chair of the RI Interfaith Coalition to Reduce Poverty (Coalition) spoke first, outlining the 2016 Advocacy Platform for the group. She began with a sobering statistic. 14.3 percent of Rhode Islanders live in poverty. That rate climbs to 19.8 percent when we talk about children specifically.

2016-01-06 Interfaith Poverty Vigil 05“A 14.3 percent poverty rate is the story for this year,” said Richman, “but it need not be the story for next year.”

The coalition believes that all Rhode Islanders are entitled to affordable housing, nutritious food, accessible healthcare, equitable education and work with decent wages.

Though the General Assembly raised the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) last session, something both Paiva-Weed and Mattiello touted as a great success in their opening remarks Tuesday, RI’s present 12.5 percent rate is a far cry from Connecticut’s EITC of 27.5 percent or Massachusetts’ 23 percent. The Coalition is asking the General Assembly raise the RI EITC to 20 percent.

2016-01-06 Interfaith Poverty Vigil 20
Governor Raimondo

Channeling yesterday’s loud rally, and on the day that Governor Raimondo has officially broken her campaign promise to issue an executive order allowing undocumented workers to obtain driver’s licenses, the Coalition asked state leaders to take this important step.

Right now low and no income Rhode Island families with children are eligible to receive cash assistance for a maximum of up to 24 months within a five year window. A mother with two children is eligible to receive $554 a month for up to 24 months.  When the 24 months are done, the family is cut off, leaving children to live in crushing poverty. The coalition would like to end the 24 month limit.

2016-01-06 Interfaith Poverty Vigil 27Also, as they have asked nearly every year and to no avail, the Coalition would like the General Assembly to take action to reform PayDay loans. This is unlikely as long as Speaker Mattiello continues to pretend that “arguments against PayDay lending tend to be ideological in nature.”

The coalition would also like to see an expansion of Child Care Assistance and Early Childhood Education. as of Fall, 2014, for instance, only 34 percent of eligible children were enrolled in Head Start, “with many centers maintaining long waiting lists.”

The Coalition further wants to reduce out-of-school detentions which predominantly target students of color and feed the school-to-prison pipeline. They would also like to expand opportunities for workforce foundational skills and occupational training.

The RI Coalition for the Homeless (RICH) needs adequate funding to implement Opening Doors RI, and would like state leaders to seek a $100 million affordable housing bond.

The Coalition also backs efforts to prevent domestic abusers from accessing guns, a bill that died in committee last year to the consternation of supporters and the embarrassment of the General Assembly.

The Coalition would like to see adequate funding for Senior Centers and lastly, the Coalition wants the General Assembly to maintain the current RIPTA Senior/Disbabled Fare Program, recognizing that balancing the budget of public transit of the backs of the most vulnerable is simply cruel. Paiva-Weed was the only state leader to state that she would work to make this happen. Raimondo vowed to make RIPTA “affordable” which is apparently a number other than free.

“These all sound good, but where do we find the money?” asked Raimondo.

“I am very concerned about imposing a fee on elderly and disabled RIPTA passengers,” said Paiva-Weed, “and I am committed to looking at alternative funding.”

Attempting to explain his statement at last years Interfaith Poverty Vigil where he said that he wants to eliminate the social safety net, Speaker Mattiello spun a vision of a Utopian future world. “When we get the economy to a point where everybody’s thriving,” said the Speaker, “every single family has a wage earner that is successfully feeding the family, and everybody is doing well and is well fed… families are happy… that will be the day we don’t need a safety net. And at that time our safety net will justifiably be smaller.”

Here’s Bishop Herson Gonzalez’s keynote address.

Note: I was fortunate today to get permission from Rachel Simon to run her pictures of the event. So all these pictures are under her 2016 copyright.

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And here’s the full vigil.

Patreon

Invisible tells the stories of male sex workers in Providence


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Invisible film 01Invisible, directed by Dio Traverso and produced by Grauman Films, LLC, tells the individual stories of male hustlers in Providence, Rhode Island and the efforts of one man and former sex worker, Richard Holcomb, to get services for the neglected population of men who engage in this type of work. The film explores issues including sexuality since many of these men identify as straight. In addition, the documentary explores the intersection of drug use and sex work.

The award winning film is now available for rent and purchase online.

Invisible has won the 2014 Grand Prize at the FLICKERS Rhode Island International Film Festival. It has also been screened at the aGLIFF, the Austin Gay and Lesbian International Film Festival. Most recently, Invisible has been screened at a gay and lesbian film festival in Berlin, Germany.

Since filming has ended and in large measure due to the production of Invisible, Rich Holcomb has been able to open one of the first-ever drop in centers for male sex workers. Called Project Weber, this center continues to serve the local community and provide much-needed services to these men.

People can rent for $6.99 or buy for $29.99 here.

Learn more about the film here.

[This post is partially created from a press release. RI Future ran a review of the film by Bella Robinson here.]

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Poor workers deserve a just wage, a ‘living wage’


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Woman: "Being the working poor hurts"

Photo of Pope with statement: "Greed for money" is a "subtle dictatorship: which "condemns and enslaves men and women."

  “An unfettered pursuit
of money rules. That is
the dung of the devil.”
Pope Francis

The Pope doesn’t care much for greed.

The wages of 30 million U.S. workers cause so much misery they leave within a year. The Economist states this chaos continues because, “The most obvious incentive—more money—is often the last to be considered.”

Often, the issue is greed.

Retail and fast-food businesses also stiff taxpayers. Walmart pays ‘low, low’ wages to impoverished employees: Forbes reports taxpayer assistance totals about $6.2 billion annually.

Walmart = Poverty

James Parrott, the Fiscal Policy Institute’s Chief Economist, states, “Wages are so low that 60% of fast-food workers qualify for public assistance.”

What to do? Purdue University’s study concluded that doubling Indiana’s fast-food workers’ wages to $15 an hour would raise prices only 4.3 percent. A $3.99 hamburger would increase 18 cents.

This increase is slight because employee turnover is significantly reduced: Recruiting and training costs decrease; worker morale and productivity improves. With current turnover greater than 100 percent, retail and fast-food industries, on average, lose all employees every year.

This can change. Seattle restaurant owner Jeremy Price says of paying $15 an hour, “It has been a positive change for our staff and our business.”

Happy restaurant employees

A living wage is a win/win/win: Employees receive a just wage; employers overcome high turnover and reduced productivity; and taxpayers avoid paying ‘corporate welfare’ for low-wage workers.

The primary problem is greed.

The wealthy counter with the myth: “The rich are makers, the poor are takers.” The reverse is true.

First, lobbyists write laws giving corporate welfare for ‘the takers.’ According to the conservative InvestmentWatch, their loopholes and looting are so brazen that, in 1950, corporations paid $3.00 for every dollar paid by workers; corporations now pay 22 cents.

Second, corporations have stashed $2.1 trillion overseas. This ‘takers’ tax scheme, according to the nonpartisan New America Foundation, eliminated 1.3 million to 2.5 million jobs through 2011.

Third, aristocrats’ paltry effective tax rate on inheritance is 17 percent. The wealthy pay only 20 percent on capital gains.

Fourth, it bears repeating: Taxpayers bankroll corporate profits. New York Governor Andrew Cuomo is livid, “It costs this state $700 million a year to subsidize the profits at McDonald’s and Burger King—and that is wrong, and that must stop.” UC-Berkeley estimates public subsidies for corporations’ low wages totals $153 billion.

The greedy rich are takers. Justice requires they pay their fair share—in taxes and wages.

Thomas Jefferson on the rich preying on the poor

Fifth, this myth states government rewards poor people who avoid work. Actually, nearly 90 percent receiving benefits are working or disabled. The rest have job training or must find work to avoid losing their safety net. All laborers, ‘the makers,’ should be paid wages which escape poverty.

Sixth, poor workers pay significant taxes: Sales taxes; Social Security; other taxes on wages; and property taxes—directly, or indirectly through rent.

Seventh, by spending all their pay, the working poor create demand for more products and services. This demand ‘ripples’ from one business to the next, multiplying business spending. Thus, living wages spur economic growth—and poor workers’ increased spending creates jobs.

Eighth, the system cheats workers. Laborers’ wages kept pace with productivity from 1948 to 1975. Since then, productivity increased 100 percent—but wages for ‘the makers,’ adjusted for inflation, declined seven percent.

The working poor are makers. Justice requires they are paid their fair share.

Woman: "Being the working poor hurts"

Wage slavery requires abolition. The ‘Fight for $15’ movement is right: The minimum wage must become a living wage.

Barriers to wage justice include ignorance and fear, but the main obstacle is greed, “The dung of the devil.”

Absent government action, businesses can still win—achieving low turnover and high productivity—by paying substantial annual increases until $15 is achieved. In this season of wonderment and thankfulness, businesses must act with courage and caring to restore dignity and decency.

Rev. Harry Rix has 60 articles on spirituality and ethics, stunning photos and 1200 quotations for reflection available at www.quoflections.org. ©2015 Harry Rix. All rights reserved.

White workers weathered Great Recession twice as nice as workers of color


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workers of color
Click on the image to read the report.

As bad as the unemployment crisis in Rhode Island was for white workers, it was nearly twice as severe for workers of color.

A new report from the Economic Progress Institute shows that black and Latino workers were unemployed at almost twice the rate of white workers from 2007 to 2014. “The takeaway here is that the worst unemployment situation White workers face is better than nearly the best unemployment situation that Black and Latino workers face,” reads the report.

“The significantly higher rates of unemployment for Latino and Black Rhode Islanders and lower wages for these communities and Southeast Asians – should set off alarm bells for business leaders and policy makers,” said EPI Executive Director Rachel Flum in a press release.

The white unemployment rate topped out at 9.7 percent in 2009, while the black unemployment rate was 17.7 percent that same year and maxed out at 18.1 percent in 2011. The Latino unemployment was even worse with a high of 21.7 percent in 2010 and hovering around a fifth of all working Latinos in Rhode Island from 2009 to 2013.

All three ethnicity’s unemployment rates dropped significantly in 2014, but at 16.2 percent the unemployment rate for Rhode Island Latinos was not only the highest in the nation but also “more than double the national Latino unemployment rate of 7.4%,” according to the EPI.

“This report underscores the need for Rhode Island to pivot towards the worker,” said Anna Cano-Morales, director of the Latino Policy Institute at Roger Williams University, in the press release. “When we do that, we not only maximize our economic potential but we also fully value all Rhode Islanders.”

Banking for Equality


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bankAs of January 1, the Rhode Island minimum wage will be raised to $9.60. Although a good step towards financial equality, it cannot compensate for the nation’s polarizing wealth divide. We need banks to do that.

In 2013, 63 million Americans spent a combined $455 billion nationwide on alternative financial services, as reported by the Federal Deposit Insurance Company. This includes scams such as payday loans, pawnshops, and check-cashing services. Pay day loans offer immediate loans with steep interest and short payback, pawn shops take expensive collateral with hefty fees for small cash loans, and check-cashing services charge significant flat-rates, often around $40 per paycheck. United For A Fair Economy believes alternative financial services outnumber McDonald’s and Starbucks franchises combined in America today. Alternative financial services set up in areas they believe densely impoverished to prey on the financially disadvantaged. Institutionally, they operate to widen the wealth gap.

In his 2014 campaign, Rhode Island General Treasurer Seth Magaziner highlighted that one in four Rhode Islanders are underbanked. In Magaziner’s words, underbanked citizens “don’t have a bank account at all, or they have a bank account and they’re still relying on high-cost financial services like payday loans, pawn shop check cashing and so on.” Of the 63 million consumers that are underbanked in America, 24 million of them have no bank account at all. The families with limited bank account usage spend an average of $3,000 a year working while the average underbanked family spends $43,000 in their careers on check-cashing services. For these 63 million underbanked Americans, the vision of banks is a dark one. Among the most common reasons for using alternative financial services instead of banks, the top responses were “lack of money”, “I don’t like dealing with or trust banks”, “inconvenient hours or location.” These responses show a fundamental misunderstanding of the comparably greater convenience, affordability, and security of banks.

Communicating this is one of the smaller barriers banks have traditionally held, like extensive documentation, high minimums and maintenance fees, and new account screenings. Others responded “account fees are too high or unpredictable.” Many of these individuals live paycheck to paycheck and do not earn enough to meet minimum balance or direct deposit requirements for free checking. What should they do?

Put money in the bank. Bank accounts provide the financial security needed to build wealth. While accumulating interest, your money is protected from fires, burglary, misplacement, or other damage. With a bank account you build a credit history, critical for loans for cars, for home mortgage, and for higher education.  And bank accounts are cheaper and more convenient than alternative financial services, from free bill pay, to free check cashing, to free ATM withdrawal.

As of 2015, nine banks or credit unions in Rhode Island have little to no minimum balance requirement nor require direct deposit for free checking. Many have no minimum balance and free checking. Almost all have free online statements, credit building opportunities, mobile banking, and free ATM access. Looking to the future, financial literacy is on the rise in Rhode Island’s schools, and a new state backed program College Bound incentivizes saving for the higher education of Rhode Island’s next generation.

Banks still need lower entry barriers for Rhode Islander’s looking to open checking accounts. New account screenings must offer forgiveness for previous debts. With financial guidance banks could aid in paying off the prior institution to which their new customer is indebted. It is equally as crucial that banks and credit unions offer an entry-level checking account with no minimal fees and balances.

Some banks would object to the operating cost they incur for maintaining an account with little immediate return. These banks need to look forward.  The short term loss in revenue will be returned manifold as Rhode Island’s poor accumulate the wealth they then reinvest in said bank. Banks understand the delayed but greater return of a bond. Banks need to bond with Rhode Island’s consumer, for delayed but greater returns for both.

America today resembles a plutocracy. The assets of the top 1 percent is now approaching 45 percent of the nation’s wealth, having steadily risen toward levels unseen since the Great Depression. The wealth of the bottom 90 percent continues to hover between 10-20 percent of the nation’s wealth for the last century. The stagnant trend makes clear that growth in national income has not yielded a more equitable distribution of wealth.

Expert on urban and racial inequality and poverty, Melvin Oliver says, “Income feeds your stomach, but assets feed your head.” Many Rhode Island stomachs will be fuller by sixty cents an hour come January 1st. But will their heads will still be hungry? Wealth breaks the cycle of living day to day. Alternative financial services drain wealth while banks can nurture it. Rhode Island and Rhode Island’s banks: stop living day to day on pennies, and bond.


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