Forum on the ‘painful history’ between Haitians and Dominicans Thursday evening


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hispaniolaA World Affairs Council of Rhode Island (WACRI) forum will explore the complex and often painful history between Haitians and Dominicans on the Island of Hispaniola and the plight of Haitians and Dominicans of Haitian descent in the Dominican Republic on Thursday evening at the Donovan Dining Faculty Center at Rhode Island College from 6-9pm.

Providence holds a large Dominican immigrant population, as well as a significant Haitian immigrant population. WACRI’s open community forum will discuss issues related to the current border issues (such as deportations) between Haiti and the Dominican Republic, an issue of global and local importance here in Rhode Island.

This forum will bring together WACRI members and their guests with members of the Rhode Island Haitian and Dominican communities’ diaspora. In addition, it will create awareness about important human rights issues on the island of Hispaniola. Historically, Dominicans and Haitians have had a somewhat tense relationship and the forum provides the opportunity for constructive dialog.

The evening features:

  • Cultural performances during cocktail hour by Haitian singer Fritza Remy and Dominican playwright Elvys Ruiz
  • Keynote speaker Dr. Silvio Torres-Saillant from Syracuse University who will speak about the “Pain of History in Quisqueya (Hispaniola) Today
  • Comments by local activists Melida Anyi Espinal and Moise Bourdeau
  • An interactive forum led by the Honorable Walter R. Stone, Associate Justice of RI Superior Court, in which all attendees can participate in a conversation about the past and future of these two countries. 

[From a press release]

Michael Hudson explains how neoliberalism is KILLING THE HOST


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As the final entry into our macro-historical overview of neoliberalism, I wanted to share with readers a very special interview. Michael Hudson’s new book Killing the Host: How Financial Parasites and Debt Bondage Destroy the Global Economy is a brilliant dissection of how neoliberal hegemony has come to dominate the economics discipline and what it has meant to our society.

hudsonbwBut do not be scared off by this, here is a lucid, concise writer who explains economics in a fashion that any high school student could understand. Paul Craig Roberts recently wrote in a review I recommend you read:

Michael Hudson is the best economist in the world. Indeed, I could almost say that he is the only economist in the world. Almost all of the rest are neoliberals, who are not economists but shills for financial interests. If you have not heard of Michael Hudson it merely shows the power of the Matrix. Hudson should have won several Nobel prizes in economics, but he will never get one.

Hudson recently sat down with an interview with Eric Draitser of CounterPunch Radio (one of my personal favorite weekly podcasts) and gave a wide-ranging interview I found extremely illuminating. And if you really like what you hear, consider buying a copy of this excellent book.

CLICK HERE TO LISTEN!

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Has slavery really ended?


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“Churches can be a place where
judgment, shame and contempt
[for families with felons]
are felt most acutely.”
Michelle Alexander

Time for a pop quiz question. Ready? In what year did the U.S. end slavery?

Most agree it’s 1865. Some historians disagree. Their answer: 1942.

True, the Triangle Trade’s enrichment of slave shippers ended with the Civil War. Tragically, however, legally coerced work continued. Some southern states were sly. Police falsely imprisoned blacks, and judges ordered lengthy sentences at hard labor.

“Convict leasing” was legalized. Douglas Blackmon describes this practice as “a system in which armies of free men, guilty of no crimes and entitled by law to freedom, were compelled to labor without compensation, were repeatedly bought and sold, and were forced to do the bidding of white masters through the regular application of extraordinary physical coercion.”

The penal system became the new slavery.

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Still, the answer to our black-history-month query may not be 1942. Ready for a shocker? Enslavement of blacks exists today.

The War on Drugs intensified in the 1980s. In just two decades, those jailed for drug offenses increased ninefold. The Director for National Drug Control Policy, retired General Barry McCaffrey, referred to this imprisonment system as a “drug gulag.”

Mass incarceration is aggressively focused on communities of color. Despite blacks and whites having similar drug usage rates, a 1999 Human Rights Watch report states, “Black men are admitted to state prison on drug charges at a rate that is 13.4 times greater than that of white men.” Indeed, black men imprisoned, on parole and probation now exceed all men enslaved in 1850.

Bondage for drug offenses is inflicted almost exclusively on black and brown men. Whites are usually ‘off the hook.’ Even when arrested, whites are more often given alternatives to jail. When jailed, whites’ average sentences are 16.3 percent shorter than blacks.

Enormous numbers of black bodies are placed in bondage, their prison labor extracted, for non-violent drug offenses. Isn’t this a new system of slavery? Isn’t this massive discrimination also subjecting prisoners’ families—parents, spouses and children—to excruciating emotional and financial bondage?

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As a permanent undercaste, the black community also suffers wage slavery. Whites’ average household income is 68.5 percent higher than blacks—and the black unemployment rate is twice that of whites. This severely depressed income continually increases economic inequality: Average white families now have thirteen times the assets of average black families.

It gets worse: Black prisoners’ sentences continue after release.

Imagine leaving prison. Determined to lead a good life, you plan to go to college—but you’re barred from getting a federal loan. Or you need a job but, if a black man, only five percent of employers will even grant you an interview. You may be desperate for public housing assistance. You can’t get it. By law, you probably can’t receive any public benefits—including food stamps if your kids are hungry. With all these cruel barriers, what choices remain? Can we see why ex-cons often return to prison?

Again, this discrimination primarily decimates blacks.

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So who should correct these many forms of racialized financial rape? Why not the white community which perpetrates and often benefits from black bondage?

The first step is education: More fact-packed articles detailing the destructive impacts of racism can be found at www.quoflections.org\race.

Second, share these injustices with friends and family.

Third, let’s seek legislation ending the War on Drugs (really, the War on Black Men). Let’s eradicate laws discriminating against ex-felons. Let’s legalize a living wage. Also, our nation has the wealthiest white community in history, primarily due to centuries of labor stolen or cheated from African Americans. In the name of justice, we who are white can advocate for long-overdue reparations to be invested in neglected black communities.

Oh, and our pop quiz answer: Even in 2016, slavery continues on a massive scale.

Sunday Night Movie: THE SHOCK DOCTRINE


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Rhode Island’s Future is dedicated to providing both quality news and analysis while also giving showcase to amazing arts and entertainment programming. As part of this, we will host a new Sunday Night Movie column that goes out of the way to find the quirky, kooky, and weird material we know our readers will enjoy. This week we present the documentary adaptation of Naomi Klein’s THE SHOCK DOCTRINE.

This is not a perfect film. However, I think it is quite accessible and helps us better understand the trends in this ideology that we all need to be wary of.

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Naomi Klein explains neoliberal disaster capitalism in THE SHOCK DOCTRINE


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naomiklein2_300Over the past several weeks, we have carried a series of posts that articulate an explanation of the neoliberal epoch and how its coordinates have defined our modern discourse. Naomi Klein’s book The Shock Doctrine is the half of the conclusion to this introduction of the trend’s macro-history before focusing in on specific elements of this discourse, including sexuality, ethnicity, and political trends. It has been my hope in this series that I might begin to widen the vocabulary of readers and help them better grasp the patterns the neoliberalism as an ideology of social control so we can hold our elected officials and their political appointees to higher standards in a fashion that is much more mature. By understanding neoliberalism as the ideology of the “tough on crime” police chief, the “urban renewal” pro-gentrification housing official, the “anti-terrorism” military leader, and others like them, I fundamentally believe we make the first step against their hegemony. Be sure to tune in this weekend for the Sunday Night Movie where we will show the documentary film adaptation of Klein’s book!

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Have a radical Black History Month: Mike Araujo on his boxer father George Araujo


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Recently I had the opportunity to sit down with labor activist Mike Araujo to talk about his father. George Araujo was a child of the Great Depression who became a boxer. Coming out of the historical Cape Verdean community in Providence, he embraced anti-racism and unionism as the ethos that defined his activism. At a time when race and racism are back in the headlines and leaders from the past are beginning to impact our present politics, here is a real figure from that past whose message should and does matter.

 

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First Syrian refugee family arrives in Rhode Island


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2016-02-11 First Syrian Refugee Family in RI 003A family of five Syrian refugees, a mother, father and three children ages 6, 7 and 8 arrived in Rhode Island early Thursday evening. About 30 people from the Dorcas International Institute of Rhode Island, the Refugee Dream Center and the RI State Council of Churches were waiting for them with welcoming signs, gift baskets, warm smiles and hugs.

After being warmly greeted, the family was taken to their new home where a large home cooked meal and basic food necessities awaited them.

Rhode Island has a long history of welcoming refugees and immigrants. As I waited at the arrivals escalator with the reverend Don Anderson, he told me that he was due to be a speaker at an event in East Greenwich entitled, “What Would Roger Williams Do?” When he heard about the arrival of the refugees, he was first worried that coming to greet them might make him late for his event.

“And then I realized,” said Anderson, “That Roger Williams would be here to greet the refugees.”

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Seizing the Means of Reproduction conference at Brown


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web-Seizing-the-Means-of-ReproductionA one-day conference, Seizing the Means of Reproduction, that seeks to explore “reproductive labor and social reproduction as contested sites of struggle” will be held at Brown University on February 19, and organizers have arranged an excellent slate of presenters. Organizers Arlen Austin and Beth Capper describe the conference as tracking “the multiple historical sites, geographic locations, and activist genealogies that form and inform our collective imagination of,” reproductive labor and social reproduction. “At the same time, [the conference] aims to recalibrate contemporary diagnoses of post­-Fordism by foregrounding and historicizing Marxist feminist theorizations of racial capitalism, the welfare state, and neoliberalism. ”

Pretty heady stuff, but organizer Arlen Austin stresses that “all the speakers involved have one foot in academia and one foot in grassroots organizing and activist work. (Of course the two realms aren’t mutually exclusive but have been more or less intertwined historically)… I absolutely think that it is meant to be for grassroots activists and young people just developing an interest in socialism, feminism and Marxism as well as people who have had the opportunity to study these traditions in a focused way through an educational institution.”

There will be opportunities for local groups at the conference as well, says Austin. “We are planning a table for local organizations to present their outreach materials and hope to have representatives make brief statements about their work between presentations if we can successfully coordinate this.” Groups interested should get in touch with Arlen Austin and Beth Capper.

The conference will also “revisit the legacy of the 1970’s Wages for Housework and Welfare Rights movements in relation to pressing issues of contemporary social inquiry and social struggle: the international division of domestic, sexual, and caring labor; the assault on welfare in an age of neoliberal austerity; the rise of the prison industrial complex; and the question of the ‘commons.’”

In conjunction with Seizing the Means of Reproduction, organizers are “launching a digital humanities archive on the international Wages for Housework movement. Drawing on materials housed in the collections of the Lesbian Herstory Archive (Brooklyn, N.Y.) and the personal archives of women involved in the movement, this digital platform will make publicly available, for the first time, photographs, manifestos and other media, many of which are unpublished or not previously available to researchers.”


Seizing the Means of Reproduction is Friday, February 19 at 9:45 AM – 6:15 PM

Location: Pembroke Hall, Brown University, 172 Meeting St, Providence, Rhode Island 02906

You can RSVP on Facebook


Bios for Conference Speakers

Mimi Abramovitz ​is Bertha Capen Reynolds Professor of Social Policy and the Chair of Social Welfare Policy at the Hunter College School of Social Work. She has published widely on issues related to women, poverty, human rights, and the U.S welfare state. Her books include the award­ winning Under Attack, Fighting Back: Women and Welfare in the United States (Monthly Review Press, 2000) and Regulating the Lives of Women: Social Welfare Policy from Colonial Times to the Present (South End Press, 1996). She is currently writing a book on the history of low-­income women’s activism in the U.S.

Aren Aizura ​is Assistant Professor in Gender, Women and Sexuality Studies at the University of Minnesota. He is the co­-editor of the Transgender Studies Reader 2 (Routledge, 2013) and his writing has appeared in the journals Inter­Asia Cultural Studies and Asian Studies Review, and books such as Queer Necropolitics, Transgender Migrations, and Transfeminist Perspectives in and beyond Transgender and Gender Studies. He is completing a monograph titled Mobile Subjects: Transnational Imaginaries of Gender Reassignment. His new project considers transnational circuits of reproductive labor, the political economy of immigration, and queer and trans theory.

Silvia Federici ​is Emerita Professor in Political Philosophy and International Studies at Hofstra University and a long time feminist activist and writer. She has written widely on feminist theory, women and globalization, and feminist struggles, and is the author of Caliban and the Witch: Women, the Body, and Primitive Accumulation (Autonomedia, 2004) and Revolution at Point Zero: Housework, Reproduction, and Feminist Struggle (PM Press, 2012). She is co­founder of the Committee for Academic Freedom in Africa and a member of the Midnight Notes Collective.

Selma James ​is the founder of the International Wages for Housework Campaign and helped launch the Global Women’s Strike. She is the author of numerous publications, including The Power of Women and the Subversion of Community (Falling Wall Press, 1972), Strangers and Sisters: Women, Race, and Immigration (Falling Wall Press, 1986), and Sex, Race, and Class – The Perspective of Winning (PM Press, 2012).

Sara Clarke Kaplan is an associate professor of Ethnic Studies and Critical Gender Studies and the founder and co-convener of the Black Studies Project at the University of California, San Diego.  She is a scholar of Black feminist and queer theory and African Diaspora literary and cultural production. Her book, The Black Reproductive: Feminism and the Politics of Freedom (forthcoming this fall from University of Minnesota Press) explores how the expropriation, administration, and imagination of Black procreation, reproductive labor, and sexuality have been both necessary to and an endangerment of the creation and maintenance of racial capitalism in the United States. Her published and forthcoming work appears in a number of journals, including American Quarterly, American Literary History, Callaloo, Rhizomes, and the Journal of Black Women, Gender, and Families.

Priya Kandaswamy ​is associate professor and chair of Women, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Mills College in Oakland, California. Her research focuses on the role constructions of family play in grounding forms of state power that simultaneously produce and regulate race, gender, sexuality, and class. Her work has appeared in journals such as Sexualities, American Quarterly, and Radical Teacher as well as numerous edited anthologies. Her current project develops a comparative analysis of marriage promotion and forced labor programs targeting women of color in the Reconstruction era and the late twentieth century.

Premilla Nadasen ​is a Visiting Associate Professor of History at Barnard College and has previously taught at Queen’s College (CUNY). Nadasen is a long­time scholar-­activist and works closely with community organizations. She is the author of Household Workers Unite: The Untold Story of African American Women who Built a Movement (Beacon Press, 2015) and Welfare Warriors: The Welfare Rights Movement in the United States (Routledge, 2004). She is currently co­editing, with Eileen Boris, a special issue of the International Working­ Class History Association journal on organizing domestic labor. She has written for Ms, the Progressive Media Project, as well as other media outlets.

Neferti X. M. Tadiar​ is the author of the books, Fantasy­ Production: Sexual Economies and Other Philippine Consequences for the New World Order (Hong Kong University Press, 2004) and Things Fall Away: Philippine Historical Experience and the Makings of Globalization (Duke University Press, 2009). Her current book project is entitled Remaindered Life, a meditation on the disposability and surplus of life­making under contemporary conditions of global empire. She is currently Director of the Program in American Studies and Professor of Women’s, Gender, & Sexuality Studies at Barnard College, Columbia University and Co­-Editor of the New York­ based Collective and journal of interdisciplinary cultural studies, Social Text.

Frances Fox Piven​ is Professor of Political Science and Sociology at The Graduate Center, City University of New York. She is the co-­author, with Richard Cloward, of Regulating the Poor: TheFunctions of Public Welfare (Vintage, 1971) and Poor People’s Movements (Vintage, 1978). She is author of numerous books, including The War at Home: The Domestic Costs of Bush’s Militarism (New Press, 2004), Challenging Authority: How Ordinary People Change America (Polemics, 2006), and, most recently, Who’s Afraid of Frances Fox Piven?: The Essential Writings of the Professor Glenn Beck Loves to Hate (New Press, 2011). She has received career and lifetime achievement awards from the American Sociological Association and the American Political Science Association.

Kathi Weeks ​is Associate Professor of Women’s Studies at Duke University. Her primary interests are in the fields of political theory, feminist theory, Marxist thought, the critical study of work, and utopian studies. She is the author of The Problem with Work: Feminism, Marxism, Antiwork Politics and Postwork Imaginaries (Duke University Press, 2011) and Constituting Feminist Subjects (Cornell University Press, 1998), and a co-­editor of The Jameson Reader (Blackwell, 2000).

Soyoung Yoon ​is Program Director and Assistant Professor of Art History & Visual Studies at the Department of the Arts, Eugene Lang College of Liberal Arts, The New School. She is also a Faculty at the Whitney Museum Independent Study Program [ISP]. In 2015-­6, she is Carol G. Lederer Postdoctoral Fellow at the Pembroke Center at Brown University as a part of its research seminar on “Fatigue,” the first installation in a five­ year series on “War.” Yoon received her Ph.D. from Stanford University, and holds a B.A. from Seoul National University. Yoon has published in Grey Room, Millennium Film Journal, Film Quarterly, Shifters, among other journals and books. Yoon is at work on two book projects around the re­definition of the status of the “document” in the post­war period: Walkie Talkie, regarding the rise of cinéma vérité and critiques of the hermeneutics of the self, amidst anti-­colonial struggles and development of new techniques of policing; and Miss Vietnam: The Work of Art in the Age of Techno­war, a project on feminist mediation, which re-frames technological reproducibility via the framework of reproductive labor.

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A social history of our economic downfall with David Harvey


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David Harvey is a Marxist geographer and thinker whose scholarship has included the history of neoliberalism, the meaning of Marx’s Das Kapital, and building a participatory democratic system in urban centers.

Here Harvey lays out the history of neoliberalism and the political system it entails. While many libertarian-capitalists embrace the ideas of neoliberalism under the auspices of pleas for freedom, it becomes abundantly clear listening to Harvey that the regimes of Pinochet and Deng have been anything but liberation. This is essential for anyone interested in knowing why America’s economy is so sluggish.

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An economic history of our social downfall with Tony Judt


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judt2The late Tony Judt was a historian of undeniable talent, even if I personally find his political positions slightly problematic. His book Postwar, a history of Europe after the Second World War, is considered one of the finest volumes of the past decade.

As he was dying of ALS, colloquially known as Lou Gehrig’s Disease, he composed , a pleading for sanity in insane times called What is Living and What is Dead in Social Democracy?, which was later expanded into a book called Ill Fares the Land. In it, he makes a concise and mature estimation of the history of the Keynesian welfare state, how the rise of neoclassical economics under the auspices of neoconservative or neoliberal governments has perverted our notions of civic morality, and what can be done to resuscitate a society based around these ideas. Even if one disagrees with his embrace of anti-radical social democratic politics, it is a vital primer on the meaning of our social decay and how we got here.

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Have a radical Black History Month with Dr. Gerald Horne


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Gerald Horne photo[1]Dr. Gerald Horne of the University of Houston is arguably one of the finest historians in America. His prolific and impressive bibliography has profiled and narrated a wide range of topics in African American history, including the American revolution to the history of black Communist politicians who were elected to office.

His book The Counter-Revolution of 1776: Slave Resistance and the Origins of the United States of America offers a fascinating and alternative vision of the founding of this country as a pro-slavery war against British abolitionism, a force that was gaining traction within the Parliament. Included in that work is a discussion of events in Rhode Island that informed my own film Aaron Briggs and the HMS Gaspee.

Another title, his recent Confronting Black Jacobins: The U.S., the Haitian Revolution, and the Origins of the Dominican Republic, is a continuation and enhancement of the classic title by C.L.R. James and discusses the diplomatic and international response to the slave rebellion in Haiti under the leadership of Toussaint L’Ouverture.

He has also written biographies of Paul Robeson, W.E.B. Du Bois, and William Patterson, among many others.

Dr. Horne was kind enough to sit down with me recently for an interview wherein we discussed some of his recent titles as well as currents in African American history so to commemorate Black History Month.

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5 minute house debate: Remembering Buddy


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5 minute house debateNot really a debate, the House engaged in eulogizing controversial former Providence Mayor Vincent ‘Buddy’ Cianci who had died earlier that day at age 74.  Rep. John J. DeSimone and Rep. Nicholas A. Mattiello shared what I would think of as ordinary remembrances and didn’t make the cut.

But Rep. Charlene Lima and Rep. Raymond A. Hull‘s remembrances have to be seen and heard to be believed.

Featuring amazing mental images such as: five priests drinking in a secret bar at City Hall, Ray Hull tucking Cianci into bed at night and a big, bad, handsome “psychopath” biting a man’s ear off, this was not a typical day at the State House.

The ProJo reports that John Gary Robichaud “had disguised himself as a priest to steal a $66,000 payroll from an armored-car at the state Department of Employment Security.” Robichaud “was convicted, and escaped from the state prison a few months later. Cianci, who feared that the robber might come after him, slept with a gun by his bed for a few weeks — until Robichaud’s bullet-riddled body turned up in Massachusetts.”

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The Bernie Sanders audio documentary about Eugene V. Debs


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Screen Shot 2016-01-23 at 2.31.30 PMBack in 1979, Bernie Sanders, well before he was elected as Mayor of Burlington that launched his political career, produced with the Smithsonian Folkways label an audio documentary about Prisoner Number 9563 himself, Eugene V. Debs. Some folks have kindly uploaded the material to YouTube and so we are proud to feature it here, along with the liner notes.

Debs was a monumental figure whose life continues to define the American Left. His famous railroad strike was described as such by one website:

The Pullman Strike of 1894 was the first national strike in United States history. Before coming to an end, it involved over 150,000 persons and twenty-seven states and territories and would paralyze the nations railway system. The entire rail labor force of the nation would walk away from their jobs. In supporting the capital side of this strike President Cleveland for the first time in the Nation’s history would send in federal troops, who would fire on and kill United States Citizens, against the wishes of the states. The federal courts of the nation would outlaw striking by the passing of the Omnibus indictment. This blow to unionized labor would not be struck down until the passing of the Wagner act in 1935. This all began in the little town of Pullman, Illinois, just south of Chicago.

Upon the outbreak of World War I, he decried the imperialist carnage and agitated despite the use of the espionage act to silence the anti-war movement that was telling the proletariat that they had nothing to gain from serving in an army that obeyed the whims of the capitalist class. His imprisonment for this agitation made it hard for him to keep abreast of the exciting and divisive events that happened in the American Left following the Bolshevik Revolution and the rise of the Communist movement across the globe. Debs wished for socialist unity despite the schism between pro- and anti-Leninist currents in the Left but also found a great deal of agreement with the Bolshevik calls for peace, land, and bread. Arguably no greater socialist has followed in his footsteps in the century since this climactic period of his life.

For a good selection of primary sources related to Debs, visit the Marxist Internet Archive.

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Providence Student Union launches #OurHistoryMatters campaign


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2016-01-20 PSU 014The Providence Student Union (PSU) rallied outside the Providence School Department Wednesday to demand Ethnic Study classes be taught for credit in high school. The event served as a kickoff to the PSU’s #OurHistoryMatters campaign, to counter the lack of representation of the Latino, Black, Southeast Asian, and American Indian population in the school’s classes.

PSU was joined in their effort by representatives from PrYSM, the EJLRIYouth in Action and DARE as well as community and labor leaders.

Recent studies have shown that high school students perform better when race and ethnicity classes are offered. A Guardian report on a Stanford University study said, “Student attendance increased by 21%, while grade-point averages surged nearly a grade and a half for those enrolled in the class – striking results, according to the researchers.”

Students spoke passionately about the lack of representation in their history classes (see video below). They also resented having to learn real history outside of school. “I just recently learned the truth about Columbus Day,” said Diane Gonzalez from Central High School. “I didn’t know who Columbus really was, until I learned it with Providence Student Union, in one of our mini workshops about oppression… I’m Guatemalan, and I have no idea about our history at all.”

“This is an undeniable problem,” said Afaf Akid, a senior at E-Cubed Academy and a PSU youth leader, in  a statement. “We did an analysis of the American history textbook we use in Providence, and our results were shocking. Of our textbook’s 1,192 pages, fewer than 100 pages are dedicated to people of color. That’s less than 10% of our history curriculum, in a district where 91% of the students are people of color. That is unacceptable. And, of course, the few references to people of color are problematic as well, often treating issues like slavery and colonialism as neutral or even positive developments. We deserve better.”

“The oppression of enslaved African-Americans and Native Americans is disguised as… ‘cultural exchange,'” said Licelit Caraballo, “the hardships that Asians had to endure as they migrated to the US is viewed as just ‘seeking work’ when they were also treated as slaves. Our history books don’t cover these topics.”

A very interesting part of the presentation consisted of holding up black and white posters of famous activists of color, and asking those in attendance if they knew the people pictured. First up was Bayard Rustin, a leader in civil rights, socialism, nonviolence, and gay rights written out of civil rights history because of his homosexuality and atheism. Also held up was Fred Hampton of the Black Panther Party, Grace Lee Boggs, author, social activist, philosopher and feminist born here in Providence, Dolores Huerta, labor leader and civil rights activist and Ella Baker, civil and human rights activist.

“We think it should be pretty self-evident that Providence students need a more culturally relevant curriculum,” said Justin Hernandez, a junior at Hope High School and a PSU school delegate. “But if those in charge of our school system need convincing, we are ready. We’re used to tough fights, from ending the unfair NECAP graduation requirement to expanding bus passes. And we are excited to do whatever it takes to win ethnic studies courses and move our schools a little closer towards providing us the education we deserve.”

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“Free at last, free at last, Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!” Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.


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Martin Luther King Jr

For some reason, this year I thought I must do something special on Martin Luther King, Jr. day. I decided to read something he had written. But today I found the video of his “Free at Last” speech and decided to watch and most importantly to listen to the great man deliver his most celebrated speech.

As I watched tears developed in my eyes. At the climactic end, one forlorn tear from each eye rolled down my cheeks. As I watched I remembered that what MLK had looked forward to had not yet come to pass in this great, yes great, nation of ours.

Black Lives Matter.

How many deaths must we watch before we come to grips with our own insidious built-in racism? How many Black families must grieve for their lost sons and daughters? How many children must we raise who are still de facto segregated into black schools and white schools, poor schools and rich schools, ghettos and fields of plenty?

I am certain the day will come when we will truly be equal, but it will not come by itself. It may not come in my lifetime, but it will come. And, I believe, without violence.

But we must never forget that “the price of liberty” for all “is eternal vigilance” by all. That vigilance is here today. White brothers and sisters are opening their eyes. Yes, it has taken a lot of pushing and faces severe resistance, but it is happening. Efforts are underway to end the injustices. But efforts are not enough, we must succeed. We cannot take our eyes off of the end goals, and we must do what is necessary to peacefully achieve them, and to keep them. We must be vigilant.

When were my eyes open to the continuing injustices faced by persons of color? It actually wasn’t anyone’s death, it wasn’t anyone’s wrongful incarceration. It was earlier but is current, it was something seemingly innocuous yet revealing. It was when I first heard the term: “DWB: Driving While Black.”

We have a ways to go. But the spirit of MLK will lead us there.

I knew there was a reason.

East Side Black Lives Matter panel challenges comfort zones


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Pilar McCloud NAACP
Pilar McCloud, NAACP

A discussion of Black Lives Matter and the importance of this movement in terms of criminal justice reform, prison abolition and the next phase of Civil Rights in our state was held at the First Unitarian Church of Providence. The mostly white, middle and upper middle class church members were interested in what they could do as a congregation to ally with and support this important movement. Much of what was presented was in line with the liberal values of those in attendance, but when speaker Marco McWilliams, director of Black Studies at Direct Action for Rights and Equality (DARE) spoke about prison abolition and the dismantling of capitalism (admittedly long term goals) some in the audience showed visible reservations.

It was a radical message different from the one that Jim Vincent, President of the NAACP Providence Branch gave. Vincent wanted to convey the immediacy of the problem. Police are killing black people “under the most questionable circumstance imaginable,” said Vincent, and he then proceeded to relate a long list of stories of police killing unarmed black people, ending only because of time constraints and asserting that he could have easily continued for hours in this way. These stories, coupled with startling statistics about the disproportionate rates of black arrests and black incarceration act as a call to action.

Marco McWilliams, DARE
Marco McWilliams, DARE

Pilar McCloud, assistant secretary of the NAACP Providence Branch, put the larger structure of systemic racism into a personal context. Despite her college education, as a black woman she is often treated as someone who is uneducated, regarded with suspicion or, as in one story she told, served as almost an after thought at the Starbucks located in the Providence Place Mall. A paying customer, her coffee was delivered long after she ordered, the man behind the counter actually prioritized the coffee of a white woman who ordered after her before preparing Pilar’s drink. McCloud asked for her money back and retrieved her tip from the tip jar.

McCloud also talked about the differences in the conditions of the schools in Providence. Nathaniel Greene located in a neighborhood populated mostly by people of color, is falling apart. Nathan Bishop, on the East Side of Providence, is in immaculate condition. It seems that some students, says McCloud, “…don’t deserve well lit auditoriums or brand new books, and brand new computers, and well shined floors.”

The first speaker of the evening was Susan Leslie, Congregational Advocacy and Witness Director for the Unitarian Universalist Association (UUA) in Boston. She set the tenor of the meeting, stressing the importance of events like these and the involvement of UUA churches in the struggles for civil rights. The UUA, said Leslie, “was slow to respond” to the Black Lives Matter movement, but congregations across the country are beginning to take action. Sixty UUA churches have hung “Black Lives Matter” banners outside their churches. These churches are active as allies (or what McWilliams called “accomplices”) in marches, on corrective legislation such as the Providence Community Safety Act and in calling on their leaders to take action on the abuses of the criminal justice system towards people of color.

The members of the First Unitarian Church of Providence are beginning the process of deciding on whether or not to display a “Black Lives Matter” banner in front of their church. About a third of the banners displayed across the country have been vandalized or stolen, said Leslie, but these churches have held “really powerful rededication ceremonies” and “recommitted in the face of that.” This provides imporatnat opportunities for community engagement and bridge building.

Below are the full videos of all the speakers and the robust Q&A that concluded the evening.

Jim Vincent NAACP
Jim Vincent NAACP
jim Estey First U
jim Estey First U
Susan Leslie UUA
Susan Leslie UUA

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Remembering Haiti on the occasion of the 6th anniversary of the earthquake


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Bernard Georges
Bernard Georges

On January 12, 2010, the Republic of Haiti was devastated by a 7.0 magnitude earthquake, the largest to ever hit the Western Hemisphere. This disaster cost thousands of lives and displaced many more until today.

Therefore, it is difficult to find words that will adequately express my shock and sympathy over the tragic earthquake that devastated Port-au-Prince and caused the loss of over 200,000 with many more suffering and displaced. Some of the Haitians have fled to other countries to pursue happiness.

Some family members are still experiencing trauma and need psychological assistance and social interventions to help them recover. The pain of losing family members and friends shall never be forgotten. I remember that I had just finished talking to my own cousin, Lukencia Desptre, only to later receive the devastating news that she had died in the earthquake.

Sometimes, I do not want to talk about it because it is the hardest moment I had to go through, losing some of my family members and friends. I know that no words I can offer have the power to ease the loss, including the toughest, roughest, hardest moments that Haitians experience. However, it is my earnest hope that the many memories of family members and brothers and sisters will be sustained during this difficult time.

In commemoration of the 6th anniversary of the earthquake, I honor the lives lost during this disaster and offer my most heartfelt condolences. I wish my people strength, healing, and peace in the difficult times ahead.

Bannister House workers demanding fair contract from Centers


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2016-01-11 Bannister House 019Workers at the Bannister House nursing home voted unanimously to reject Centers Health Care’s contract proposal and authorized a strike on December 28. Workers say that the nursing home chain is trying to drive down compensation for existing jobs. Today workers and allies held an informational picket outside Bannister House.

“These workers are fighting for a fair shake,” said Mike Araujo of RI Jobs With Justice, “not just for themselves but for everyone that cares for our family members when they need help.

Last year Bannister House workers helped save the historic nursing home from being closed down. Bannister House was founded in 1890 as a “Home for Aged Colored Women” in Fox Point to provide care for African-American women, many of them retired domestic servants.

Today workers are demanding a living wage and affordable benefits. The workers are unionized under SEIU 1199.

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First Amendment protects freedom of conscience, not just religion


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Constitution of the United States“It is beyond reproach that the First Amendment only protects sincerely held beliefs that are ‘rooted in religion,’” said Assistant Attorney General Adam J. Sholes, as quoted in the Providence Journal.

Sholes couldn’t be more wrong and his position is particularly troubling given that he practices law in the State of Rhode Island, the place where the first government guaranteeing freedom of conscience was formed.

The case revolves around Devon Letourneau and Robert Vangel, two men at the ACI who are suing the state, alleging that “they are being blocked from practicing their faith” while in prison. The faith they maintain they are being blocked from practicing is the Five-Percent Nation, which many in law enforcement see as little more than a criminal gang.

According to the ProJo, “The state is asking that the suit be dismissed, saying that prison officials acted reasonably and in good faith in their official capacities and that the First Amendment and the federal Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act do not protect ‘cultural activities and beliefs.’ The state emphasizes that Letourneau and Vangel explicitly reject defining [their beliefs] as a religion and instead consider it a culture or way of life.”

While acknowledging that the state may have compelling interests in preventing these men from engaging in the fullness of their religious practice due to concerns about safety, security and rehabilitation, I have to firmly disagree with Assistant Attorney General Sholes. There is no question that the establishment clause of the Constitution, the part that reads, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof,” fully applies.

There are many world views, philosophies, life stances or ways of life that are not religious in nature, yet are considered fully equal to religion in terms of conscience and liberty, under the law. Though I confess to not fully understanding the intricacies of Letourneau and Vangel’s beliefs, from what I’ve read they make no less sense than any number of other religions, faiths and beliefs that are routinely accorded First Amendment protections. Further, non-religious belief systems, such as atheism and Humanism, are protected under the First Amendment as surely as Christianity or Judaism.

Thomas Jefferson wrote “that the legitimate powers of government reach actions only, & not opinions.” He further wrote that officers of civil government should “interfere [only] when [religious] principles break out into overt acts against peace and good order.” In penning these words, Jefferson set a high bar for the United States, a bar we have not always met in times of crisis or fear.

According to the ProJo, five states have classified the Five-Percent Nation as a gang or a security threat. This determination in no way diminishes the Five-Percent Nation’s status as a protected belief, but, per Jefferson, creates an onus on the government to take extra care when restricting an inmate’s ability to practice their beliefs.

The state’s defense then, should not be that the Letourneau and Vangel’s Five-Percent Nation beliefs are not protected by the Constitution as Assistant Attorney General Sholes seems to maintain, but that the state has made every safe and reasonable effort accommodate the beliefs.

In doing so, we will have protected not just the beliefs of two inmates, but the liberty of conscience of all Rhode Islanders.

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A conversation with Sally Hay about LGBTQQI elder issues and her Communist uncle Harry Hay

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Sally Hay.

Recently I had the opportunity to sit down for a conversation with Sally Hay, an LGBTQQI (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans*, Queer, Questioning, Intersex) rights activist that has done a significant level of research and work regarding elder issues with Services & Advocacy for GLBT Elders (SAGE). As the Baby Boomers continue to retire and age, a whole generation of people who came out before and immediately after Stonewall will face a variety of unique challenges their heterosexual counterparts do not.

As one example, many of these elders adamantly refuse to use the Q for queer in describing their community due to a legacy of great pain and anguish that word caused them as younger people. A younger generation in the late 1980’s and 1990’s, in the midst of the absolute catastrophe of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, re-appropriated the word and turned it into a radical pride label. In a famous leaflet, they wrote:

Ah, do we really have to use that word? It’s trouble. Every gay person has his or her own take on it. For some it means strange and eccentric and kind of mysterious […] And for others “queer” conjures up those awful memories of adolescent suffering […] Well, yes, “gay” is great. It has its place. But when a lot of lesbians and gay men wake up in the morning we feel angry and disgusted, not gay. So we’ve chosen to call ourselves queer. Using “queer” is a way of reminding us how we are perceived by the rest of the world.

These sorts of conversations are genuinely meaningful but also entail a good deal of nuance. Many of these elders do not have connections with their family of origin and as a result often will find themselves being given assistance by younger community members that use queer as an appellation of pride. This is a generation where “their safety was everybody else’s silence.” Studies have begun to show that these elders are “far more reluctant to access traditional, mainstream health services [and] senior services. They put off, they defer healthcare for fear of discrimination, for fear of being harassed, of needing to out themselves, often they don’t out themselves, and also often because they don’t have the insurance [because] that’s a cohort that has a lower income”.

“In terms of working with healthcare facilities and providers, we’ve heard stories over the years…of some discrimination and inappropriate treatment. But on the balance, I think most of the…harm that’s done is out of ignorance. What we hear…the three things are we don’t have any gay people here, we hear ‘we must be doing it right because we don’t get any complaints’ and trying to help them understand that this is a cohort that has survived by being invisible and not rocking the boat… They’re not likely to come up to the administration and say ‘I think I’m being harassed’. And the third thing is ‘we treat everybody the same’. And that comes with a good heart often but not understand that…when you an intake form…that says ‘married/widowed/divorced/separated/single’, even though I am now married, I don’t related to that and when I see that simple array, I know you don’t see me… If all your pictures and brochures are of heterosexual couples and families, you’re saying that you don’t see me.”

Throughout our conversation, we reflected on her ideas about elders, feminism, and the advancement of the struggles for liberation that she and her wife have lived through. Of particular interest was her ability to discuss whether the feminist movement, like the LGBTQQI movement, has entered into a phase of assimilation. I also afforded her the opportunity to directly address doctors and other healthcare professionals about what they should do to better care for this population.

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Harry Hay

One of the figures who informed some of her efforts and experiences with this elder community was working with her late uncle, Harry Hay, in his last years, who was arguably the founder of American gay men’s liberation. In 1948, Hay, a member of the Communist Party USA, used the Marxist-Leninist definition of a minority to form what became America’s first gay men’s civil rights association, the Mattachine Society. Stuart Timmons, author of The Trouble With Harry Hay: Founder of the Modern Gay Movement, writes in his 1990 biography:

Since 1941, Harry had taught Stalin’s four principles of a minority; these were a common language, a common territory, a common economy, and a common psychology and culture. “I felt we had two of the four, the language and culture, so clearly we were a social minority.” This concept of homosexuals as a minority would be the contribution of which Hay was proudest… He suggested a comparison of the political manipulation and murder of homosexuals in Nazi Germany to recent firings of gays by the State Department [during the McCarthyist Red Scare].

Hay says elsewhere in the Timmons biography:

The post-war reaction, the shutting down of open communication, was already of concern to many of us progressives. I knew the government was going to look for a new enemy, a new scapegoat. It was predictable. But Blacks were beginning to organize and the horror of the holocaust was too recent to put the Jews in this position. The natural scapegoat would be us, the Queers. They were the one group of disenfranchised people who did not even know they were a group because they had never formed as a group. They – we – had to get started. It was high time.

Throughout his life, as Sally says in the interview, Hay described himself as the Martin Luther King, Jr. of the gay movement. While I understand the logic, I would instead argue that Hay was closer to W.E.B. Du Bois for several reasons.

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Sally and Harry Hay.

troubleFirst, like Du Bois, Hay wrote a large body of work that was based on sociological and anthropological scholarly forms. Second, like Du Bois, Hay was an unrepentant atheist and Communist whereas Dr. King was a Christian and registered as first a Republican and then a Democrat. Third, both Du Bois and Hay were militant throughout their careers with issues regarding collaboration with mainstream politics and always strove for liberation as opposed to integration, whereas Dr. King learned a hard lesson about this after being disappointed by the Kennedy brothers and Lyndon Johnson. Finally, Hay and Du Bois both died as elder statesmen of their respective movements while Dr. King was killed just as he was beginning to formulate a radical critique of not just American racism but imperialism, militarism, and capitalism. Hay continues to be a revolutionary thinker because he included an essential element of class in his identity politics project and challenged not just homophobia and sexism but also capitalism, imperialism and racism.

In 1983, the late Vito Russo, who would later go on to author the classic study of cinematic representation The Celluloid Closet, produced for New York public television a program titled Our Time. The premiere episode featured an interview with Harry Hay and Barbara Gittings, the co-founder of The Daughters of Bilitis, America’s first lesbian civil rights group, along with historian John D’Emilio, whose book Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities dealt with the history of the liberation movement in America. Those interested in seeing just the Harry Hay segment can click here or they can advance the video to the 8:06 time marker.

A BRIEF ASIDE ON NAMBLA

Radically gay

There is something fundamentally sexist about turning a piece that is meant to be about cisgendered lesbian talking about elder issues into an extended one about an uncle that was not the center of the conversation. Yet this following issue is vital to parse through. When any journalist writes about Harry Hay, they can sing the praises of his work for gay liberation ad infinitum but also must confront the difficult issue of his advocacy for the North American Man Boy Love Association (NAMBLA), which he was never a member of. Indeed, in 2010, Obama education appointee Kevin Jennings was subjected to a guilt-by-association campaign by the Sean Hannity and others for his previous laudatory statements about Harry Hay. When I went to SCSU with Bella Robinson, the host, Dr. Alan Brown, who has studied LGBTQQI issues throughout his sociological career and has shelves loaded with volumes on different aspects of the topic, including the aforementioned Stuart Timmons biography, tried to talk with me about this in a conversation and after several minutes we only could come up with two words, “that’s tough”.

There are two instances in Hay’s life where he advocated on behalf of NAMBLA and both are deserving of a full discussion. The latter, in 1994, is much easier to explain. Will Roscoe says in an anthology of Hay’s writings he edited titled Radically Gay: Gay Liberation in the Words of Its Founder:

In 1994, when Senator Jesse Helms learned that the United Nations had granted consultative status to the International Lesbian and Gay Association (ILGA) and that one of the organizations affiliated with this body was NAMBLA…he introduced a resolution in the Senate to cut off funding for the U.N. until it could be certified that it did not recognize or grant official status to any organization that “promotes, condones, or seeks the legalization of pedophilia.” The resolution passed 99 to 0… [This] coincided with plans for a massive Lesbian/Gay convergence on New York City in June to celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Stonewall uprising. At meetings held in conjunction with this event, ILGA delegates voted to expel NAMBLA. Hay was prominent in coordinating the opposition… Hay has consistently argued the same points: First and foremost, that we [LGBTQQI people] should not allow our opponents to dictate to us who is and who is not a member of our community. Second, while Hay himself has never been a member of NAMBLA, he was once a young Gay man, well under the age of consent, who sought out sexual contact with an adult man and found it. To call this “child molestation” only stigmatizes homosexuality further and makes it more difficult for young Gay people to make contact with others like them. Indeed, Hay accuses Gay leaders of abandoning youth in their eagerness to cater to Right-wing homophobes.

In a published version of a speech he gave at the time, Our Beloved Gay/Lesbian Movement at a Crossroads, Hay said the following:

When some of us “anti-exclusionists” (a more accurate term than “pro-NAMBLA-ites”) argued that Helms’s remarks were aimed at European groups as well as American ones, ILGA responded by saying, “He has no jurisdiction over Europeans.” In so saying, they exposed themselves as middle-class assimilationists with no knowledge of how ruling-class politics play out in “smoke-filled back rooms.” They were ignoring the fact that the feckless, toothless caricature of a world parliament-the U.N.-needed American money in order to keep going and would do anything to get it! Even though NAMBLA had been one of ILGA’s longest-standing member organizations, ILGA voted NAMBLA’s expulsion… Selling NAMBLA down the river was a short-sighted solution and it obscured the real issue of including and addressing the needs of our Gay and Lesbian youth… NAMBLA was never the issue. The constitutional right of Gay and Lesbian groups to first-class citizenship, of Gay and Lesbian individuals to practice political and spiritual self-determination was. It still is!… Thirty days later, Helms let the other shoe drop. He amended an education bill on its way through the Senate by denying federal funds to any public school district that teaches homosexuality is a positive lifestyle alternative through class work, textbooks, or counseling… Insofar as child molestation is concerned, the most common, yet unrecognized, form is the sexual coercion of Gay and Lesbian youth into heterosexual identities and behaviors. This is practiced daily by the whole national and international Hetero community… This outrageous coercion of Gay kids into heterosexual identities and behaviors is not only sexually abusive, it is a spiritually devastating rape because the child, unknowingly, is led into self-loathing at the same time! [Emphasis in original]

The former instance of Hay’s support for NAMBLA, as discussed in the interview, was not an organizational one, it was ideological. Hay, along with other gay men like Allen Ginsberg, were adamant that the sexual initiation and education of younger gay men by elders was a topic worthy of discussion and important. This is not an isolated instance either, throughout history, going as far back as Plato’s Symposium, there has been an undercurrent of this dynamic. In the instance of Socrates and Plato, a long section of that dialogue included an argument that the relationship between a younger man and an elder was not just admirable, it was holier than heterosexual marriage! There are two points to keep in mind when dealing with this issue.

First, it was not until the 1966 free speech ruling by the Massachusetts Supreme Court regarding the censorship of Naked Lunch by William S. Burroughs that it was fully legal for LGBTQQI writers to talk graphically and without fear about same sex relationships of any kind, before that writers had to use codes and symbols. Within three years of that ruling came the Stonewall riots in the summer of 1969. In 1980, the HIV/AIDS epidemic hit the community with a force akin to how the Shoah struck the European Jewish community. The African American movement had centuries to hash through major issues that still continue to affect their communal discourse. By contrast, LGBTQQI people had eleven years of peace before being thrown into a cataclysm that forced them to confront the military-pharmaceutical-industrial complex, sexism, racism, and so many issues they needed to overcome quickly lest they die horrible, lonesome, painful deaths. This conversation is one of the most challenging for men who have sex with men, more difficult than safe sex, HIV testing, substance abuse, or the notion of marriage as opposed to domestic partnership.

Second, there is a large level of hypocrisy around consent laws regarding same-sex relations. Men and women can and are destroyed by homophobic parents of their lovers who have them arrested for sexual misconduct and tarred as pedophiles if they have been dating someone for years and then turn 18. This happens in the same country where the age of consent to marriage in New Hampshire is 13 for women if the parents consent! There also are Romeo and Juliet laws that protect straight couples when one partner turns 18 that do not apply historically also to same sex couples. As a personal aside, my own view is that the age of consent would probably be best set at 45, in a world where we have so many children abandoned to poverty, war, a pathetic foster care system, and the school-to-prison pipeline, I have no clue why child bearing-aged adults should be allowed to have sexual congress that results in procreation, but then again I never could understand heterosexuality.

I do not deny that this is a difficult conversation for straight allies of the community. On the surface, it seems very apparent that this is a common-sense, open-and-shut case of opposing pedophilia. It is also worth reiterating that both Sally and I agreed to disagree with Harry Hay’s actions. But understanding them fully so to disagree with them properly is what any mature ally should do before passing judgment. Those who profess ignorance and pass judgment beforehand on a figure who defines the very existence of LGBTQQI liberation should perhaps reconsider whether they are actually allies of the community. I would argue not that Hay was right or wrong but that one must educate oneself before passing judgement. The reality is that homophobia has always been based around ignorance and miseducation about LGBTQQI people and their lives.

Harry Hay was ahead of his time in almost every way. His ideas about Left wing strategy in the community were proven correct when ACT-UP would use direct action anarchist tactics to fight back against the horrors of AIDS. His notions of assimilation as a threat continue to be borne out as a class-free, homogenized history of liberation is offered up by films like the recent STONEWALL film. Despite a single place where he may have erred, all LGBTQQI can continue to learn something from him.

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