Child Health Deficiencies Explain RI Education Gap


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It’s often said that Rhode Island doesn’t get good value for its education dollar. The Rhode Island Public Expenditure Council says so every year, and the claim is dutifully repeated on the radio and I’ve heard it at the State House, too.

But is it true?

A while back I was looking at education funding and comparisons between states, and I noticed how thoroughly Rhode Island is outperformed by Massachusetts. Massachusetts, of course, is less urban than our little state, but even when you leave out Cape Cod and the Berkshires, or only look at urban areas, or high-poverty schools, students in Massachusetts schools tend to score higher on the national NAEP tests of academic prowess. (Check it out.)

As far as costs, Massachusetts is slightly below Rhode Island, though not by far. Both states are pretty much in the middle of the pack. Rhode Island has the 24th highest education expenditures per capita (counting public schools, colleges, and libraries) and Massachusetts is 27th, according to RIPEC’s annual compendium of census data. But it is lower and, according to their respective education departments, Massachusetts spent $13,047 per pupil in 2010, and RI spent $15,024.  (These are elementary and secondary education costs, leaving us 8th in the nation and MA 13th.)

So what’s with that? Our higher costs can’t be attributed to unions, since Massachusetts is as unionized as we are, and besides they pay their teachers more, according to the NEA salary survey. So I looked in the results and found… well I found that it’s pretty hard to compare the numbers, since they’re all reported in different categories. I couldn’t help notice that the Massachusetts numbers do not include things like debt service, construction costs, and transportation for non-public students, maybe a quarter or a fifth of the differences in costs.

Fidgeting around with the numbers for a while, you quickly come to a couple of conclusions. First, the differences are more or less along the lines that Massachusetts has fewer teachers per student, but they get more in the way of support services than here, and they appear to spend quite a bit less on administration. Benefit costs might also have something to do with it, but it’s hard to say. Second, it will take an army of accountants to sort the differences out more precisely than that because the categories just do not line up in a way that makes it easy to compare our state with theirs.

The real reason I was even bothering with this is something else entirely. The Kids Count data book came out in April, and I’ve been meaning to write about it since. Let me say before I go on that I will likely be the last writer in America frantically waving the flag of liberal education as the grim waves of business needs wash over my vessel and draw me down to the darkling deep. To me, there is an inestimable value to teaching our children to appreciate the glories of human civilization. After all, that’s how we pass it on, isn’t it?

But stick with me for a moment, and let’s pretend to look at our schools as little factories to manufacture workers while we consider the, ah, raw materials — and how we care for them. And here’s the funny thing. On pretty much every variable of childhood health and well-being, Massachusetts children have a better time of it than ours do.

Lack of health insurance coverage? 3% vs. 6%. Children in poverty? 14% vs. 19%. Infant mortality? 5.1% vs. 5.9%. Immunized two-year-olds? 80.4% vs. 76.7% This is not just a story about our poverty rate or unemployment rate being higher than theirs. Eligible kids who get food stamps? 68% vs. 75%. Children under the poverty line without health insurance? 6% vs. 11%.

Overall, Kids Count calls Massachusetts the third healthiest state to be a kid in, and Rhode Island lags at 17th. Is it conceivable that this has no bearing on the collective school performance of our children?

Of course, what has our actual record been?  Over the last few years, we’ve tightened eligibility rules and raised co-pays for Medicaid, reduced rental subsidies, ended or severely curtailed child care for poor families, and more.  We prioritize the health of rich taxpayers over the health of poor children, and then complain when the poor children don’t do well on standardized tests.  Go figure.

I’m not counseling only doom and gloom here. In fact, our standing in the Kids Count comparisons has made some desultory progress in the last couple of years.  Despite the funding setbacks, some measures are still improving over where we were a couple of decades ago, just much more slowly and unevenly than we could.  When we’re talking about relative performance of one educational system to another, it’s worth considering the factors outside of the classroom.  Spending a bit more time worrying about the health of our children might be as productive as complaining about the cost of our schools.

Update: I edited to make the distinction between education costs clear.

Chafee Helped Brown, Providence Behind Scenes


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It’s a huge day for Providence which, among other bits of good news, announced today that Brown University will pay the city $31 million over the next 11 years. While Mayor Angel Taveras and Brown President Ruth Simmons both deserve much credit for getting the deal done. So does another local leader who rarely wins praise for his efforts: Gov. Linc Chafee.

When talks broke down between Taveras and Simmons earlier in the year, it was Chafee, a Brown alum, who brought the two back to the negotiating table.

In a statement, Taveras praised Chafee for his “statesmanship” and David Ortiz, Taveras’ press secretary called the governor’s efforts “crucial” to the deal that was announced at the State House – not at City Hall or Brown – today.

“The governor brought us together and helped me understand a little bit better how important Brown is to the city and to the state,” Taveras said after the press conference. “One of the things the governor doesn’t get much credit for is he does a lot that people don’t necessarily see and I think this was another example of it.”

Simmons agreed, saying Chafee was “a  more neutral presence when the discussions were especially fraught.”

She added, “Because we were very divided we needed somebody to bring us into the room with a completely different perspective and he was able to do that to argue on behalf of the state, to argue what our joint agreement would mean to the state, and he had credibility in doing that. It was very helpful; we’re very grateful to him.”

Reed, Cicilline Speak Out on Student Loan Debt


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Rhode Island’s congressional delegation is getting in on the ground floor of the fight over student loan interest hike. Last week, the House passed a bill that would keep interest rates low but at the expense of health care programs for women.

Sen. Jack Reed, author of a bill that would prevent Stafford Loan interest rates from doubling this summer made these statements last week:

And Congressman David Cicilline will be meeting with Rhode Islanders tomorrow in a “call to action” on the “threat posed by escalating student loan interest rates.”

Here’s the full press release:

U.S. Congressman David Cicilline (D-RI) will host a call to action along with Rhode Island students, parents, stakeholders, and business leaders to highlight the threat posed by escalating student loan interest rates.  The call to action will take place next Tuesday, May 1st, at Rhode Island College, Student Union, Room 307, 600 Mount Pleasant Avenue, in Providence at 10:00 AM.

With interest rates scheduled to double from 3.4% to 6.8% on July 1st, if Congress does not act, more than 7 million students are expected to incur an additional $6.3 billion in repayment costs for the 2012 – 2013 academic school year.  These increased costs would make college access more difficult and impose an additional financial burden on many young people and families already struggling in a difficult economy.

Congressman Cicilline is a cosponsor of H.R. 3826, which would prevent student interest rates from doubling; he spoke at length about the importance of this issue, along with Congressman Joe Courtney and Congressman Tim Bishop, on the House floor last Wednesday; and, next Tuesday, Cicilline will be joined by a coalition of students, parents, stakeholders, and business to leaders who will urge Rhode Islanders to submit their stories about student loan debt through the Congressman’s website at http://cicilline.house.gov/share-your-story, as part of an ongoing effort to pressure House Republican leadership to take action to protect students from this doubling of interest on their loans.  The freshman Congressman from Rhode Island plans to deliver these submissions to the House Republican leadership later this spring.

GoLocal’s Creative Use of Statistics in Ed. Rankings

Here’s a math question for you. What’s wrong with this statement from GoLocal’s latest (exclusive!) attack on public education?

Rhode Island spends more per student than most other states, ranking in the top ten nationally, but it’s 32nd in the country for student achievement, according to a GoLocalProv analysis of data for all 50 states… In an effort to fairly measure the effectiveness of education spending, GoLocalProv ranked each state by how much it spends per pupil.

Small wonder that’s an “exclusive.” It’s also an incredibly sophomoric method of comparison and reflects a fundamental lack of understand of statistics. None the less, the corporatization crowd jumped right on it as proof of their foregone conclusions:

“This data highlights the stark reality that although we invest heavily in public education in our state, our performance remains unacceptably low,” said Maryellen Butke, Executive Director of RI-CAN, an education reform group.

She added: “People should be asking how we’re spending that money and how much of it is reaching classrooms.”

Well, she’s half right. People should be asking how we’re spending that money and how much of it is reaching classrooms. Those that do, already know the answer to my initial question about the mathematically challenged GoLocal analysis.

If you’re still not with me, ask yourself this:  How fair is it to make comparisons on spending as if the cost of living doesn’t vary state to state?  One would expect high cost states to have higher per student spending as well. Surely a reputable analysis would attempt to account for that. In fact, of the top ten high cost of living states only California and Hawaii do not also appear in the top ten spenders per pupil… and Hawaii is 11th. What a shock, eh? Turns out you have to pay people more to work in areas where their costs are higher, and schools aren’t magically unaffected by regionally variable expenses like fuel, real estate, etc. The conclusion one would have to draw is that RI spends roughly an average amount per pupil and gets roughly average results. Nothing to crow about, but hardly the crisis these corporate shills would have us believe.

Say I wonder what the average pay is for a journalist in the rural south? I’m guessing there’s “proof” there that Beale is overpaid.

Defending American Schools from ‘Reformers’


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Central High School in Providence (via providenceschools.blogspot.com)

It was interesting to me to learn about the article by Paul Farhi in the American Journalism Review called “Flunking the Test“, which blows apart typical reporting on education as essentially taking so-called “reformers” views at face value.

Mr. Farhi points out that not only is the idea of an “crisis in education” false, (recalling arguments advanced at the implementation of the current public school system and the end of the common school system that had previously existed), but that in fact, American schools are doing better than ever on most relevant statistics. Mr. Farhi puts it best:

Some schools are having a difficult time educating children – particularly children who are impoverished, speak a language other than English, move frequently or arrive at the school door neglected, abused or chronically ill. But many pieces of this complex mosaic are quite positive. First data point: American elementary and middle school students have improved their performance on the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study every four years since the tests began in 1995; they are above the international average in all categories and within a few percentage points of the global leaders (something that few news reports mention). Second data point: The number of Americans with at least some college education has soared over the past 70 years, from 10 percent in 1940 to 56 percent today, even as the population has tripled and the nation has grown vastly more diverse. All told, America’s long-term achievements in education are nothing short of stunning.

Are there troubles? Of course. But the reality is that in large part, our schools are not failing. The virtual destruction of the existing American education system (required if 100% proficiency in reading comprehension and mathematics are not met by a school by 2014, a fact which remains as long as No Child Left Behind stays in place), would essentially throw out the very policies that have made American education so successful.

Critics will point out that there are schools that are doing poorly. This is true, but as Mr. Farhi points out, these are mostly in areas where there are high rates of poverty and low rates of English. School vouchers, eliminating bad teachers by replacing them with Teach For America’s untrained novices (it takes roughly two years for a teacher to get into the swing of things, but TFA’s program lasts exactly two years), charter schools; all of these reforms fail to take aim at the structural problem here: poverty limits how well our children learn.

Now, Mr. Farhi makes clear that schools are often their own worst enemies here: many school systems prevent reporters from talking to teachers or students or viewing how classes work. As a result, reporters rely on sources like advocates, administrators, labor leaders, etc., for their sources. We’re not learning directly how things work from the sources in the trenches, something which empowers the message of education reformers while weakening the message of educators.

In Rhode Island, we can see the trouble here. The pattern of well-off triumphing over poor-off holds true, even according to charter school advocacy group RI-CAN’s report cards. Virtually all of the “best” schools are from well-off schools districts; Barrington, East Greenwich, Little Compton, etc. All of the “worst” are from Providence and Central Falls, metropolitan areas with high levels of poverty and large numbers of Spanish-speaking residents. The sole exception is Classical High School (my alma mater), which attracts students from well-off areas in Providence and the best students from impoverished areas of the capital city (or at least those who can pass the test).

Mr. Farhi points out that nearly 37% of Americans say their own children’s schools are deserving of an “A”. Looking to other schools, the numbers drop precipitously, only 1% of Americans would rate the nation’s school system that way. So, essentially, we’re happy with own schools (though they might need slight improvement), but disappointed with everyone else’s schools. Either Americans are collectively deluded as to the state of their own schools (a possibility not borne out by data showing improvement), or else media coverage has failed to properly scrutinize the overblown “crisis” in American schools that’s been advanced by well-off elites in America (many of whom never attended public schools).

In this age of austerity, it is unlikely we will provide the actual solution necessary to educational success in all our schools: fighting poverty. Instead, as poverty increases the gap between rich and poor schools will grow worse. Few schools are equipped to handle this problem. Some charter schools are, but only rarely. The wholesale charterization of the American school system is not only poorly thought out, it’s against the thinking that created the idea of the charter school: that they would act as education laboratories where public schools could not. Pathfinders for new ways of teaching.

A noble goal which has been perverted. Our choice is stark. Either we face the trouble that this country is well aware of, economic inequality that is spiraling out of control; or alternatively we can lose everything that has made this country the beacon of world achievement.

South Kingstown: Where Politics Trumps Priorities


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“I couldn’t ask for a better budget,” said South Kingstown Town Council President Ella Whaley. “We are blessed to live here in South Kingstown.”

My question to Ms. Whaley, a former educator, would be: Do you think the three special ed teachers just terminated by the school committee feel blessed? How about the students, and their families, who will be losing those teachers; are they blessed?

To say South Kingstown has become the poster child for municipal office-holders gone wild would be an understatement. Both the town council and school committee have shown very little regard for taxpayers or town employees.

At a January 23rd council meeting, resident and taxpayer Deb Bergner, questioned the conflicts of interest present for council and chamber of commerce members, O’Neill and Hagan-McEntee when it came to voting on a tax abatement for the chamber’s headquarters. To that, Councilman James O’Neill launched into a tirade telling Ms. Bergner that was the most stupid, foolish question he’d ever heard.

Why is that Mr. O’Neill? Beacuse she challenged you? It’s safe to say, most reasonable people would see how voting a tax abatement to an organization you’re a member of might be seen as a conflict. Because of Mr. O’Neill’s behavior during this exchange the council felt the need to change its rules of decorum. Ms. Bergner is still waiting for an apology for being called stupid and foolish. Mr. O’Neill clearly thinks he’s entitled to the seat he holds by the contempt he shows to the constituents that come before him.

Now, onto the school committee. In late February, they were readying layoff notices for teachers just like many school systems do to meet the March 1 deadline for notification. However, on advice of counsel and with no apparent input from the town’s human resources professionals, the school committee acted to terminate three very highly-regarded special ed teachers.

At what was supposed to be a preliminary hearing to determine their status, called with little notice on a Sunday morning, the school committee informed the three teachers they had five minutes to decide if they’d rather resign or be terminated. Five minutes to decide if they’d rather face the stain on their record of being terminated. Five minutes to decide how it would impact their lives and the lives of their families. Five minutes to think how it would impact the quality of their students’ lives. Oh yes, and the caveat being if they resigned they’d get a glowing recommendation.

The truly egregious part of the whole fiasco is that none of the teachers had ever been evaluated. Maybe if they had and been counseled, something could have been done to make sure termination was unnecessary. However, the sad truth is these terminations were a foregone conclusion since each of these teachers was approaching tenure and that was certainly part of the thinking process leading to this decision.

An online petition has been started to support the teachers at http://www.change.org/petitions/south-kingstown-school-committee-stop-the-bullying

Which has led the school committee to offer up a very lawyerly response at http://www.skschools.net/School_Committee/Documents?plugin=RWD&Templates=RWD&object=School_Committee_Documents&infobar=no&fixed=1&ConfPosition=0

In their response the school committee makes note they use their counsel advises on legal matters. That begs the question of just how much they spend on their legal counsel?  What really rang hollow at the budget hearings this week though, is the fact that while they discarded three perfectly good teachers, the superintendent is now asking for two more administrators. So when the response to the online petition states the committee has nothing but the best interests of the students in mind, they feel its imperative to hire people to evaluate the people doing the teaching rather than providing continuity and familiarity for special ed students that need it most.

Charter School Takes Issue with RI-CAN Report Cards


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Not everyone is thrilled with RI-CAN’s new report cards on Rhode Island public schools. Most notably, The Learning Community, a Central Falls charter school that serves students from there, Providence and Pawtucket.

“RI-CAN talks about putting kids and parents first, but their report card system seems to be primarily a public relations tool, not a source for accurate school data,” according to a response issued by the charter school to the report cards. “RI-CAN’s system undermines the school performance measures proposed by the Rhode Island Department of Education, and discredits the tremendous effort that Rhode Island students, teachers and administrators are devoting to improving student achievement based on accurate information.”

Kath Connelly, declined to elaborate on their analysis, but did give us permission to reprint their response:

One School’s Views on the RI-CAN Report Card System

As advocates for public education, The Learning Community has grave concerns about the RI-CAN school report cards that evaluate every Rhode Island public school based on faulty methodology. RI-CAN claims that their report cards “are designed to help families in Rhode Island access online information about their local schools” when in truth the report cards spread misinformation to concerned citizens. Instead of providing access to accurate data, RI-CAN summarizes a school’s performance by using only one grade level’s achievement on state standardized tests and mathematically incorrect calculations.

No efforts at holding schools accountable will succeed unless the measures used are fair and accurate. It is worth mentioning that we are expressing our strong opposition to the report cards despite the fact that The Learning Community ranked in the Top 10 schools in Rhode Island on 7 of the 14 indicators.

The methodological deficiencies of the RI-CAN report cards render them at best useless and, at worst, harmful to our state’s efforts to support the education of every child.

  • Every school’s “overall student performance” score is really based on the scores of only one grade level. For example, RI-CAN’s measure for an elementary school is based on the performance of the 5th grade only. This means that the scores of 40 students might represent a school where 300 students were actually tested. Investors would not judge the success of a business on one quarter of financial data. (Three of RI-CAN’s four report card scores are based on the performance of only one grade level.)
  • RI-CAN’s approach to measuring school performance is dated and has been discredited nationally as too narrow. RI-CAN’s report cards rely solely on state standardized test data and do nothing to portray the context of each of our state’s schools—even though these data are readily available through the state’s nationally recognized Information Works! system. Recognizing that excellent schools involve more than just a single test score, report card systems in Washington, DC, and New York City, while controversial, at least included a range of data points to evaluate schools.
  • RI-CAN misuses basic math. RI-CAN’s “student subgroup performance,” “achievement gap,” and “performance gains” measures rely on combining the performance of multiple groups of students into a single score. Instead of doing the basic math to determine an accurate score, RI-CAN took a short cut and averaged a series of averages into a composite score. Consider the following example:

Low-Income Students Black Students Hispanic Students
Number Tested
20 10 40
Proficiency Rate
50 75 25

RI-CAN’s report card simply averages the average proficiency rate of the groups above, for a “student subgroup performance” score of 50% (= (50+75+25)/3). Basic mathematics, however, requires us to weight the scores based on the number of students in each group, resulting in a score of 39% (= (20/70)x50 + (10/70)x75 + (40/70)x25). If 5 students scored 100%, and 50 students scored 15%, the size of those groups makes a big difference.

  • RI-CAN ranks schools on faulty numbers. When researchers release data, they identify a margin of error. NECAP data includes these ranges, to let us know that a school that scored a 54 might actually be within the same range as a school that scored a 52. RI-CAN, however, chose to rank schools based on a single number—identifying distinctions even when there is no statistically significant difference between the schools’ performance. (In the performance of subgroups, which have even smaller numbers of students, the lack of a margin of error is even more distressing.)
  • The RI-CAN system is unfair to urban schools. Because the RI-CAN report cards are based on a single grade level, schools with few students in that grade who are low-income or Black or Hispanic will not have a score for those subgroups. Many suburban schools are not given any score for “student subgroup performance,” whereas every urban school is. By contrast, the RI Department of Education, recognizing the unfairness of this approach, is preparing to hold nearly all schools accountable for subgroup performance.

We are also distressed that at a time of limited public resources, RI-CAN has chosen to create its own faulty system instead of working collaboratively with the state and other education advocates to get the real data about the real challenges and successes in our communities in the hands of citizens.

So what can you do to get more useful and accurate information about the public schools in your neighborhood? Here are few sources that are more reliable:
1.    Visit InformationWorks! which includes a range of data on every public school in Rhode Island. http://infoworks.ride.ri.gov/
2.    Read the complete NECAP scores for the schools you care about. More information here: http://www.ride.ri.gov/Assessment/Results.aspx.
3.    Visit the schools in your neighborhood. No score can capture the spirit of a school or the kindness of a teacher. Ask at your local school what you can do to learn more or how you can help.

If you are curious about the RI-CAN system but do not want to sign up to “be a member of RI-CAN,” feel free to log on as:
Username: thesetwohands Password: thesetwohands

RI-CAN talks about putting kids and parents first, but their report card system seems to be primarily a public relations tool, not a source for accurate school data. RI-CAN’s system undermines the school performance measures proposed by the Rhode Island Department of Education, and discredits the tremendous effort that Rhode Island students, teachers and administrators are devoting to improving student achievement based on accurate information.

Why Did LGBT Expert Leave URI?


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To announce an event to be held a the LGBTIQQ Symposium, running from April 2 through 6, URI issued a press release in which it announced the symposium while highlighting the following: “The University of Rhode Island will present a panel discussion focusing on the unique workplace experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, intersex, queer or questioning individuals as they navigate life after graduation.”

In the context of its discussion of  “unique workplace experiences,” the panel should raise the question of why Andrew Winters is no longer at URI, his former workplace. This is a particularly harrowing question, as, since the mid nineties through last spring, Andrew Winters was the primary organizer of this very symposium.  Indeed, thus far many questions have been raised, but not a single one has been answered.

Here is a short summary of what has happened:

On April 5 of 2011, a number of concerned members of the URI community wrote a letter to URI President David Dooley.  In the letter we stated, with a sense of alarm and profound regret, our objections to the letter of reprimand that Andrew Winters had received from Kathryn Friedman, at the time Interim Associate Vice President in the Office of Community, Equity and Diversity.  Ms. Friedman alleged that the LGBT URI community had “without exception” expressed no confidence in Andrew Winters.

The two words “without exception” capture the unprofessional nature of this communication and the atmosphere of intimidation and bullying that characterized Andrew Winters’ “unique workplace experience,” once the university administration decided that his tenure at URI would be terminated.  Many also understand that it was precisely Andrew’s unrelenting effort to address bullying and harassment at URI that rendered him unwelcome in eyes of the URI administration.

Our esteemed colleague URI President David M. Dooley, replied: “This issue, however, pertains to a confidential personnel matter and I am not at liberty to meet with you to discuss the situation.”

The trouble with this administrative response was that it applies to any conceivable form of arbitrary and capricious conduct of the administration directed at anyone.  By definition, any such abuse of power by administrators could be construed as “a confidential personnel matter.” and, following this reasoning, would therefore be beyond scrutiny, discussion, and accountability.  This objection, predictably, drew no response.  The same happened to the letter to the Rhode Island Board of Governors of Higher Education.  The Board never had the courtesy to acknowledge receipt of our letter, and to date has failed to take appropriate corrective action.

Fast forward to Tuesday, Jan. 24.  At that date, The House Commission to Study Public Higher Education Affordability and Accessibility in Rhode Island visited URI for a public hearing to collect expert testimony to improve affordability and accessibility of higher education.  At the hearing, I made the following statement and raised the following questions, which are recorded in the minutes of the meeting:

As of August 2011, URI is number 14 on the Princeton Review list of the bottom 20, least LGBT friendly schools. Clearly, URI is not accessible to students for whom the LGBT climate and safety is a concern. URI operates under the cloud of what it has done to Andrew Winters, who, as we know, was bullied out. Your committee should look into several issues:

1. To force Andrew Winters’ departure, how much money was spent on URI’s offer he “could not refuse?” How much on unemployment benefits to which he is entitled?
2. The URI administration has stonewalled every single question by hiding under the cover of confidentiality. How can there be public oversight of URI procedures, governance, and due process?
3. How can there be progress, unless URI is held fully accountable for the injustice done to Andrew Winters?
4. How can Andrew Winters’ successor, Annie Russell, operate effectively in a climate in which messengers of bad news are not tolerated?
5. With all the above questions looming unanswered, how can there ever be adequate support for LGBT students at URI?
The charge of the committee explicitly refers to student support and governance issues. In other words, all the issues raised here are germane to the committee’s charge.

Since its inception, the URI LGBTIQQ Symposium has been conducted in the tradition of promoting cultural sensitivity and advocacy for fair and equitable treatment of LGBTIQQ people.  In keeping with this tradition, I respectfully ask that the citizens of Rhode Island demand redress of the injustice done to Andrew Winters and correction of the University governance that made this possible.

Providence’s Five Million Dollar Man


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Jeffrey Hernandez, the $5 Million Dollar Man

What do Providence schools need? The school board apparently thinks it’s high priced consultants.

The Providence School Board is taking some heat after they unanimously voted to give a $5 million contract to a consultant to help turn around three low performing schools in Providence.

Jeffrey Hernandez, the CEO of National Academic Education Partners Inc., has been hired to help improve three Providence High Schools but reports indicate that he was highly criticized by teachers and parents for his work in a Florida school district.

School Board President Keith Oliveira is defending the hire. According to Oliveira, Hernandez was hired to implement a curriculum in Florida schools and his role in Providence will be different.

Jeffrey Hernandez, the $5 Million Dollar Man
Image Palm Beach Post

That’s right, teachers, there’s no money for your pension, our school buildings are crumbling, but there’s plenty of money for corporate proponents of high-stakes testing (update below). And “highly criticized” is an understatement. The Palm Beach Post called Hernandez “the most despised person in the Palm Beach County school system.” But, hey, this time will be different!

It’s not clear how a change of role will make a difference. Hernandez was criticized for his “dictatorial” style, “one-size-fits-all” academic initiatives, and “Orwellian control over classrooms”:

The switch to “centralized” control, with Hernandez calling the shots, backfired because Hernandez was unable to gain the respect of most administrators and educators.

School Board members heard reports that Hernandez was condescending and annoyed principals by wasting their time in lengthy meetings where Hernandez refused feedback.

A so-called reformer who won’t listen, eh? Sounds a bit familiar. But more to the point, test zealots like Hernandez are what progressive like me have been warning about, especially for inner city schools (Projo link no longer available).

“At worst, schools have become little more than test-prep factories,” says Robert Schaeffer, executive director of the National Centerfor Fair and Open Testing, a group critical of standardized tests. “Entire curriculums are wrapped around test prep, narrowing the curriculum.”

And, he says, the children who most need a rich education — those who are poor, urban or English language learners — often get little more than “a thin gruel” of test preparation in their classes, a far cry from the intellectually stimulating coursework offered by private schools, which do very little standardized testing.

It remains to be seen what Hernandez will propose for these Providence schools, but his record in Florida of “testing students every three weeks” doesn’t bode well. And given this guy’s record, one can only hope he meets the same opposition here that he met in Florida.

Update:  4/2/2012 Note that because these funds are federal, the question is only of the Hobson’s choice faced by districts with struggling schools of buckets of cash for “testing on steriods” or none. This isn’t an issue directly affecting city budgets.

Department of Education Posts Funny Numbers


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Woonsocket High School (photo courtesy of Woonsocket School District)
Woonsocket High School (photo courtesy of Woonsocket School District)
Woonsocket High School (photo courtesy of Woonsocket School District)

What do you think about our state’s shiny new education funding formula? Neither Woonsocket nor Pawtucket are big fans and they are headed to a court date next month with the RI Department of Education (RIDE) over it.

Using measures that used to be part of the funding formula, these two cities are taxed more heavily than any other city or town in the state, save only Providence and Central Falls.  But RIDE only suggests they raise taxes more instead of counting on state aid.

To great fanfare in 2010, the legislature enacted a new funding formula to dictate how much state money is shared with the state’s cities and towns.  The new funding formula was widely praised for taking the uncertainty out of education funding for the state’s school districts.  There are a couple of problems, though.

The first, and biggest is simply that the funding formula does not provide enough money to the places that need it the most.  The school committees of Woonsocket and Pawtucket have filed a suit against the state over the adequacy of the funding for education.  In a fairly catty reply to press coverage of the suit, RIDE put out a packet of graphs showing that over the past 10 years, Providence tax collections have risen repeatedly while Pawtucket and Woonsocket have not.  RIDE calculated that if Woonsocket and Pawtucket had increased their tax levy by as much as Providence had, Pawtucket would have $2000 per student more to pay for education, and Woonsocket $1240 more.

The clear message: Providence has done what it takes, and raised taxes substantially over the past 15 years and Woonsocket and Pawtucket have not.  What a bunch of slackers, right?  Maybe the supplemental tax under consideration in Woonsocket to fill their budget hole is just catching up for a decade of bad behavior?

Of course the problem with the RIDE data is that Woonsocket and Pawtucket were already heavily taxed 15 years ago.  All this data shows is what the increase in taxes has been.  How heavy are the taxes in those cities?  Has that changed in the last 20 years?

There is a better way to look at this.  A number called “Tax Capacity” measures the relative wealth of cities and towns, and another number called “Tax Effort” measures the amount of that wealth that is actually taxed.  These numbers used to be part of the funding formula — the version that was ignored during the last 15 years — and their definition is in state law (16-7.1-6).  RIDE publishes these numbers on their Infoworks web site, but they use the 2008 data, and several of the values are wrong, possibly typographical errors.  (The errors have been brought to RIDE’s attention, but they have neither defended the numbers nor changed them.)

But with the formula laid out in state law, anyone can calculate tax capacity and tax effort, so here they are, using 2010 and 1990 data, ranked by 2010 tax effort.

Municipality Tax Capacity Tax Effort 1990 Capacity 1990 Effort
Providence 31.99 266.69 52.25 199.42
Central Falls 14.18 227.04 22.56 255.17
Woonsocket 27.95 218.75 46.46 163.61
Pawtucket 32.14 199.99 56.36 134.54
North Providence 57.96 173.82 82.36 109.62
West Warwick 59.25 148.32 76.11 105.27
Cranston 74.85 143.92 98.90 101.32
Johnston 89.71 127.47 98.16 100.01
East Providence 74.46 124.05 94.45 102.59
Warwick 105.71 118.28 114.16 111.69
Glocester 100.74 105.64 100.72 103.42
West Greenwich 136.97 103.69 127.14 98.71
Tiverton 100.89 103.34 119.27 77.35
Hopkinton 102.63 103.34 93.73 88.76
North Smithfield 109.08 102.47 128.73 75.36
Warren 100.79 97.88 87.90 105.25
Foster 118.45 97.65 113.93 106.14
Richmond 105.32 91.88 90.36 103.55
Lincoln 137.63 89.19 129.73 90.57
Coventry 90.97 88.62 86.32 91.72
Smithfield 127.90 87.08 119.00 84.65
Burrillville 84.58 86.34 75.99 95.80
Scituate 144.76 82.21 141.15 70.86
Middletown 155.20 79.26 104.08 83.13
Cumberland 105.12 76.54 111.39 80.11
North Kingstown 162.68 75.52 147.41 79.21
East Greenwich 223.05 72.81 226.97 63.86
Barrington 232.53 70.32 208.23 67.09
Exeter 141.01 67.07 96.87 85.42
South Kingstown 158.75 66.63 123.55 80.64
Bristol 118.14 62.62 95.31 79.72
Newport 195.41 62.52 136.90 91.27
Westerly 223.38 61.82 175.68 62.07
Portsmouth 217.32 57.84 149.34 72.72
Narragansett 257.28 53.30 212.11 60.18
Charlestown 298.42 44.52 247.45 52.99
Jamestown 384.86 43.61 306.80 43.23
New Shoreham 1670.44 22.17 1062.39 35.24
Little Compton 648.51 21.52 346.28 37.87

(The 1990 data is from the 1992 “Annual State Report on Local Government and Finance” put out by what was to become the Office of Municipal Finance.  The 2010 levy data was provided to me by OMA and the assessment data is at muni-info.ri.gov.  I also used census data from 1990 and 2010.)

What you see from this table is that Woonsocket and Pawtucket were already among the most heavily taxed towns in the state in 1990.

These are relative numbers, where 100 is the state average in each column, so you can’t compare the 1990 to the 2010 numbers directly, but you can look at the growth of the indicators behind them.

Between 1990 and 2010, the assessed value of property in Woonsocket, equalized and weighted according to another formula in state law so one town can be compared with another despite differences in assessment calendars and practice (it’s called EWAV, and it includes an adjustment for the town’s median income) rose more slowly in Pawtucket and Woonsocket than in any other municipality in the state, an annual rate of 3.8% for Pawtucket and 3.86% for Woonsocket.  Over those same 20 years, the EWAV values in Providence rose an average of 4.8% each year.  By comparison, Warwick saw growth of 6.3% per year, and Portsmouth saw 9.0%.

Here’s the data (EWAV is in thousands):

Municipality 2010 EWAV 1990 EWAV Growth Rate
Pawtucket $3,013,403 $1,427,388 3.80%
Woonsocket 1,516,559 710,634 3.86
Providence 7,505,015 2927,949 4.81
Central Falls 362,161 138,758 4.91
North Providence 2,449,538 921,354 5.01
East Providence 4,614,434 1,658,822 5.24
West Warwick 2,278,583 776,596 5.52
Cranston 7,927,256 2,622,321 5.68
Warwick 11,513,435 3,399,716 6.28
Tiverton 2,097,388 595,065 6.50
North Smithfield 1,719,858 471,040 6.68
Johnston 3,400,091 908,254 6.82
STATEWIDE 138,666,859 34,979,107 7.12
Glocester 1,293,518 323,974 7.16
Warren 1,409,088 348,860 7.22
Scituate 1,969,910 482,021 7.29
East Greenwich 3,862,957 938,751 7.32
Cumberland 4,640,261 1,127,569 7.32
Burrillville 1,777,974 429,962 7.35
Foster ,718,814 171,410 7.43
Barrington 4,996,527 1,150,455 7.61
Coventry 4,196,466 935,387 7.79
Smithfield 3,610,988 794,954 7.86
North Kingstown 5,676,661 1,222,312 7.98
Middletown 3,302,183 706,047 8.01
Lincoln 3,826,882 816,075 8.03
Newport 6,351,713 1,347,027 8.06
Narragansett 5,378,526 1,108,006 8.21
Hopkinton 1,107,157 224,583 8.30
Bristol 3,572,581 718,532 8.34
Westerly 6,706,033 1,323,097 8.45
Jamestown 2,740,490 534,634 8.51
Charlestown 3,077,225 558,787 8.90
Portsmouth 4,978,614 877,550 9.06
South Kingstown 6,408,042 1,060,821 9.40
Richmond 1,069,497 168,553 9.67
Exeter 1,193,592 184,403 9.78
West Greenwich 1,107,062 154,772 10.33
Little Compton 2,983,453 403,052 10.52
New Shoreham 2,312,906 309,597 10.57

In other words, not only were Pawtucket and Woonsocket among the most heavily taxed communities in the state in 1990, but over the last two decades they had less growth in their capacity to levy taxes than any other town in the state — including Central Falls.  Providence raised more money over the last two decades than either town, but they also saw substantially higher growth in their capacity to do so.

It’s easy to cluck one’s tongue about the slackers in Woonsocket and Pawtucket, but the evidence is that those city governments may have known something about their cities that the data crunchers at RIDE don’t.

 

 

 

Dooley Takes Issue with Op/Ed on Tuition Increases


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It isn’t often that an editorial is so off-the-mark as to warrant news coverage, but such is evidently the case with the Projo’s take on tuition increases from Saturday morning.

In an article in today’s Journal about a Q&A session with URI president David Dooley, Gina Macris writes: “He spoke at length about the ‘great deal of misinformation’ about the causes of higher tuition and mounting student debt, singling out ‘misguided editorials like the one in The Providence Journal on Saturday.'”

Misguided indeed.

The editorial board seemed to be writing about the rising cost of tuition, then quickly veered into how college isn’t for everybody – almost as if this was part justification for the cost of college rising.

“For many years, college tuitions have risen at up to three times the general inflation rate,” Saturday’s editorial said. “This has happened as society’s leaders constantly harp on the importance for many young people of getting a college education. That idea is exaggerated in our view; for many people, obtaining a post-high-school vocational education would be considerably more useful than going to a liberal-arts college.”

It’s true that tuition is rising far faster than general inflation. And it’s true that our leaders “harp on” the importance of a higher education (as well they should). It’s also true college isn’t for everyone and many are better served with a vocational education. But to put those three statements together makes it seem as if the Projo thinks we are wasting our time trying to make college available to the masses and we might as well just send the smartest and richest and let the rest enjoy auto shop – or eat cake, as it were.

Dooley took issue with the Projo’s insistence that “curious courses” and high-paid staff were driving up costs at URI.

“A proliferation of curious courses is not a cost-driver at URI,” Macris said he said. And she also quoted him as saying, “we are driving up higher education costs because we are anxious to add higher-paid administrators is one of the sillier things that I’ve read.”

Dooley knows the real reason tuition is going up, and he explained it to me last week.

“Public higher education is increasingly seen really out of necessity I think in the view of a lot legislators as a discretionary part of the state budget,” he said. “They have long assumed … that if they fund higher education less and ask families to do more, Americans have such a strong belief in the value of higher education, particularly public higher education, that they will pay more and they have been willing to do that for two decades. ”

Dooley called this model “unsustainable.”

Education Funding vs. the Restaurant Industry


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Who needs the government’s help more: restaurants or public schools? Which do we value more as a society? The answer to these questions is likely to play out as Rhode Island debates Gov. Chafee’s proposed increase to the meals tax.

While Tea Party activists and restauranteurs rally against the 2 percentage point increase – which, just so we are clear about the kind of increase Chafee is suggesting, would amount to four dimes on a $20 lunch or less than $2 on an $80 dinner – they are effectively lobbying against a $40 million to boon to public schools.

That’s because Chafee proposed the slight increase as a way to better fund public schools in Rhode Island.

“This is a way that the governor could accelerate the education funding formula,” said Chafee spokesperson Chris Hunsinger.”You can talk to almost any mayor who was in the municipal strategy session up here and accelerating the funding formula was one of the ways that was talked about at length that the governor can help cities and towns.”

She mentioned Providence Mayor Angel Taveras and Cranston Mayor Allan Fung by name.

Public school funding is one of Rhode Island’s biggest problems, as evidenced by Woonsocket’s inability to pay for its schools and the state take-over in the 1990’s of the Central Falls school district. And a recent report, as reported by RINPR, shows that graduation rates in Rhode Island are falling.

The restaurant industry, on the other hand, is one of the state’s most successful sectors. Whenever almost anyone talks about what’s right with Rhode Island its world class cuisine is almost always mentioned. Chafee told me recently that as we’ve seen unemployment skyrocket and schools, cities and towns fall into further economic morass, the local restaurant industry has stayed level.

You’ll have a hard time convincing me that people are going to stop going out for an $80 dinner because it’s going to cost $82 instead. Similarly, I think most Rhode Islanders would be happy to pay an extra quarter for a pizza if it means more money for our struggling schools.

Conversely, if the state doesn’t find a better way to fund public education, more and more of our children will be looking for jobs in restaurants rather than looking to spend money in them.

Minority Students as Pawns in War on Public Schools


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Earlier this year, the “nonpartisan” (*cough*) Rhode Island Center for Freedom and Prosperity (RICFP) released a report, “Closing the Gap:  How Hispanic Students in Florida Closed the Gap with All Rhode Island Students,” which purported to explain “in some detail why Florida’s reforms, while benefiting all students, have been especially beneficial to disadvantaged students.”

I was immediately intrigued because the claim runs counter to everything I know about the effects of the high-stakes testing, especially on students such those with learning disabilities or students in many predominately minority communities (see “High Stakes Testing: Not So Hot”). What I found though was nothing but a rehash of the standard right-wing talking points framed as “so sensible and obvious” that they needed no explanation, coupled with demagogic appeals to save a poor immigrant girl, hopelessly struggling for a better life. So much for answering the question why. I’d have to look elsewhere.

Consider a typical claim from the report:

  • Florida’s 4th grade Hispanic students scored about two grade levels below Rhode Island’s reading average for all students in 1998 and improved to match RI’s achievement level by 2009.
  • Rhode Island’s 4th grade Hispanic students reading average score is 16 points lower than their peers in Florida, roughly the equivalent of one-and-a-half grade levels worth of progress.

Sounds good, but that’s not a detailed explanation of why. Can high-stakes testing do all that? The answer is all too predictable and conveniently omitted from the statistical analysis of the Rhode Island fringe-right.

Researcher Walter Haney has debunked claims that Florida is closing the racial achievement gap, showing that narrowing of test scores on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) appears to be caused primarily by a massive increase in grade retention.

In August, Florida Governor Jeb Bush and New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg coauthored a Washington Post opinion column touting their “successes” in closing race-based achievement gaps. Indeed, according to the 2005 NAEP results, Florida had shown remarkable improvement in 4th-grade results and appeared to have significantly reduced the gap between white and minority students.

Boston College Professor Walter Haney, however, looked at the NAEP scores on which Bush and Bloomberg based their claims and at Florida enrollment numbers. He found a troubling explanation for the apparent improvement: The state has been forcing unprecedented numbers of minority pupils to repeat third grade, on the order of 10 to 12 percent, meaning that fewer low-scoring students enter grade 4 at the normal age.

In a report titled, “Evidence on Education under NCLB (and How Florida Boosted NAEP Scores and Reduced the Race Gap),” Haney wrote, “It turns out that the apparent dramatic gains in grade 4 NAEP math results are simply an indirect reflection of the fact that in 2003-04, Florida started flunking many more students, disproportionately minority students, to repeat grade 3.” Percentages of minority students flunked were two to three times larger than percentages of white children forced to repeat grade 3. Haney says this likely explains the striking decrease in the race-based score gap.

But isn’t “getting tough” the help these kids need? Unfortunately that also is unsupported by evidence, but it does make the stats look good to those not paying too close attention (or to those on the right with a different agenda).

Haney notes that making students repeat a grade based on test scores has been shown by many researchers to be ineffective at improving achievement over the long term (see “Grade Retention,” this issue). It does produce increased scores in the repeated grade, and in some studies it has shown to produce increased scores in the subsequent year or two. This means that students who enter grade four after spending a second year in third grade are likely to score somewhat higher than if they had not repeated grade 3. But within a few years any academic gains disappear, as Chicago researchers documented in that city (see Examiner, Spring-Summer 2004).

Yes, lies, damn lies, and statistics. That’s bad news for the very kids we’re supposed to be trying to help and exactly the type of ethnic cleansing of the public schools warned of by progressive reformers.

One Florida superintendent observed that “when a low-performing child walks into a classroom, instead of being seen as a challenge, or an opportunity for improvement, for the first time since I’ve been in education, teachers are seeing [him or her] as a liability” (Wilgoren, 2000).

Perhaps most interesting are the reforms the report intentionally ignores. The RICFP tries to paint this as a debate between those advocating positive change and those who “defend the status quo of failing schools,” in fact much of the “study” is dedicated to beating that tired drum, but what’s clear is that it’s only specific changes that are considered by the proponents of corporatization. Consider this section:

Florida’s Public Schools Chancellor Michael Grego attributes their success to rigorous standards for all students, teacher training focused on instructing non-English speakers and programs such as dual language classes where English speakers learn Spanish and vice versa.” [emphasis in the original]

Bilingual education for all students?! That’s an idea which might just have some merit, but you won’t find that in this report’s foregone conclusions. Anything not fitting the corporate model is unceremoniously discarded. Never mind that their own report contains this gem:

”The numbers suggest that the persistent gap has more to do with the language barrier among a subset of that group. There are some four million Hispanic students in public schools whose primary language is not English. The NCES report showed an even larger difference between those students, known as English language learners or ELL, and their Hispanic classmates who are proficient in English. For example, in eighth grade reading, the discrepancy between ELL Hispanic students and non-ELL Hispanic students was 39 points, or roughly four whole grade levels.” [emphasis added by RICFP] (Source: Webley, Kayla, “The Achievement Gap: Why Hispanic Students Are Still Behind,” June 23, 2011, TIME, U.S.)

Oddly that quote is preceded by the highlighted comment, “Florida’s success can be attributed to rigorous standards for all students, regardless of race.” Yes it can, but only by ignoring all evidence to the contrary. They later do just that, concluding, “it is long overdue that we step away from pointing to poverty, lack of parental involvement, or language barriers as excuses for lackluster student achievement.”

The report continues along this curiously contradictory path in discussing the question “Do Disabilities Inhibit the Capacity to Achieve?” As a parent of dyslexic children, let me answer this one outright:  as measured by standardized testing, absolutely. Yes, students can improve but that doesn’t change the inherent unfairness in judging them solely on this basis. As the report concludes in the section on student outcomes for children with disabilities, “those who are most poorly served by traditional district schools are most likely to transfer to a better school.” It’s small wonder given the alternative of the thin gruel of glorified test prep. Surprise, surprise! Forcing these kids out of the public schools raises test scores. Problem solved (well, at least if you’re the beneficiary of those public dollars now privatized).

I have to admit that as a parent of dyslexic children their proposal to offer vouchers to special needs children to attend alternative schools has some appeal, especially given the extreme focus on high-stakes testing currently in vogue in RI public schools under Education Commissioner Gist (my daughter attends a school for dyslexic children and my son is likely to attend next year).  This is something perhaps to be considered, although I have reservations that this may be a stalking horse for full privatization efforts at some later date.

In any case, as progressives, we need to do all we can to prevent the mistakes of Florida’s “Lost Decade” from being repeated here in Rhode Island (for more see “NCLB’s Lost Decade for Educational Progress:  What Can We Learn from this Policy Failure?”).

Occupy URI, David Dooley on Tuition Increases


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Protesting years of cuts to public higher education in Rhode Island that have caused rampant tuition increases, Occupy URI mic checked the meeting of the Board of Governors for Higher Education Monday night with a song.

While their tactics were lighthearted, the issue is a serious one. The Board of Governors recently approved a 8 percent tuition increase that will mean this September an in-state student will pay an extra $1000 a year, up from $10,400. Since 2008, said spokesman Mike Trainer, the legislature has cut some $45 million to the three state colleges in Rhode Island. But because the cost of an education is only getting more expensive, students are running up enormous student loan debt to pay for the cost cutting.

There was a brief moment of tension when Professor Scott Molloy, who showed up late, asked to speak even though he didn’t sign up to and Chairman Lorne Adrain asked officers to prevent him from doing so.

Aftewards, I spoke with URI President David Dooley about the issue. He told me that legislators seem to view funding higher education as “discretionary” because when they make cuts, tuition goes up and enrollment doesn’t suffer. He also said the state would be wise to invest more in higher education.

Woonsocket, and How Chafee’s Muni Bill Can Help


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Woonsocket High School (photo courtesy of Woonsocket School District)
Woonsocket High School (photo courtesy of Woonsocket School District)
Woonsocket High School (photo courtesy of Woonsocket School District)

The Woonsocket School Committee voted last night not to close schools early, which is good news all around. But guess what? Schools were never going to close early. If Woonsocket can’t come up with the money it needs to run them by April 5, which it probably cannot, the state will step in and keep the schools running. The state Constitution says it has to.

Furthermore, under the new state education funding formula, RIDE has all but admitted that it shortchanged the cash-strapped city under the previous funding formula to the tune of $4.6 million, an amount the state will pay to the school district over the next seven years. Woonsocket, along with Pawtucket, is suing the state saying it needs that money right away. Obviously, this isn’t a bluff.

Yes, Woonsocket could have managed its finances better. A lot better. But the state mismanaged how it funds education, too. Couple these blunders with the drastic cuts to cities and towns that occurred over the past several years and you have the recipe for disaster that was cooked for Woonsocket.

Governor Chafee’s municipal aid bill will help. It will not only allow cities and towns to save money by cutting annual pension increases for retirees, but Chafee said on Tuesday it will also allow Woonsocket (and Providence, Pawtucket and West Warwick) to ignore some of the state mandates that drive up expenses.

Providence Journal State House scribe Randal Edgar, who evidently obtained a copy of the legislation, has a little more on what those are: mayors and managers would be given the power to veto line items in school budgets; teacher pay increases will be suspended, bus monitors can be replaced with cameras and allow those communities to stop busing students to private schools.

But at some point, and hopefully sooner rather than later, this state has to come to terms with the fact that top-down policies adopted during the Carcieri era, and a seemingly utter disdain for its poorest communities, has created this problem to a far greater degree than have unfunded pension liabilities.

Lawsuit vs. State Could Cut Woonsocket Deficit in Half


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Woonsocket High School (photo courtesy of Woonsocket School District)

Woonsocket High School (photo courtesy of Woonsocket School District)Woonsocket may be taking heat for saying it might have to close schools, but the School District has a mighty strong hand in its negotiations with the state on how to close the budget deficit.

The Department of Education plans to pay Woonsocket $4.3 million in state aid that the cash-strapped city didn’t receive under the previous school funding formula, said Elliot Krieger, a spokesperson with RIDE.

“Woonsocket was one of the underfunded districts,” Krieger said.

Under the new formula, designed in part to re-compensate the money that some districts didn’t receive under the previous formula, the $4.3 million is to be “phased in” over the next seven years, he said.

“It would too much of a shock to the system to do it all in one year,” Krieger said.

But Woonsocket and Pawtucket are suing the state in Superior Court, contending that spreading the payments out over seven years is unfair to them given their fiscal constraints.

“The problem is with the funding formula,” said education lawyer Stephen Robinson, who is bringing the suit against the state. He represents school districts in Portsmouth, Pawtucket, Central Falls and Tiverton. “It’s not fair to the poor urban districts. The reality is Woonsocket does not have fiscal capacity to fund [education].”

While even if Robinson wins the case and Woonsocket gets all the money it is owed it still wouldn’t close the school district’s deficit of $10 million, the city does hold another ace in its hand. In Rhode Island, the state has ultimate responsibility over public education.

“It’s in Article 12 of the state Constitution,” said Tim Duffy, executive director of the Rhode Island Association of School Committees. “The state and federal government have now articulated standards that schools need to meet. In order to meet those standards they need to have funds to meet them.”

Duffy said the state could ask Woonsocket to implement a supplemental tax increase. But given that Governor Chafee said yesterday that state aid cuts to cities and towns disproportionately hurt poor urban communities like Woonsocket, it might not be the way he chooses to handle the matter.

Christine Hunsinger, a spokesperson for Chafee said Rosemary Booth Gallogly is working with Woonsocket Mayor Leo Fontaine and the city council to “better understand what potential options are out there.”

According to Chris Celeste, Woonsocket’s tax assessor, the city has raised property taxes in each of the last three years.In 2008-09, property taxes went up 4.75 percent, which was the maximum increase under state law. In 2009-10, the maximum increase was 4.5 percent and taxes went up “right about that,” he said. In 2010-11, property taxes went up 4.16 percent with the maximum increase being 4.25 percent.

College costs, debt an issue for Occupy URI


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Professor Scott Molloy talks to Occupy URI

“Pretty much my only option at this point is to die in debt or win the lottery,” said URI communications major Jeff Blanchette at an Occupy URI “teach-in” on Thursday afternoon in White Hall.

He was one of two students in the classroom that will owe more than $30,000 in student debt by the time they graduate. One woman owes $57,000, she said.

Student debt was a hot topic at the teach-in, as well it should have been, as recent graduates are finishing school with far more loan debt than ever before.

It’s part of an increasing trend in the United States, said sociology professor Helen Meder. She said there was a time in American history when the workforce was paid for learning a skill. It was called an apprenticeship. Now, not only does the next generation workforce pay tens of thousands of dollars to get the skills required for an entry level job, they often work for free during college for the very same kinds of companies that will one day employ them. It’s called an internship.

“I am really reconsidering unpaid internships because we are corporate pawns for doing that,” she said. “Students pay for three credits then go work for some corporation for the semester, and university actually making out cause don’t have to pay a prof for that.

“Corporations have externalized those costs onto you,” she added. “It’s an in-kind contribution to corporations so they can continue to externalize costs and continue to make record profits.”

Scott Molloy, a professor of labor relations and the university’s professor of the year in 2004, said he recalls 25 years ago when very few students graduated with debt. Now, it is commonplace.

“This is a new phenomenon,” he said.

As the state continues to slowly over time cut funding for public higher education, he said, URI responds by raising tuition, meaning a college degree – even from a state school – becomes increasingly a privilege

that can be enjoyed only by the wealthy, or those like Blanchette willing to take on massive debt.

Because of this new phenomenon, the Occupy College movement has taken off across the country as the Occupy Wall Street movement has slowed down during the winter months. More than 120 colleges and universities across the country held “teach-ins” on Wednesday or Thursday. Occupy URI plans to hold a rally on the campus quad on March 1 to bring the message of the teach-in to the students.

High Stakes Testing: Not So Hot


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Last week friend of the blog, Dan McGowan at GoLocal, asked:

Everyone agree that “teaching to the test” is a bad idea, but it makes no sense to get rid of standardized tests that could determine whether a student is eligible to graduate… Why not continue to test, but also offer the right interventions that will help struggling students turn things around?

I’m not sure I’ve ever been more at odds with one of Dan’s posts. What’s got Dan upset is a proposal being offered by “not so hot” State Senators  Representative Eileen Naughton and State Senator Harold Metts.

The legislation, introduced by Rep. Eileen Naughton and Sen. Harold Metts, would prevent the use of statewide standardized test assessments as a barrier to graduation. Civil rights and advocacy groups have long been critical of the use of “high stakes testing,” releasing statistics last year – and which have not improved since – that documented that approximately 90% or more of students classified as special education, limited English proficient, economically disadvantaged, Latino or African-American would receive either no diploma or one designating them only as “partially proficient” if high stakes testing had been in effect for the Class of 2011. [my emphasis]

So why not continue to test as McGowan proposes? Won’t that help those kids? There are actually plenty of reasons, many perhaps more evident to someone like me, a parent of dyslexic children. What I ask is, why should my child’s entire academic performance be judged by a single standardized test? At best it’s unfair and inaccurate, and at worst for kids like mine these high-stakes tests can be a form of discrimination. Dyslexics are often granted accommodations like additional time or quiet rooms, but even with these it’s hard to see how a dyslexic child’s academic potential could be accurately gauged.

One of my favorite writers on the subject of education reform is Alfie Kohn, who specifically warns against proposals to link standardized testing to graduation:

Virtually all relevant experts and organizations condemn the practice of basing important decisions, such as graduation or promotion, on the results of a single test. The National Research Council takes this position, as do most other professional groups (such as the American Educational Research Association and the American Psychological Association), the generally pro-testing American Federation of Teachers, and even the companies that manufacture and sell the exams. Yet just such high-stakes testing is currently taking place, or scheduled to be introduced soon, in more than half the states.

It’s small wonder the idea lacks support among professionals:  it’s wrong on motivation and wrong on process improvement as noted by process improvement guru W. Edwards Deming, who should be required reading for those still captivated by the “hotness” of the current testing fad.

These forces [of destruction] cause humiliation, fear, self-defense, competition for gold star, high grade, high rating on the job. They lead anyone to play to win, not for fun. They crush out joy in learning, joy on the job, innovation. Extrinsic motivation (complete resignation to external pressures) gradually replaces intrinsic motivation, self-esteem, dignity.

It’s certainly not what I want for my own children, and more over, using these tests as graduation requirements very likely harms the students we’re supposedly trying to help the most, kids like those in my neighborhood which is represented by Senator Metts (District 6, Providence). Here’s Kohn again:

Minority and low-income students are disproportionately affected by the incessant pressure on teachers to raise scores. But when high stakes are applied to the students themselves, there is little doubt about who is most likely to be denied diplomas as a consequence of failing an exit exam—or who will simply give up and drop out in anticipation of such an outcome. If states persist in making a student’s fate rest on a single test, the likely result over the next few years will be nothing short of catastrophic. Unless we act to stop this, we will be facing a scenario that might be described without exaggeration as an educational ethnic cleansing.

Let’s be charitable and assume that the ethnic aspect of this perfectly predictable consequence is unintentional. Still, it is hard to deny that high-stakes testing, even when the tests aren’t norm-referenced, is ultimately about sorting. Someone unfamiliar with the relevant psychological research (and with reality) might insist that raising the bar will “motivate” more students to succeed. But perform the following thought experiment: Imagine that almost all the students in a given state met the standards and passed the tests. What would be the reaction from most politicians, businesspeople, and pundits? Would they now concede that our public schools are terrific—or would they take this result as prima facie evidence that the standards were too low and the tests were too easy? As Deborah Meier and others have observed, the phrase “high standards” by definition means standards that everyone won’t be able to meet.

The tests are just the means by which this game is played. It is a game that a lot of kids—predominantly kids of color—simply cannot win. Invoking these very kids to justify a top-down, heavy-handed, corporate-style, test-driven version of school reform requires a stunning degree of audacity. To take the cause of equity seriously is to work for the elimination of tracking, for more equitable funding, and for the universal implementation of more sophisticated approaches to pedagogy (as opposed to heavily scripted direct-instruction programs). But standardized testing, while bad news across the board, is especially hurtful to students who need our help the most.

An audacious plan? Yes. But hot? Not so much, Dan.

Let school prayer banner issue go away, Cranston


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The Cranston School Committee will decide tonight whether or not it wants to continue embarrassing the state in voting if it wants to appeal the school prayer banner case.

Here’s hoping they decide to do the right thing and not fight the ruling, won by high school junior Jessica Ahlquist, that the prayer banner must come down before Rhode Island gets any more of a public relations black eye because of the matter.

“The anger and hatred directed at Ms. Ahlquist — she was called “an evil little thing” on talk radio by a Cranston state representative — helps explain why the judge, responding to her brave lawsuit, did his duty under the Constitution and ordered immediate removal of the prayer,” according to an editorial in the New York Times.

And in response to a number of local florists who refused to deliver flowers to Ahlquist, Annie Laurie Gaylor, of the Freedom From Religion Foundation told the Associated Press, “What kind of people are they in Rhode Island?”

The school district has already incurred hefty legal bills in defending the prayer banner. And the ACLU, who defended Ahlquist, is asking the city to cover its lawyer fees to the tune of $173,000.

Especially in light of the fact that the same school committee said it was too cash-strapped to have a charter school open in the district, it should not be spending money on what is pretty obviously a violation of the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment (or separation of church and state).

Residents and school committee members have said the prayer banner should stay because it is part of the school’s history. But historical significance is no reason to flout the First Amendment of the Constitution.

If the school district wants to preserve the prayer banner’s legacy, it should create a display at the school that could memorialize its history, Ahlquist’s legal battle to have it removed and the torment she endured from her peers and the community for doing so.

Short of that, let’s hope this issue goes away before Rhode Island has to endure any more national media flagellation because of it.

Community Input on Providence Schools Superintendent Search

From the Educate Providence website:

Providence, like the rest of the country, faces significant challenges in ensuring that all of its children and youth have access to educational options that enable them to succeed in school and life. With shrinking budgets for school systems, increasing economic hardships and a fragmentation of the public and private systems that support children and families, we need new models and strategies to prepare children for their futures. A new consensus is emerging about educational excellence: It comes from a focus from cradle to career; requires academic, social and emotional supports and preparation; involves both integrated in- and out-of school approaches; and calls for all types of schools and academic strategies to meet the needs and interests of diverse learners.

In Providence, previous reforms, initiatives and efforts have brought glimpses of change, but none have translated into the fundamental educational improvements that our children and youth deserve. It is time to take significant and swift action to deliver quality education and programming that better prepares and enables our children to succeed in life.

Mayor Taveras formed the Education Opportunity Working Group (EOWG) in June 2011 to assess the Providence educational and community landscapes for strengths, weaknesses and opportunities by examining quantitative data and having qualitative discussions with a range of stakeholders. From this data-gathering and analysis, the EOWG was responsible for recommending goals, strategies and related indicators in alignment with the Mayor’s overall goals for reform implementation, both in and out of schools. Members of the EOWG, representing a diverse set of constituencies, include:

  • Bill Bryan, senior project executive, Gilbane, Inc.
  • Dawn Clifton, leader, Providence Public School Department Parent Advisory Council
  • Lee Keizler, leader, Providence Public School Department Parent Advisory Council
  • Nicole Mathis, principal, Nathanael Greene Middle School
  • Elizabeth Melendez, Spanish teacher, E-Cubed Academy High School
  • Keith Oliveira, member, Providence School Board
  • Angela Romans, senior advisor on education, Mayor’s Office, EOWG chair
  • Warren Simmons, director, Annenberg Institute for School Reform at Brown University
  • Andrew Snyder, director, Rhode Island College Education Leadership Program
  • Kenneth Wong, chair, Brown University Education Department

The EOWG was formed as a committee of the Children and Youth Cabinet (CYC,) a stakeholder group formed in early 2010 and convened by Mayor Taveras in early 2011, comprised of City officials, school department staff and community organizations. A key focus of the CYC is to improve collaboration in and out of school and across a variety of stakeholders in order to improve outcomes for children and youth in Providence. Numerous community organizations, many of which have participated in the CYC, are committed to lending their resources and talents to improving outcomes from “cradle to career.

 


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