Six progressive perspectives on Chafee’s State of State speech and budget


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chafee state of stateGovernor Chafee gave, in my opinion, a great progressive State of the state speech last night. Here’s a the text of the speech and you can watch the video here. Here’s the Providence Journal, WPRI and the Associated Press‘ news coverage. And below is a random smattering of progressive opinions on Chafee’s speech and/or budget. Let us know what you thought of it in the comments section.

Senator Juan Pichardo:

I appreciated that the Governor opened his remarks by reflecting on some of the steps taken during his administration to benefit all Rhode Islanders, from his first action in office to rescind the e-verify executive order, to ensuring that all Rhode Island residents pay in-state tuition rates at our public colleges and university.

He also took time to recognize the 50th anniversary of the War on Poverty, and the alarming wealth disparity that exists, and acknowledged that education is the great equalizer. Governor Chafee has backed up is commitment to education with action, fully funding the education aid formula each year in office, including in the budget proposed today, and increasing support for higher education and the workforce training programs this Senate has strongly promoted.

While he has proposed many significant investments in the future of Rhode Island, I would have also liked to have seen more action to address the issue of housing in Rhode Island. The investments he proposed will help to provide stability for families and children, just as an investment in affordable housing would. That is why I will be proposing a $60 million bond for affordable housing this session.

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Rep. Larry Valencia:

He gave a good speech, in that he looks more comfortable in his own skin.
He got to recount some of his successes, including marriage equality and the DMV fix.

The budget aspects of Governor’s address was a partial relief and a partial disappointment.
First, the disappointment: As a lame duck governor, I thought there would a bold proposal or two. The proposed budget is relatively vanilla: no revenue increases, no large initiatives such as the creation of an infrastructure bank or a major overhaul of the tax code.

He did mention $80 million for bridges (as a bond? I wasn’t clear on that) but our roads need help as well. He talked about $52 million for more historic tax credits, but not how he’s going to pay for that.

I would have liked to have seen at least one progressive revenue idea (perhaps combined reporting – Rep. Teresa Tanzi’s bill) incorporated, if not some version of the tax equity bills that Rep. Maria Cimini, Rep. Scott Guthrie and myself have submitted in the past to reduce income inequality. So with a structural deficit of $100 million to begin with, how does this come together? Will social services be cut to pay for these programs? [And] no codification of the state’s healthcare exchange.

The relief:

Continued funding of the education formula (an additional $38 million). Another $10 million for higher Ed to allow for tuition freezes at URI/RIC/CCRI. Additional $1.8M for workforce development.

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Kristina Fox, Young Democrats of Rhode Island:

Lots of statements in Governor Chafee’s speech made me glad that we have a Democratic Governor: praising the repeal of E-Verify and the passage of marriage equality, stating clearly that climate change is happening and is caused by humans, proclaiming the need to invest in infrastructure and the arts, and touting our state healthcare exchange. I mean, you don’t hear Republican governors proclaiming that they’re “proud to be a state worker”! I’m especially happy to hear our Governor’s commitment to well funded public education both K-12 and higher ed. It goes without saying that being able to access a quality public education impacts young folks tremendously.

RI has a long road ahead before we’re back to good. As Governor Chafee said, we need more good jobs, we need more economic opportunity, and we need to work on these issues together. We can’t leave anyone behind. It’s now up to the General Assembly to take the inspiring words of tonight and turn them into solutions for tomorrow. I know that the Young Democrats will be helping out as much as we can. We also believe that our government plays a key role in helping all Rhode Islanders succeed!

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Jim Ryczek, Rhode Island Coalition for the Homeless:

We are pleased that the Governor allocated $750,000 for rental vouchers for Rhode Islanders experiencing homelessness in his proposed FY 2015 budget. This will ensure that those who are currently being housed, due to last year’s funding by the General Assembly, will continue to maintain their housing. It is estimated that approximately 125 Rhode Islanders will move from homelessness to stable housing because of the leadership by the General Assembly in last year’s legislative session. It is encouraging that the Governor is proposing to continue that funding.

This is a positive step in the right direction to ensure full implementation of Opening Doors RI, the State’s Strategic Plan to Prevent and End Homelessness. We look forward to working with members of the General Assembly to move the state’s investment closer to the $3.4 million called for in the State’s plan.

Opening Doors RI outlines a plan that significantly transforms the provision of services to Rhode Islanders experiencing homelessness. Consistent with Opening Doors: Federal Strategic Plan to Prevent and End Homelessness, the Plan seeks to sharply decrease the numbers of people experiencing homelessness and the length of time people spend homeless.

There have been positive changes in the way we respond to homelessness in our state, as we indicated in the Opening Doors RI Report Card we released in October. Specifically, strides have been made in the areas that involve process, and the coordination of strategies to better serve Rhode Islanders experiencing homelessness.

Systems reform alone, however, cannot end homelessness. Through empirical research and evidence we know that full funding of the Plan will help the State improve its economy, realize long-term cost savings, and improve the lives of thousands of Rhode Islanders who are currently experiencing homelessness. Our state is positioned to make huge strides in addressing homelessness but at the end of the day financial investments are needed to achieve the goals in the Plan and we look forward to working with the General Assembly in the coming months on this effort.

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Peter Hanney, Save The Bay:

Save The Bay thanks Governor Chafee for including this $75MM request in his 2014 budget. It is a big request designed to meet the state’s real need for investment in wastewater infrastructure, stormwater management, and flood prevention.  Save The Bay is especially pleased to see $20MM in funding for the RI Clean Water Finance Agency to invest in wastewater and stormwater infrastructure, and $31.5MM linked to an array programs designed to restore natural buffers along our rivers coasts, expand floodplains, conserve valuable habitat and support public enjoyment of Rhode Island’s natural resources by investing in parks and recreational facilities like Rocky Point.

We thank the Governor and look forward to working with leaders and members of the General Assembly to secure passage. Save The Bay asks for the public’s support for the Bond early by letting legislators know that investing in clean water and healthy communities is important to Rhode Island.

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Gus Uht, Rhode Island Progressive Democrats:

Gov. Chafee’s last budget proposal was an upbeat affair, containing many initiatives for improvements. While there are a number of good points about this budget (see disclaimer below), I am concerned that most additional support for the disadvantaged, if any, may come from ‘trickle-down’ mechanisms.

One good initiative is skills-training, to address RI’s “skills-gap”. FYI: there are a large number of job openings in RI, but few of the unemployed have the right qualifications (skills) to fill them, hence “skills-training.”

Exactly why companies can no longer provide on-the-job-training on their own dime is a mystery. Yes, it costs, but there’s a big payback. Maybe this is just today’s norm of short-term economic thinking. Also, if someone else will pay for it (the state), why not? Looks like a handout to industry, but it does have a large silver-lining.

What is not clear is where the budget cuts are coming from to fund the initiatives. According to Projo there are a multitude of them spread throughout the budget.

To be seen; it will take all of us a while to plow through the proposed budget, available here. (Warning: it is not exactly light-reading; the ‘Summary’ is 244 pages long.) As far as I could tell, the budget was only posted on the web during/right after the Governor’s speech.

Here’s to a good, a REALLY good, legislative session! (Hope springs eternal.)

[Disclaimer: the top bond issue proposed is to raze and rebuild most of the College of Engineering at URI. I’m on the faculty of the College. (Believe me, the College plant needs rebuilding.)]

 

Why the budget process was different this year


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state house francis st lawnLast week’s budget debate in the House was inspiring, although the horse-trading and the outcome were disappointing. Normally the budget sails through the House; no one wants to risk the wrath of the House leadership by opposing it. It really takes guts to go against the grain; those doing so risk the loss of significant committee memberships, sponsored legislation, etc.

This year was different.

In total, 20 representatives voted against the budget, almost enough to defeat it (the vote was 52Y-20N-3NotVoting; 2/3 are needed for passage). Reps. Chippendale, MacBeth, O’Grady, Tanzi, Tomasso, Valencia and many others voted ‘nay’; look here for the complete voting record. [Disclosure: I ran against Rep. MacBeth in 2012.]  Possible backlash from the leadership includes the sinking of Valencia’s voter ID bill.

Also on the less-than-inspiring side there was still significant back-room horse-trading going on. It looked like there were enough votes to kill the budget two days before debate began. However, things then started to change. Leadership started to throw goodies to representatives in exchange for their votes.

In particular, note that tolling on the new Sakonnet bridge is now supposed to be postponed for months, mainly at the behest of East Bay and Northern Aquidneck representatives. The toll for a typical commuter was to be $0.75 one-way; this is much less than a $2.00 RIPTA bus ticket on any route. And for this alleged-deal a bad budget for the whole state passed the House. (There are other arguments both for and against the tolling.)

There were good speeches on both sides of the most-discussed issue, 38 Studios bonds repayment; most of the well-known pros and cons were discussed, and then some. There were other good reasons given for ‘nay’ votes, including built in structural deficits in succeeding budgets and inadequate contributions to the state pension fund in the case of lower than projected investment returns.

Other problems with this and other recent budgets: cuts are made on the backs of those voters least able to absorb them; RIPTA is inadequately funded; and little is provided to fix and maintain the state’s decrepit infrastructure. Rhode Island needs more revenue, spelled: “t-a-x-e-s.” There were two bills this year which would have partially-reversed the tax reductions for the wealthy that were granted over the last 15 years; the reductions hurt our economy, they didn’t help it.

While this year’s budget got some serious attention at the very end of the session, the public and most of the House still had little to say about it; it was business as usual. The House budget proposal should really be presented weeks if not months before the session’s end.

Probably the worst characteristic of the budget this year has little to do with 38 Studios or tolling: Rhode Island still does not have a credible policy to fix its economy.

Roads, bridges sacrifice for pensions; income taxes spared


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State House Dome from North Main Street

State House Dome from North Main StreetRhode Island boasts some of the worst roads and bridges and one the highest unfunded pension liabilities in the nation. So of course when it came time to figure out how to make a payment to the pension system, the legislature took the money from a brand new plan to repair roads and bridges. The only other option would have been to tweak the state income tax structure – the most regressive in New England.

All three have obvious effects on the Ocean State’s economy. But while income taxes remain sacrosanct, roads and pensions made sacrifices for one another. At least CNBC doesn’t factor traffic congestion into its best/worst states for business lists!!

At least a reasonable argument can be made for austerity, though. The most contentious debate of Day 2 of the House of Representatives budget session was whether to include $2.5 million in the $8.2 million budget for 38 Studios bondholders.

Either this was a ridiculous thing to debate at the 11th hour, or it was being used as a political tool against House Speaker Gordon Fox. Perhaps both!

I just can’t conceive of a sound argument for not funding something that could damage our ability to borrow money when worst case scenario is it costs every Rhode Island $2.50 (or just the richest among us $250 each!) to effectively buy an insurance policy against a downgrade. If we don’t need it, we can always put that money into roads and bridges or the unfunded pension liability. Though some may prefer to just set up a slush fund the 1%…

But the gold star for ineffective government on Smith Hill last night has to go to the Senate Finance Committee. The Providence Journal said it too the committee only 18 minutes to rubber stamp the budget bill the House debated for almost 20 hours.

To which conservative pundit Andrew Morse tweeted: “They should try finding extra funding by zeroing out the Senate budget, and seeing if the Senate actually notices.”

 

Not including it would have meant a potential increase in cost of borrowing money, while in

 

Budget hinges on moral obligation to the rich or retirees


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RetirementDignityThe biggest debate of the budget process turned out not to be about a moral obligation to Wall Street but rather a moral obligation to Rhode Island retirees.

While the local media (this site included) focused on the debate concerning a $2.5 million payment to 38 Studios bondholders, the bigger debate during last night’s marathon budget session concerned a $12.9 million payment to the state pension program.

Defecting from House leadership, a wide spectrum of Democrats and Republicans struck down a proposal that would have eliminated an extra payment to the pension system negotiated into the landmark pension reform process of 2011.

“I feel like we are going back on our word and that’s not how I like to operate,” said Rep. Jared Nunes.

For those of you who don’t understand the concept of a moral obligation outside of the bond market, this pretty well sums it up in layman’s terms! Many lawmakers, however, put the pension payment in the exact parlance of a moral obligation (a meta-concept RI Future has dedicated many pixels to championing).

“If 38 studios is a moral obligation, what is this?” said progressive Rep. Larry Valencia, of Richmond, according to the Providence Journal. “I contend this $12.9 million is a moral obligation as well.”

While I don’t like this specific law (I wrote about it last week here) for the same reasons I don’t like the law that guarantees bondholders get paid before pensioners – it sets up a tiered system of budget priorities – I do also understand it as a moral obligation.

“We hurt people’s pensions,” said Joe Trillo, a Republican who supported pension cuts in 20111 and paying the $12.9 million this year. To then go back and nix a silver lining would add insult to injury.

Much more than I take umbrage with the law, I love the debate it has inspired as the 2013 legislative session winds down. The idea that the state has a moral obligation to retirees was unmistakably the theme of the debate last night and RI Future has been publishing posts about this for months now.

This is not only as big victory for the labor movement, but also for the wider progressive movement: a moral obligation has morphed from being a strictly financial concept to being a political and philosophical concept in our marketplace of ideas. In the financial markets, a moral obligation literally means you don’t have to do it, but it may cost you money in the long run. In real life a moral obligation is something you do whether it’s in your own self interest or not.

This gives me hope that our elected leaders will start actually governing instead of simply trying to cut down a spending plan artificially capped by conservative thinking. We have no moral obligation to austerity – though it may or may not be good for our economy; so far it hasn’t shown benefits. We do however have a moral obligation to fully fund our promises.

That didn’t happen last night, though. House leadership, specifically conservative Democrat Nick Mattiello, conceded the goal was a noble one, but said proponents had failed to identify a way to fund it.

“The $12.9 would have to come out of something,” WPRI quoted Mattiello as saying.

This, of course, isn’t true because it assumes the only way to fund government is to cut something else in government (a false choice the many have fallen for during the era of austerity)

Rep. Valencia reminded Mattiello, leadership, the House and those of us watching at home, that in fact both he and Rep. Cimini had income tax increase bills vetted that would raise enough revenue and more.

“A quarter of a Cimini,” would suffice, Valencia said, or a one-fourth of the 2 percent income tax increase the progressive Rep. from Providence proposed on those who make more than a quarter million dollars annually.

The budget debate was put on hold early this morning and continues later today. Whether or not a “quarter of a Cimini” is in play as legislators continue to debate the tax and spend plan will depend on just what kind of moral obligation our elected officials feel they have to the totality of their previous promises.

I know I feel we have a higher moral obligation to keep our word on pension reform than we do to keep in place a tax cut given to the richest Rhode Islanders.

Budget hole big enough to drive a bus through


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brazilIn Brazil a twenty cent increase in the bus fare is sufficient to start a revolution. Rhode Island lawmakers are lucky that the public here is more sedate, because their inability to find a sustainable financing solution for the Rhode Island Public Transit Authority’s structural deficit in this year’s budget will lead to either a drastic reduction in RIPTA service or a major increase in fare prices, maybe both.

The FY13 deficit for the transit agency stands at $2.2 million, and the FY14 deficit, which the budget proposal has done next to nothing to address, is projected to be over $10 million.

$10 million is about 20% of RIPTA’s operating budget, and that is where RIPTA will have to look to balance its books sometime before its cash flow runs out near the end of the year. It would be a miracle if the necessary cuts comprise less than 10% of current service [For instance, a four million dollar deficit a few years ago translated into 10% proposed service reductions.] It’s more likely that RIPTA will soon be holding public hearings with discussions of 20% cuts.

Never mind for the moment the impact to our environment or to the people who rely on transit as a lifeline, imagine the impact to the economy if 1 in 5 buses disappears from Rhode Island’s roads. How many people who can’t drive or can’t afford a car won’t be able to get to work? How many won’t be able to make it out to the store to engage in commerce? Thousands.

I can already picture the hearings, filled to over capacity with angry and terrified riders testifying about the hardship that the cuts will mean. There will no doubt be protests in the street over it (though not quite like Brazil), and legislators will predictably make statements to the press about how important transit service is and how the cuts could not have been foreseen.

Despite such feigned ignorance, RIPTA’s plight is well known in the Statehouse. Speaker Fox has maintained that finding sustainable funding for the buses is one of his top three priorities this session. Dozens of members of the House have even signed a letter calling on the Speaker to live up to this stated priority.  There has been sustained advocacy on the issue for as far back as legislators memories can stretch, advocacy from the environmental, social service, public health, senior, disabled, youth, labor, and business communities. What will it take?

I suspect in the end that it may require the people in the street in the lead up to next year’s elections to finally see a solution. In the meantime, the public will suffer and whatever economic development policies that lawmakers manage to get through will be entirely undermined.

Left and right agree on 38 Studio bond payment


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occupy prov 38Perhaps the most telling tale of the 2013 budget process is not about what we do or don’t invest in, but rather the uncommon affiliations one such spending decision has brought to light. Many on the left (progressives) and the right (Republicans) seem to disagree with the majority of moderate Democrats that Rhode Island should pay 38 Studios bondholders.

This was first illustrated by Randall Rose and Occupy Providence’s great effort to put together a panel of diverse local experts, moderated by WJAR, to discuss the issue. Occupy Providence has long opposed paying on the bonds and it partnered with the Stephen Hopkins Center, a grassroots local libertarian group to call attention to the matter by having economists, college professors and bond buyers vet the pros and cons. Meanwhile, the legislature hosted a one-sided lecture on the merits of repayment.

House Republicans responded by vowing to vote against the budget bill today if the $2.5 million line item is included. Whether this is a principled stand against Wall Street-centric economic policy or simply political gamesmanship over the budget remains to be seen. Nobody, not even the ratings agencies, know which is the more fiscally-prudent path at this point and anyone claiming to support or oppose the $2.5 million line item based on such knowledge either doesn’t get it, or is lying (what some politics).

But now Sam Bell and Gus Uht, two influential members of the Rhode Island Progressive Democrats, have called upon liberal lawmakers to reject the budget proposal as well. Read their pieces here and here. They both mention the 38 Studios bonds, but also cite several other issues progressives have with the budget bill, such as cuts to RIte Care, pension payments and municipal aid.

The progressive caucus in the House has at least twice the membership as does the Republican Party. So if both these caucuses come together to oppose the budget, leadership would all of a sudden have a legitimate math problem on its hands.  Which won’t happen, of course, because the progressive caucus is more closely-aligned with moderate Democrats in politics if not in economic theory.

What’s been really interesting to me is that pundits on both the left and right have used similar logic to call for default.

Here’s what Uht wrote in a previous post:

“Moral Obligation” bonds are a fabrication of Wall Street, created to satisfy its greed. The Economic Development Corporation, not the state, issued such bonds for 38 Studios … 38 Studios was not described as a sound investment to either the prospective investors or the insurer, yet they signed on anyway. They gambled and lost. This is not Rhode Island’s responsibility, but in the vague, smoky-back-room fashion of “moral obligation” bonds, it might hurt our reputation for being a good bond issuer if we don’t obligingly, voluntarily make it our responsibility.

Andrew Morse takes the debate one step further writing that the electorate should not even vote for politicians who support the payment (according to the headline).

This idea of government will be imposed upon Rhode Islanders by their state officials and Wall Street working together, unless Rhode Islanders are willing to reject politicians who use their offices to enforce the finance industry’s extra-legal understandings of how debt should work, and reward those who work to make sure that the finance industry lives under the same constitution and laws that everyone else does.

I agree with both Uht’s and Morse’s  sentiments, but don’t think we should take such a severe stand for these values on either the budget bill or the next election. I do however think legislators have a moral obligation to oppose the budget bill based on the cuts to RIte Care, and if you read Tom Sgouros’ post from yesterday you probably do too.

But with respect to the 38 Studios bond payment, Imost Rhode Islanders probably agree with what progressive Rep. Art Handy told ABC6’s Mark Curtis:

I am of the opinion that we probably should pay it. I actually emotionally kind of think we shouldn’t. But intellectually I think I am at a place now where I feel like we probably should.

Me, I’m still standing behind what I wrote in a piece called “On moral obligations” back on April 18:

…I’m really hoping it ends up being financially advantageous not to pay the bondholders – that way we can save money AND we’ll see who in Rhode Island is a real small government conservative and who is acting like a friend to the taxpayer when they are secretly just advocating for Wall Street and corporate America’s interest in our state government.

Out-fox Fox: vote ‘NO’ on the House budget bill


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RI State House 4The state budgeting process has once again turned into a farce. This has been particularly true under Speaker Fox’s leadership. However, unlike previous years, the forced House rubber-stamping of the budget is in serious doubt. And that’s a good thing.

The 38 Studios’ bond repayment debacle seems to be the catalyst for the public’s and much of the House membership’s revulsion at the proposed FY2014 budget. But it’s not the only stinker in the budget. Among others, there is also the lack of an extension of family planning services to all low-income women. But the problem is much bigger than just the monetary impacts of the budget.

The House leadership has conducted a widespread pattern of bait-and-switching of many important bills put forward in good faith by the rank-and-file of the House. This is true even of bills that the leadership purported to support during the 2012 campaign. In particular the gun control bills that had widespread support have been gutted to the point of worthlessness. The NRA won. (Which reminds me: did you know that Speaker Fox received $2,200 from the NRA in political contributions during 2010-2012? Other House members also profited.)

The repeal of the Voter ID act was also sculpted behind the scenes by the leadership to be worse than what was in effect for the 2012 elections, a far cry from a repeal.

Now, despite what your feelings are about the above bills, pro or con, I think we can all safely agree on the farcical nature of the budget process in the House. From this year’s hit parade of what would otherwise be laughable elements of the process, we have the following[1]:

  1. The Governor’s budget of January was revised behind closed doors by just two or three legislators.
  2. The House Finance Committee only received an overview of the budget literally a few hours before the Committee met to vote on it.
  3. Even more ludicrous was that the Committee did not see the actual budget, with the all-important details, until just before the relevant part of the budget was discussed during the meeting. The poor staff were running continuously between the meeting room and the copier and back to keep up.
  4. At one point, for the final Section considered, the Appropriations’ section, which was also the longest (over a hundred pages), the staff couldn’t handle the volume and Chairman Melo had to pause the proceedings for some time until the Committee members got their copies.
  5. The fiscal staff spent about 5 minutes, plus-or-minus, of the two-hour-long meeting describing the Appropriations’ section and its changes.
  6. The main negative point brought up by committee members, especially Reps. Newberry and Ferri, was the presence of the 38 Studios bonds repayment in the budget.
  7. After all that, the clout of the House leadership truly became apparent. The vote was to pass the budget 12-0-2: all Democrats in favor, no committee member opposed, and two abstentions, both from Republicans (even they couldn’t say an outright ‘NO’).

The Speaker wants, and so far is, controlling everything that goes on in the House. But he cannot be trusted. See yesterday’s Nesi’s Notes for evidence of Speaker Fox’s lying about 38 Studios and what the House knew, or rather didn’t know, before voting for the relevant approval bill in 2010.

It’s time for Rhode Islanders to say “Enough is enough! Vote ‘NO’ on the budget!” Put yourselves back in charge. I’m making a Call for Action to anyone and everyone who has some time today. Come to the State House at about 1 PM and talk to your Representative before the debate and vote on the budget that starts at 2 PM. For those who’ve never been there, you first go through security on the side of the statehouse farthest from Providence Place, then go up the rotunda stairs (or the elevator) to the second floor. The House entrance is there. There are also visitor galleys on the third floor. Lastly, all House sessions are televised and shown in both real-time both on the web and on cable, and later-on on the web.

I know that’s a bad time for many of us, and perhaps that’s why it was scheduled then, two hours early, but this is a rare perhaps even once-in-a-lifetime moment when your voice can truly be heard and recognized.

If you can’t come in person, see if you can find time to call your Representative in the morning/afternoon/evening (they’ll probably be there for a while). See here to determine who your Representative is, and here to look up her/his phone number. Don’t know what they look like? Go here and click his/her name. Still need help? I’ll be around and do my best. I’ll be the guy with a sign on his back.

I hope to see you at the Capitol.

Keep the faith.

—-Gus Uht


[1] You can see the (long) session for yourself on Capitol Television; look for 6-18-2013, Parts 1 and 2. A shorter version of the highlights was given by Rep. Newberry on Newsmakers June 21.

Progressives should vote against the budget


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George Nee and Gordon FoxProgressives have always had a complicated relationship with House Speaker Gordon Fox.  Though deeply concerned that Fox’s very conservative economic policies are destroying our state, we have always supported the House leadership team because Fox’s likely successors, Helio Melo and Nick Mattiello, are even more conservative than he is.

When Speaker Fox faced the progressive voters of the East Side in November, they were angry—angry at the bevy of red-state legislation Fox had actively pushed for.  Fox promised to change.  He promised to sunset the ALEC-backed voter ID law he supported, a law he passed even though the chairwoman of the national Democratic Party called him to beg him to reconsider.  He promised to consider not bailing out Wall Street on the 38 Studios deal he helped orchestrate.  He promised to work with progressives on scaling back the tax cuts for the rich, tax cuts he had once promised would create jobs.  He promised, in essence, to govern like the Democrat he once was.  It has now become clear that he does not intend to honor those pledges.  Jolting sharply to the right, Fox has launched a campaign against Democratic values.  Here is a sample of his recent right-wing moves:

  • He is handing Newport Grand a million-dollar bailout.
  • He is forcing through a much, much larger bailout of the 38 Studios bondholders.
  • He is throwing 6,500 Rhode Islanders off Medicaid.
  • He is skipping a pension fund payment, in a gratuitous middle finger to labor.
  • He is refusing to roll back some of the tax cuts for the rich and instead raising taxes on the middle class through steep tolls on the Sakonnet River Bridge.
  • He is paring back Chafee’s already minuscule municipal aid package, forcing the City of Woonsocket into receivership.
  • He is blocking the family planning expansion under ObamaCare.
  • Like the US Senate’s filibustering Republicans, he is refusing to let an assault weapons ban or background checks reporting get a vote.
  • Finally, not only did he break his promise to sunset the voter ID law, he snuck in a provision to tighten voting restrictions even further.  Telling the members of the Judiciary Committee that they were voting to freeze the current law to prevent the harsher 2014 restrictions from coming into effect, they refused to release the actual bill in time for everyone to read it.  A violation of the trust the statehouse runs on, this move tricked many pro-voting committee members to vote for this red-state-style assault on our democracy.

When she was the Executive Director of the Rhode Island GOP, Ann Clanton famously admitted, “We have a lot of Democrats who we know are Republican but run as a Democrat — basically so they can win.”  Progressives cannot help but look at Gordon Fox’s recent record and conclude that he is indeed one of those Republicans hiding in the Democratic Party.  We urge the General Assembly to stand up for Rhode Island values and stop this conservative onslaught.

We are not the only ones who are angry.  We have heard from a large and growing body of furious Representatives that there will be a serious effort to vote down the budget to stop the 38 Studios bailout.  If the progressive bloc in the House breaks away from leadership on this issue, we can block this right-wing budget and force something a little more reasonable.

So we call on progressives to vote this budget down.  We understand the power of leadership and all the practicalities that entails, but if any progressives are forced to vote against their conscience, we sincerely hope that it is in exchange for a more moderate budget.  And we call on Gordon Fox to return to the principles he ran on.

RIte Care cuts could prove to be a killer


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RIteCareDo you  support the compromises made to put together this year’s state budget?  Would you support them if you knew they will cause people to die?  Statistically speaking, one cut is likely to cause as many as 30 deaths over the next few years.

The problem with discussions of the state budget is that they’re usually conducted in the abstract.  We talk about budget numbers and cutting a little here and moving this number into that column and it’s all rather academic and somewhat bloodless.  To make it a little less bloodless, I’d like to look at just one number and see what it really means.  And since we’re talking about blood, let’s look at the Medicaid cut.

As was reported here, the Finance Committee’s budget drops Medicaid coverage for about 6,500 parents to save a bit more than $4 million.  The deal is that these are people whose incomes are between 133% and 175% of the Federal poverty line, or $25,975 to $34,177.  Their children will continue to receive health care through Medicaid and RIte Care, but these parents will have to buy insurance on the new Health Benefits Exchange, part of Obamacare.  There is a federal subsidy available, that will keep the monthly costs down to $100-150/month, but each person will be liable for out-of-pocket medical costs expected to average around $2,000 per year.  There’s a good summary here.

So, now to the math: someone who earns $26,000 each year will see an increase in monthly payments equal to a little more than half a month’s gross pay per year, plus out-of-pocket costs.  If he or she is healthy, maybe that’s all.  But if there’s an illness or injury, we’re looking at an additional month’s pay in medical costs.  So how would you feel to know that your salary next year is going to be short 1.5 months gross over this year?  In fairness, the House budget includes $500,000 to provide some subsidy.  More math: $500,000 divided by 6,500 is about eight cents short of $77.  That will surely help.

Still more math: According to a 2008 study by the Urban Institute, using numbers from the Census Bureau and the Institute of Medicine, about 137,000 people died between 2000 and 2006 from a lack of insurance.  These are estimated excess deaths due to late or skipped treatments for disease and injury, or missed diagnoses.  This is a mortality rate of a bit less than half a percent for the uninsured.

Unfortunately, 6,500 is a fairly big number.  A bit less than half a percent of that still comes up a bit more than 30 people.  If none of those 6,500 get insurance, or if they forego treatment because of its expense, we can expect about 30 people to die in the next few years as a result of this change in policy.  Presumably lots of them will get coverage, but I doubt that all will.  If as many as 29 people out of 30 — 6,283 out of 6,500 — manage to scrape up enough to pay for health insurance and also pay for all the doctor visits they might have used under Medicaid, there will still be one death.

In other words, we can reasonably expect that people will die because of the House Finance vote last Tuesday.  Thank you, Helio Melo and Gordon Fox.

Ok, so this is not a large number of deaths in the grand scheme of state business (unless it happens to be you, of course), but the point of doing a study like the Urban Institute’s is that mortality is just the readily countable tip of the iceberg, and that for each preventable death, we can expect a great deal of pointless suffering from untreated chronic conditions, illness, and injuries.

This is what’s so infuriating about what passes for debate on the state budget around here.  Because the legislative leadership has so thoroughly assimilated the idea that the only way to conduct state business is simply to do what business wants — tax policy, education policy, health care, whatever — it seems impossible to construct an argument in favor of something as simple as preventing death and suffering.  Sometimes it seems the only effective way forward is to argue in terms of cost-benefit analyses and advancing the state’s economy.  But in fact, sometimes things must be done simply because they are the right thing to do, and other things must be condemned because they are not.  What kind of state do you want to live in?

So next time you hear someone saying how important it is that we pay back all our bonds, even the ones borrowed to fund stupid insider deals, don’t ask “is this important?”  Ask, “Is this more important than the death and suffering of some poor people?”  Is cutting the sales tax on liquor to improve sales in liquor stores near Massachusetts more important than the death and suffering of poor people?  How about letting businesses accelerate depreciation?  Is preserving all the tax cuts rich people got between 1997 and 2010 more important than that death and suffering?  See how much clearer it gets?

Needless to say, people will object to having their budget choices portrayed in this manner, but do you sympathize with them, or with the poor people who will not get decent health care here, in what is still among the richest countries on earth?

Over 1,000 sign petition against 38 Studios bailout


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occupy prov 38On Monday June 24th, the petition against the 38 Studios bailout will be brought to the State House for a ceremonial delivery.  So far, over 1,000 Rhode Islanders have signed the petition, and the number continues to grow.  The petition delivery will be at 4:15pm sharp, at the Smith Street entrance to the State House.

The current 38 Studios bailout is unpopular, as the 38 Studios deal was from the beginning.  Although the petition against the bailout was put together by Occupy Providence, which has been protesting against the planned 38 Studios bailout for over a year, there are many other groups opposing the bailout across the political spectrum.  The libertarian-leaning Stephen Hopkins Center for Civil Rights and Occupy Providence jointly sponsored a debate about the bailout (available on video).  Although many of the leading bailout advocates were invited to appear on the debate panel – Gov. Lincoln Chafee, Treasurer Gina Raimondo, the RI Economic Development Corporation, and Moody’s bond-rating agency – none chose to take part in this open debate, although they are frequently quoted in the media where they don’t have to confront the arguments of leading bailout opponents.  Now, even those who have sympathy for the bailout have been pointing out that the case for a bailout is problematic.

Rhode Islanders who oppose the bailout can sign the petition and, if they like, attend the State House petition delivery rally at 4:15 Monday.   The RI House will be voting soon on a budget that includes 38 Studios bailout money, but many state legislators are committed to voting against the budget until the bailout money is removed.  State House leaders traditionally try to finalize everything about the budget in one night’s marathon House session, and that session is scheduled for this Tuesday.   However, the 38 Studios bailout is unusually contentious and controversial, involving years of major expenses, and whatever happens in Tuesday’s session, there is a good chance that Rhode Islanders will be continuing to fight this bailout well past Tuesday.  The online petition will remain open for signatures during and after this year’s budget process.

RI’s class system of extra-budgetary pay priorities


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state house francis streetNot only do Rhode Island lawmakers often embed policy proposals into the state budget, they also sometimes embed budget proposals into other areas of state law. The Ocean State is infamous for having the only law that in the nation that guarantees Wall Street gets paid before retirees, but we also have a law that places payments to retirees’ above other communal concerns.

Here’s what the Providence Journal reported Wednesday about a little-discussed law:

Union officials lobbied from the sidelines for the state to make good on a promise made after the state’s 2011 dramatic pension overhaul froze cost-of-living increases to Rhode Island’s retired public workers until the fund is in better financial shape.

The law required that any state money that comes in — over and above the state’s official revenue estimate — go into the state pension fund. This year that would have totaled $12.9 million. But Chafee sought to eliminate this provision, and carry the money forward into next year’s budget.

To the dismay of the unions, the lawmakers agreed, prompting this response from J. Michael Downey, president of Council 94, American Federation of State County and Municipal Employees: “Shortchanging employees’ pensions, while taking care of Wall Street bondholders and restoring tax credits, is immoral.”

I would agree with Downey’s moral compass on this one. It is immoral to shortchange middle class retirees and not companies. Similarly, I feel it is immoral to shortchange the homeless and struggling cities and towns while taking care of middle class retirees.

Whether either scenario is financially advantageous to the citizenry is another matter altogether. I would argue deciding whom to take care of and whom to shortchange based on such rationale is what makes it immoral. Not that we don’t have to make immoral decisions sometimes, we should just recognize it isn’t necessarily benevolent. In other words, we have no moral obligation to be prosperous, but we do have a moral obligation to do the greatest good for the greatest amount of people. Intentionally obfuscating these two often competing values is very immoral, by the way.

To my way of thinking, Rhode Island’s economy would be better served if we ended homelessness than if we fully funded our pension system. I also think we have a higher moral obligation to end homelessness than to fully fund pensions. Similarly, it may be true that our economy would be better served if we fully funded our pension system than if we fully funded our debt obligations. But I’m certain we have a higher moral obligation to fully fund commitments to people than to credit markets.

Now some may agree with my economic and moral theories, and they may be right to do so. And what makes the most moral and/or economic sense at one time might not be the best decision at another time. That’s why it’s bad policy for state lawmakers to codify outside of the annual budget process a class system of financial obligations.

House budget bill: The good, the bad and the booze


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From 2012 House Finance Committee budget consideration.
From 2012 House Finance Committee budget consideration.

Rhode Islanders best not blink in June. If we do, we might just miss much new state policy being swiftly passed in the annual budget bill.

The tax and spending plan, and oftentimes some new policy tucked in for good (bad, or indifferent) measure, typically breezes through the General Assembly in the waning days of the legislative session. Any public debate happens during marathon late night meetings. Elected officials actually suspend open meeting laws to do so. Rhode Island’s budget process is truly democracy at its worst.

To that end, the best news about 2013 House Finance Committee’s budget – and the benefit is bipartisan – is that this year’s proposal didn’t sneak in any big picture policy changes; at least none that have been identified yet.

Last year’s budget bill retooled public education oversight but this year’s version does not yet include retooling economic development oversight as some expected. Tax and spending priorities belong in the budget bill, not public sector structure.

Similarly, regardless of whether one feels we should repay 38 Studios bondholders or not, the budget bill was not the ideal place for the state to make this decision. The proposal puts money aside to pay if that proves the most prudent path, and an additional $50,000 to study the ramifications.

The budget bill will also not decide if the new Sakonnett River Bridge be paid for by a use fee (capitalism) or by the people of Rhode Island (socialism). We should certainly have this conversation, and it should be done in the context of how to fund the nationally recognized need for better roads and bridges.

On spending

The budget bill doesn’t do much to help Rhode Island’s struggling cities, another great gift for bankruptcy lawyers. It ignores, for the second year in a row, Governor Chafee’s attempts to help urban areas hit hardest by the recession and state aid cuts. It did keep his $40 million new funding for public education, which is much better than a sharp stick in the eye but not nearly enough to neutralize the head start suburbs enjoy over cities in the race to the top.

Interestingly, creates a new state mandate that school districts to refinance construction debt. There are all sorts of repercussions to mandatory refinancing of debt, including giving schools a more vested interest in 38 Studios bonds. Update/clarification: the budget calls for a higher municipal share of refinance savings.

Social services were again cut, leaving some 6,500 poor people off of RIte Care, reports the Providence Journal.

The historic tax credit – technically a spending item – would be reinstated. It would allow the private sector to not pay up to $34 million in state taxes, but it’s capped at $5 million per project. Sorry Superman Building.

On taxes

Income taxes weren’t increased on the affluent nor were corporate tax rates cut. CVS keeps its lucrative loophole worth $15 million.

And the pharmacy giant isn’t the only drug dealer to make out in this year’s budget. Wine and spirit sellers will be given a sales tax holiday for two years. Beer, for some reason, wasn’t included (there’s something that feels regressive about lowering sales tax on wine and spirits but not beer).

The most interesting tax experiment, I think, is making locally-made art tax free. It seems to me that more people would cross state lines to buy art than have their dog groomed, but art is, by definition, subjective. Some may consider their poodle’s haircut art. It could also mean a giant tax break for a company like Alex and Ani if jewelry is considered art.

But despite opportunity for abuse, if the state is going to incentive growth through tax cuts, I’m glad it’s going to artists as this is the sector that has the best chance of building us a better economy.

Experts weigh in: Does RI repay 38 Studios’ bond


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occupy prov 38Last week, on June 6th, both a debate and a separate hearing were held whose sole focus was the 38 Studios’ bonds’ situation. (Related posts: first, second.)

In a nutshell, my opinion is unchanged: Rhode Island should not repay the bonds. We should also outlaw such bonds. They have a shady origin (complete with a Watergate character!) and have gone downhill since then. We should use the 38 Studios debacle to clean up state finances.

Background:
There are two basic types of bonds. General Obligation bonds are fully backed by the state, including the use of its taxing authority to cover the bonds, hence the risk of non-repayment is low. In Rhode Island’s case the voters have to approve the bonds via a referendum.

The second type are Revenue bonds, issued by non-state authorities. These bonds are not guaranteed by the state. Voter approval is not needed. They are higher risk.

The 38 Studios bonds are a hybrid of General Obligation and Revenue bonds: so-called “Moral Obligation” bonds. This category of bond was devised by John Mitchell (of Watergate infamy) specifically to avoid the need for voter approval. These bonds are Revenue bonds with an ill-defined unwritten assurance by the state that it will repay the bonds in the case of the borrowers default. The state is not legally required to cover the bonds, but is expected to. Voter approval is not needed, so they are easy to issue. The risk is low, but at the same time the interest rates and hence profits for the bondholders are high. This is a win-win situation for the bondholders and the bond insurer but a burden on the issuer.

Review and comments….
The following are paraphrased versions of some of what was said at both the hearing and the debate, not necessarily in time-order. There were no common participants. Text within brackets ([  ]) are my own comments.

 ….on the hearing….
The House Finance committee heard testimony on the 38 Studios’ bonds repayment issue from (only) Matt Fabian and Lisa Washburn, both of Municipal Market Advisors. Only the committee and experts were allowed to participate. Overall the expert testimony was detailed but inconclusive.  Rhode Island’s situation is unique.  Fabian himself advised repayment, but concurred with a committee member that 20 experts would provide 20 different opinions. Actually Fabian had already talked to many experts; their opinions of the consequences of non-repayment went from: “little impact” to “catastrophic.”

Rhode Island’s market reputation and ability to sell bonds at competitive interest rates are currently good and have been getting better. Fabian’s main concern was that non-repayment would reverse these characteristics and the cost of future credit to the state would be substantially higher; these effects might last for many years. Fabian emphasized that the market and ratings agencies would consider anything other than full repayment a default. Another possible outcome of non-repayment, though unlikely, is that the market would make an example of Rhode Island, punish it, and severely reduce its ability to borrow.

The effect of non-repayment on future Rhode Island borrowing varies on the type of the bond to be issued. The interest rates of new moral obligation bonds are likely to be extremely high, possibly even making them unsellable. [To me, the latter is a plus.] However, the effect on the state’s general obligation bonds would be much less, perhaps an increase of 0.5% to 1% in interest for many years. [It also might be possible to refinance the bonds at a lower interest rate after their issue, reducing the negative fiscal impact of non-repayment.]

Fabian recommended that Rhode Island make its repayment decision carefully and slowly. This would reduce any negative results if it decides against full repayment. Also, an in-depth market study might help Rhode Island make its decision to repay or not. However, just conducting a study might make the market nervous; thus, negative repercussions could occur even before a study is completed and a repayment decision made.

When the 38 Studios’ bonds were issued an insurance policy was purchased providing for full payment of both the principal and interest by the insurer to the bondholders in the case of default. Many Rhode Islanders say that the insurance pay-out will keep Rhode Island from having to repay anything and the bondholders will lose nothing. However, the insurer will likely use all available means to keep from paying, including legal, political and media attacks. It might be messy, last a long time and result in a significant decline in Rhode Island’s reputation in the bond market. One way to avoid this mess would be to make a compromise with the insurer and only make a partial repayment. The insurer would likely be willing to work with the state to do so, and Rhode Island would suffer less.

….and on the debate.
The debate was moderated. The panel included academics, bond market experts, an independent policy advisor, and a citizen advocate who might be directly affected by the outcome. The audience was allowed to participate. On the whole, predictions of what would happen upon a non-repayment were less dire than at the hearing.

The debate covered a lot of the same ground as the hearing, but not all. An expert at the debate said that it is a strong possibility that future Rhode Island general obligation bonds’ costs (higher interest rates) would be much less than feared [including much less than those suggested at the hearing].  One additional point made was that although a partial repayment would be viewed as a default by the bond market, it would be viewed more favorably by the market than a full non-repayment, so could be viewed as a reasonable option for Rhode Island.

There was a consensus by the panel that what needs to be done is an in-depth study, including a solid cost/benefit, pros/cons analysis of the alternatives in order to make an informed decision. It was suggested that as part of the study the major bond market players should be asked what they would do if the bonds are repaid by the state or not. [This may be difficult. Moody’s and Standard & Poor’s, the bond raters, have so far declined to do so.][Note that such a study may be inconclusive, too, since there are so many factors involved, even some not yet even contemplated.]

Analysis:
After the hearing I knew more but was less certain what the result of any particular course of action would be. The debate helped, but not much more.

There is no history to guide us. The bond market is irrational, volatile and unpredictable, though traditionally less so than the stock market. Even the experts don’t know the likely consequences. All crystal balls are out of order.

“Moral Obligation” bonds are a fabrication of Wall Street, created to satisfy its greed. The Economic Development Corporation, not the state, issued such bonds for 38 Studios.  There was the usual kind-of-sort-of implication by EDC, the Assembly, and the governor (at that time), that the state would pay if 38 Studios defaulted, but with no actual obligation.  The only clearly stated legal obligation of the state is that the Governor must put a request for repayment into the proposed budget each year.  That’s it.  The state legislature is under absolutely no obligation to actually include it in the final budget.  Here is the key:  38 Studios was not described as a sound investment to either the prospective investors or the insurer, yet they signed on anyway. They gambled and lost. This is not Rhode Island’s responsibility, but in the vague, smoky-back-room fashion of “moral obligation” bonds, it might hurt our reputation for being a good bond issuer if we don’t obligingly, voluntarily make it our responsibility.

An issue that did not receive enough attention at either the hearing or the debate concerns the effects on low- or no- income Rhode Islanders of non-repayment. Both Rep. Ferri, a committee member at the hearing, and Ms. Heebner, citizen advocate at the debate, said that the General Assembly might not raise taxes to cover the shortfall, but instead would reduce human services. Those lowest on the economic ladder would suffer the consequences of the higher-ups’ bad decisions. While dumping on those least able to afford it is dishonorable, it is likely to happen, judging from the recent past.

Conclusions:
By all means, conduct an in-depth study, it might help. But don’t spend a lot on it.

No one can tell what the consequences of non-repayment would be. Even if we know the monetary consequences for certain, our decision could still go either way since it will (should) be based on more than what can be quantified by such a study. Let’s not base a decision solely on Wall Street or $$$, for a change. There is more to life. So let’s do the right things:

  • Don’t repay the 38-Studio bonds.  We aren’t obligated to and we have other, real, obligations like human services, education and infrastructure that need the funds. The “sky-is-falling” predictions are overblown.
  • Make moral obligation bonds illegal. Only allow pure general obligation and revenue bonds having clear language and unambiguous responsibilities of the parties involved. This change in state debt funding would be a silver lining to the ugly situation of the 38 Studios debacle.

We might even start a positive national trend: Fabian said that nationally moral-obligation bonds would cease to be issued if Rhode Island doesn’t repay.

PostScript: I have heard that the political reality is that the first payment ($2.5 million) will absolutely stay in the FY2014 budget. However, from my perspective, nothing is final until the Assembly session is actually adjourned for the year. Further, a final decision on one or more of the much larger remaining payments ($12.5 million) might be postponed until the 2014 Assembly session; there isn’t enough time to either conduct a deeper study and/or make a reasoned decision before the end of this session. This would also leave enough time in the off-session for such a study.

 

38 Studios bonds: Don’t default and don’t repay


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lux burger schillingIn my last post I insisted that Rhode Island needed to keep its word and not default on the 38 Studios bonds. I know more now, and my conclusion has changed.

After much discussion with Randall Rose of Occupy Providence, who educated me quite a bit, and Sam Bell of RIPDA, I looked into the relevant documents in detail and rethought the 38 Studios bonds default/repayment issue. Most of what follows is derived from Randall’s research. I’m only going to cover the directly-relevant points of what convinced me to change my tune; I’ll leave the full story to Randall to write.

First, a little background on bonds. There are two basic types. General Obligation bonds are fully backed by the state, including use of its taxing authority to cover the bonds. In Rhode Island’s case the voters have to approve the bonds via a referendum.

Revenue bonds, the second type, are issued by non-state authorities who repay the bonds from income generated by the activity funded by the bonds in the first place. They are typically used to avoid getting the approval of the state’s voters for their issuance.

“Moral Obligation” bonds are Revenue bonds with perhaps a casual (or more rigorous) assurance by the state that it will repay the bonds if there is a default. HOWEVER: more often than not detailed or specific guarantees don’t appear in any document. Moral Obligation bonds are very fuzzy, seemingly used to make Revenue bonds be as safe as General Obligation bonds while providing a higher interest rate to the investors (bondholders).

The 38 Studios bonds are revenue bonds issued by the quasi-public RI Economic Development Corporation. BUT: are they moral obligation bonds? Is the situation just really a matter of keeping our word to cover them? No and no indeed.

The most important and telling documents in this case are the 38 Studios and EDC Loan and Trust Agreement and the RI law governing the rules of these specific loan guarantees. Let’s take a look….

In the Loan and Trust Agreement on page 9 is the text:

“This  Bond  is  issued pursuant  to  and  in  full  compliance  with the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island. This  Bond  is  a  special obligation  of  the  Corporation,  payable  solely out  of  the  revenues  or  other  receipts,  funds  or moneys  of  the  Corporation  pledged  under  the  Agreement  for  its  payment….

Neither the  State of  Rhode  Island nor  any  municipality  thereof shall be  obligated  to  pay  the  principal  of  the  Bonds, the  premium,  if  any,  the  Redemption  Price  or  the  interest thereon.  ….”

(Emphasis is mine.)

This seems pretty clear. In general, a moral obligation might influence the state to cover the bonds. However, no where in the document is the word “moral” much less the term “moral obligation.”

The law referred to above creates the “Job Creation Guaranty Program” for the EDC. This is the program that created the basis for the 38 Studios bonds and EDC guarantees. About halfway into the law is the text:

“During each January session of the general assembly, the governor shall submit to the general assembly, as part of the governor’s budget, the total of such sums, if any, required to pay any and all obligations of the corporation under such guarantees or bond obligations pursuant to the terms of this authorization. All sums appropriated by the general assembly for that purpose, and paid to the corporation, if any, shall be utilized by the corporation to make payments due on such guarantees or bond obligations.”
(The emphasis is mine.)

“Moral” does not appear anywhere in the law, and recall it’s not in the Loan and Trust Agreement. Nor could I find it in any of the other subsidiary documents on the EDC’s 38 Studios page.

The sum total of what all this means is that if the EDC doesn’t have the money to pay off the 38 Studios defaulted bonds, all that has to be done on the part of the state is:

  1. The Governor must ask for the EDC-desired funds in his/her budget presented in January of every year.
  2. The General Assembly is not required to honor that request; it can be removed from the final General Assembly-approved budget.

So, the law effectively states that RI doesn’t need to back up the EDC (for this program). Note that the state has NOT defaulted on any obligation; there is nothing to default on. Thus, the state does NOT need to repay the bonds.

There are, of course, other concerns, such as retaliation by the bond market against Rhode Island via lower bond ratings, etc. However, from other cases in the US, if there is an effect it will probably not be large nor last long.

My apologies for not knowing enough when I wrote my last post; “moral obligation bonds” are a cypher and intentionally vague and misleading. The more one learns the more one may need to modify his/her views. I still believe Rhode Island needs to stand behind its word; in this case it hadn’t given it.

What are your thoughts on the above? Please add any information in the comments you feel will help the discussion. Thank you.

Report Confirms Rhode Island Taxes Are Regressive


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Chart courtesy of WhoPays.org

A new report confirms what progressives have saying for several legislative sessions now: Rhode Island needs tax equity.

According to the nonpartisan Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy report the poorest Rhode Islanders will pay more than twice as much in percentage of income than will the richest residents of the Ocean State. Rhode Island has the eighth highest taxes on the poor in the nation, according to the report.

Executive Director of ITEP and an author of the study Michael Gardiner said:

We know that governors nationwide are promising to cut or eliminate taxes, but the question is who’s going to pay for it. There’s a good chance it’s the so-called takers who spend so much on necessities that they pay an effective tax rate of 10 or more percent, due largely to sales and property taxes. In too many states, these are the people being asked to make up the revenues lost to income tax cuts that overwhelmingly benefit the wealthiest taxpayers. Cutting the income tax and relying on sales taxes to make up the lost revenues is the surest way to make an already upside down tax system even more so.

 

The report also lists as one of the most regressive features that the state “Fails to require combined reporting to calculate the corporate income tax.” Gov. Chafee’s proposed budget last year suggested implementing combined reporting but the legislature decided to study the issue instead.

Read the entire report here. Or read the Kathy Gregg’s front page ProJo here and Ted Nesi’s blog post here. Nesi and Gregg are Rhode Island’s two most influential journalists, and influential progressives often complain that both have editorial biases against liberal economic policies.

This report forces both writers to acknowledge Rhode Island’s very regressive tax structure, which is something progressives feel is often ignored by the local media even though it is very popular in both the General Assembly – where almost half of the legislature co-signed a tax equity bill last session – and among Rhode Islanders in general – a Fleming poll last year showed almost 70 percent favored a less regressive income tax structure.

This alone will be regarded as a small victory for progressive Rhode Islanders who feel that the mainstream media turns a blind eye to Keynsian economics.

But the Providence Journal’s story goes one step farther, implying in the very first sentence that the report could affect the politics of tax equity at the State House. “As the tax debate begins anew on Smith Hill, a new study has identified Rhode Island as one of 10 states with the highest taxes on the poor,” writes Gregg, who is widely regarded as the most astute handicapper of local politics.

The ProJo story quoted Kate Brewster of the Economic Progress Institute to illustrate how the new report could tip the scales toward tax equity this legislative session.

Kate Brewster, executive director of The Economic Progress Institute in Rhode Island, viewed the report as ammunition for the campaign by organized labor and others to persuade state lawmakers to ask the wealthy to “pay a little more” by creating a new tax bracket. Advocates are drafting a bill that would raise the top rate from 5.99 percent to 7.9 percent on those whose household income tops $250,000.

“This report provides clear evidence that our tax structure is very regressive and policies are needed to improve fairness for the state’s low- and modest-income taxpayers,” Brewster said of the study titled “Who Pays?”

Brewster acknowledged that the sales tax hits the poor more heavily than any of the other taxes do, but she voiced hope lawmakers would look at the “combined impact of all state and local taxes.”

“If you look at the overall impact, it appears there is more room to ask upper-income households to pay more, through the personal income tax,” and to help the poor by increasing the size of the refund available through the state’s earned-income tax credit, she said Tuesday.

EPI on Gov’s Budget: Right Problems, Wrong Solutions


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The Economic Progress Institute, Rhode Island’s lone progressive economic think tank, has released a report that is largely critical of Gov. Chafee’s budget proposal.

Like our analyses of Chafee’s speech and proposal, it acknowledges that the governor has identified the right problems, but not the right solutions.

According to the Institute’s report released this morning:

Unfortunately, the proposal fails to make meaningful improvements and investments in programs that address the needs of lower-income Rhode Islanders including housing, child care, and cash assistance for families that fall on hard times.  Furthermore, the budget proposes to reduce the corporate income tax rate which will cause our state to lose millions of dollars in the coming fiscal year and future years.

While many important investments are proposed, there is little in the budget to address the needs of families who are struggling in our state.  With our community partners we will advocate for funding for affordable housing, improving the child care assistance program so that working parents can earn a little more and retain their subsidy and addressing the immediate needs of homeless Rhode Islanders.

You can read the entire report here.

This wasn’t exactly a ringing endorsement of the Governor’s tax policy changes.

The Governor’s proposal to reduce the corporate tax rate, designed to improve the state’s business climate, may be well intentioned, but the state cannot t afford to lose so much revenue when there are so many pressing needs.

We will work with the General Assembly to ensure that any changes to the corporate tax rate are revenue neutral by revising the proposed rate reduction and/or reforming or eliminating other tax expenditures.

A tax expenditure is money the state gives away in revenue in hopes of a greater economic gain.

Arguing With The Tax Policy Switcheroo


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I was or will be on Channel 10’s News Conference Sunday show this week, depending on when you’re reading this.  John Simmons, of the Rhode Island Public Expenditure Council, was a guest with me.  An exchange we had reminds me of many I’ve had recently, including this comment from Dan DaPonte, the Senate Finance Committee chair.

It is an unmistakable fact of legislation that Rhode Island repeatedly cut the income tax in the years 1997-2009.  We cut the tax 10% between 1997 and 2002, we cut the capital gains rate in 2005, and we implemented the “flat” tax option in 2006.  All of these constituted cuts that were either exclusively for the richest of tax payers or predominantly for that top end.  The graph here, an old favorite of mine, shows the effect of the various cuts on the top 1%, and the median taxpayer, along with the unemployment rate during the period, just for fun.

In 2010, the legislature adopted a tax change (for tax year 2011) that froze the flat tax option in place and incorporated it into the tax code, preventing it from being easily repealed.  There were a large number of changes made that year, and the jury is still out on whether that was an advantage for rich people or not.  It was not designed to be, and possibly it was not, though only time will tell for sure.

However, the fact that the 2010 change may have been essentially neutral does not change the fact that the previous 13 years were characterized by repeated tax cuts for rich people.  The Almond cuts alone were worth about $100 million per year by 2002.  Nonetheless, when you complain about tax cuts for rich people, people like Simmons and DaPonte reply that the 2010 changes were not a tax cut for rich people and therefore “progressives are wrong.”  Then they go off into the weeds trying to demonstrate conclusively that the 2010 changes were not tax cuts for the rich.  If you watch the Sunday show, you’ll see John doing exactly that, and then getting miffed when I interrupt to say that the answer he’s giving is irrelevant to the complaint I’m making.

Here’s DaPonte:

I’m still quite honestly confused at the liberal opinion that the 2010 personal income tax reform was a big giveaway to high-income earners. From everyone that I’ve heard from, particularly tax professionals who do this stuff for a living – they have a completely opposing opinion, that that is not, in fact, what we did do.

But what did you do during the previous decade?

Whether you think that tax cuts for rich people constitute enlightened public policy or whether you think that they were a source a source of great inequity in the tax code and a source of real pain for our cities and towns (and the people who pay property taxes), it is tiring to hear people try to deny what actually happened in the last decade and a half or to obfuscate the issue, which is precisely what’s going on here.

The state of Rhode Island gave up a tremendous amount of revenue to these tax cuts.  The cuts produced a tremendous amount of fiscal pain in the cities and towns, and contribute to the fact that so few school systems have anything like a real music program left or new books on their library shelves.  Whether they added something to our economy is debatable (and I’m happy to debate it) but 100% irrelevant to the claim that they happened.

The 2010/11 tax changes are a part of this story only to the extent that they make restoring the status quo ante far more difficult.  Other than that, they have nothing at all to do with the larger offenses against tax equity committed over the last 15 years.  When you talk to people about tax equity, don’t let the subject change.

State of the State Analysis: No Recovery Package


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Governor Chafee’s State of the State speech, announcing his budget proposal, strikes a fine balance between solutions and inaction. Woefully inadequate as his proposals are, Governor Chafee does appear to have a reasonable grasp of the problems facing our great state.

On social issues, Chafee proposes popular, common-sense solutions like tweaks to gun laws and ending marriage discrimination, but when it comes to his core task, revitalizing the state’s economy, it is a different story. After accurately laying out the multitude of problems facing our state, the governor proposes to do nearly nothing.

Unlike Carcieri and the General Assembly, Chafee understands that we cannot simply dump more problems onto already strapped municipal budgets. Since 2007, state aid has fallen by 60%, devastating communities all around Rhode Island. To fill this $150 million hole, Chafee has recommended $20 million.

Noting that “there is simply no more important investment we can make than in our schools and the potential of our students,” the governor makes a powerful case for investing in education. But his proposal to maintain and fully fund the current school funding formula is hardly a bold investment in the future. Nor is the proposal for a $6 million increase in aid to CCRI, RIC, and URI, which will only materialize if those institutions freeze tuition and make $6 million in cuts.

Chafee correctly points out that Rhode Island’s refusal to maintain our infrastructure winds up costing us more in the long run. “We must invest in our infrastructure,” he insists. However, the $14 million the governor is proposing for maintenance at vocational schools cannot be counted as a serious commitment to infrastructure. That figure is less than a hundredth of what the American Society of Civil Engineers estimates we need spend on water infrastructure alone.

Largely contracted out to a business lobby, the “Moving the Needle” report produced by the state Senate harps on the business tax climate indices, which Republicans have invented so that there can be economic metrics red states will do well on. Chafee is right to reject these silly rankings. And this refusal to play by Republican rules allows him to see that “the property tax is the real major barrier to economic growth.”

This is strong rhetoric. But the governor’s tiny down payment on state aid to cities and towns will do little to alleviate property tax hikes.

Perhaps Chafee’s boldest proposal is to cut the special tax exemption that CVS benefits from and use the revenue to pay for a reduction in the corporate income tax from 9% to 7%. Getting CVS to pay a higher rate is probably a good thing for Rhode Island, although as a free-market liberal, I am highly susceptible to the argument that our current tax code discriminates against retailers for no good reason. If the Woonsocket-based chain agreed to a tax hike in negotiations with Chafee, then we owe them a debt of gratitude.

A cut in the corporate tax rate, however, is rather silly. If you want to reduce taxation on businesses, it would do far more good to the economy to focus on tax cuts that help startups and small businesses or remove market distortions. This is hardly a controversial principle. Rhode Island’s tax code is unusually hard on small businesses, the engine of our economy. For instance, the $500 minimum tax, which is levied even when a business has no profits, is essentially meaningless for large, successful corporations, but can impose a serious burden on small start-ups. Similarly, the network of licensing fees Rhode Island is famous for barely matter to large corporations but can be a nightmare for small ones. Another option that would be more beneficial to small businesses would be to adopt a progressive corporate income tax instead of the flat 9% rate we have now. Chafee could have taken any of these proposals to maximize the effect of his tax cut. Instead, he chose to cut corporate taxes in one of the least beneficial ways. Bolder business tax cuts, apparently, were off the table.

While Chafee clearly understands the problems facing our state—municipal budget cuts, weakened educational institutions, crumbling infrastructure, and an anti-business tax code—he proposes to do basically nothing about any of these problems. The reason is simple. He refuses to end the tax breaks for the rich that created this budget mess in the first place. Without new revenue or debt, there is no way you can fund a recovery package. These are the cold, hard facts of math.

State of the State Analysis: Some Highs, Many Lows


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Gov. Chafee delivers his State of the State speech.

On the whole Governor Chafee’s speech was disappointing.

The first big budget item: no increases in taxes or fees. So much for tax equity. In fact the corporate tax rate is to go down from 9% to 7%.

There are more millions for many worthy projects/areas: K-12 education, higher education,  infrastructure, property tax relief, and workforce development are some. No new sources of funding for the above were mentioned. So how do we pay for all of this? This was not specifically addressed by the Governor.

There was no mention of increased funding for social programs, in fact it sounded like the usual ‘hard decisions’ will be made on the backs of the disadvantaged via decreased funding. Such cuts may be one of the sources of the increased spending elsewhere in the budget.

Governor Chafee also said how well the state government works now. With all due respect, what about the poor service to the unemployed after all of the DLT staffing cuts?

There was some good news on social issues: continued strong support for marriage equality, gun control proposed, and more support for veterans. However, there was no mention of women’s health issues,  nor tax equity (see above).

On the whole the speech came across as somewhat feel-good-with-no-pain, that is, kind of unrealistic. Hopefully my concerns will not be realized.

State of State Analysis: Optimist-in-Chief


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Governor Chafee was a man confident of what our government can achieve in the annual State of the State speech. He’s optimistic about what Rhode Islanders can achieve with steady hard work, and willing to boast about it. In that pride and his faith in government, I would call it progressive in its essentials.

But there are things I worry about in the Governor’s budget proposal.

He points out in his address that, “Shortsighted decisions in better times left us struggling to provide the most basic services,” and yet has chosen not to propose undoing those decisions.  Presumably being rebuffed two years in a row by the Assembly has weakened his appetite for that kind of battle, but it is disappointing that the Governor will apparently not be a voice for tax equity at the state house.

I also worry about his proposal to lower the state’s corporate income tax.  There are some good parts to this.  Chafee suggests that we offset the cost by reducing the benefit of the Jobs Development Tax Credit by 50%.  This tax credit cost us $16.4 million last year (see here), and CVS took $15.4 million of it, so cutting this by 50% means cutting our subsidy to CVS by almost $8 million, something I can certainly support since I’m not at all clear why CVS needs a subsidy from state taxpayers.  Overall, though, doing anything at all to reduce state revenue certainly works against what Chafee says is among his priorities, lowering the state’s reliance on the property tax.

On that point, Chafee was slightly apologetic, but firm: “I may sound like a broken record at this point, but in the years before I took office, cities and towns bore the brunt of the downturn in state revenues. Those most severely affected were the distressed communities that could least afford it.”

He is proposing some new state aid, some of which will go to the state’s poorest cities and towns, but the $30 million he proposes isn’t much.  By themselves, the budgets of Providence, Woonsocket, Pawtucket, Central Falls, East Providence, and West Warwick add up to more than $1.4 billion, so we’re talking about adding 2% to that mix.  It’s not completely clear how much that can help.

Chafee justly boasts about fully funding the state’s education funding formula, while glossing over the many ways in which the formula is neither fair nor adequate.  And he does propose increasing state aid to the state colleges by $6 million, while in the same sentence demanding they cut $6 million more from their budget.  With luck and a new education board, he’ll get cuts from administration and overhead and not from programs, but I’d like to see the cuts before deciding whether this is the way to go.

About economic development he said, “My hope is that you all will be skeptical and wary of deviating from the steady, methodical construction of a Rhode Island economy built for today and for the future.” He explicitly cautioned against looking for the quick fixes, and pays special attention to the risks of ex-baseball players. And I also enjoyed his expression of skepticism about the many rankings that always seem to so upset people here.”

Overall, I have to agree with Chafee that he is moving us in the right direction. “The state of our state is steadily improving,” he said.  And I appreciate his refrain throughout the speech about the slow-and-steady time scale of lasting improvements.  Unfortunately, some of the problems are substantially larger than the scale of the solutions he proposes.  Again, it’s hard to fault a man who has been turned back by the legislature so firmly the past two years.  The dismal state of the state’s budget is really their doing, and Chafee’s administration is doing its best to make the best of a bad hand.

Tax inequity has economic consequences as it deprives people who spend the bulk of their income of money to spend. Over-reliance on the property tax has economic consequences to both businesses and citizens that far outweigh the effect of state taxes.  Funding inequity among our cities and towns has social consequences that far outweigh the savings the rich enjoy from the past several years of tax cuts.

To his credit, the Governor addresses all of these in his budget, but the solutions he proposes are within the radically constrained limits set by General Assembly leaders who choose to ignore or belittle the biggest challenges we face.


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