Budget hinges on moral obligation to the rich or retirees


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RetirementDignityThe biggest debate of the budget process turned out not to be about a moral obligation to Wall Street but rather a moral obligation to Rhode Island retirees.

While the local media (this site included) focused on the debate concerning a $2.5 million payment to 38 Studios bondholders, the bigger debate during last night’s marathon budget session concerned a $12.9 million payment to the state pension program.

Defecting from House leadership, a wide spectrum of Democrats and Republicans struck down a proposal that would have eliminated an extra payment to the pension system negotiated into the landmark pension reform process of 2011.

“I feel like we are going back on our word and that’s not how I like to operate,” said Rep. Jared Nunes.

For those of you who don’t understand the concept of a moral obligation outside of the bond market, this pretty well sums it up in layman’s terms! Many lawmakers, however, put the pension payment in the exact parlance of a moral obligation (a meta-concept RI Future has dedicated many pixels to championing).

“If 38 studios is a moral obligation, what is this?” said progressive Rep. Larry Valencia, of Richmond, according to the Providence Journal. “I contend this $12.9 million is a moral obligation as well.”

While I don’t like this specific law (I wrote about it last week here) for the same reasons I don’t like the law that guarantees bondholders get paid before pensioners – it sets up a tiered system of budget priorities – I do also understand it as a moral obligation.

“We hurt people’s pensions,” said Joe Trillo, a Republican who supported pension cuts in 20111 and paying the $12.9 million this year. To then go back and nix a silver lining would add insult to injury.

Much more than I take umbrage with the law, I love the debate it has inspired as the 2013 legislative session winds down. The idea that the state has a moral obligation to retirees was unmistakably the theme of the debate last night and RI Future has been publishing posts about this for months now.

This is not only as big victory for the labor movement, but also for the wider progressive movement: a moral obligation has morphed from being a strictly financial concept to being a political and philosophical concept in our marketplace of ideas. In the financial markets, a moral obligation literally means you don’t have to do it, but it may cost you money in the long run. In real life a moral obligation is something you do whether it’s in your own self interest or not.

This gives me hope that our elected leaders will start actually governing instead of simply trying to cut down a spending plan artificially capped by conservative thinking. We have no moral obligation to austerity – though it may or may not be good for our economy; so far it hasn’t shown benefits. We do however have a moral obligation to fully fund our promises.

That didn’t happen last night, though. House leadership, specifically conservative Democrat Nick Mattiello, conceded the goal was a noble one, but said proponents had failed to identify a way to fund it.

“The $12.9 would have to come out of something,” WPRI quoted Mattiello as saying.

This, of course, isn’t true because it assumes the only way to fund government is to cut something else in government (a false choice the many have fallen for during the era of austerity)

Rep. Valencia reminded Mattiello, leadership, the House and those of us watching at home, that in fact both he and Rep. Cimini had income tax increase bills vetted that would raise enough revenue and more.

“A quarter of a Cimini,” would suffice, Valencia said, or a one-fourth of the 2 percent income tax increase the progressive Rep. from Providence proposed on those who make more than a quarter million dollars annually.

The budget debate was put on hold early this morning and continues later today. Whether or not a “quarter of a Cimini” is in play as legislators continue to debate the tax and spend plan will depend on just what kind of moral obligation our elected officials feel they have to the totality of their previous promises.

I know I feel we have a higher moral obligation to keep our word on pension reform than we do to keep in place a tax cut given to the richest Rhode Islanders.

Out-fox Fox: vote ‘NO’ on the House budget bill


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RI State House 4The state budgeting process has once again turned into a farce. This has been particularly true under Speaker Fox’s leadership. However, unlike previous years, the forced House rubber-stamping of the budget is in serious doubt. And that’s a good thing.

The 38 Studios’ bond repayment debacle seems to be the catalyst for the public’s and much of the House membership’s revulsion at the proposed FY2014 budget. But it’s not the only stinker in the budget. Among others, there is also the lack of an extension of family planning services to all low-income women. But the problem is much bigger than just the monetary impacts of the budget.

The House leadership has conducted a widespread pattern of bait-and-switching of many important bills put forward in good faith by the rank-and-file of the House. This is true even of bills that the leadership purported to support during the 2012 campaign. In particular the gun control bills that had widespread support have been gutted to the point of worthlessness. The NRA won. (Which reminds me: did you know that Speaker Fox received $2,200 from the NRA in political contributions during 2010-2012? Other House members also profited.)

The repeal of the Voter ID act was also sculpted behind the scenes by the leadership to be worse than what was in effect for the 2012 elections, a far cry from a repeal.

Now, despite what your feelings are about the above bills, pro or con, I think we can all safely agree on the farcical nature of the budget process in the House. From this year’s hit parade of what would otherwise be laughable elements of the process, we have the following[1]:

  1. The Governor’s budget of January was revised behind closed doors by just two or three legislators.
  2. The House Finance Committee only received an overview of the budget literally a few hours before the Committee met to vote on it.
  3. Even more ludicrous was that the Committee did not see the actual budget, with the all-important details, until just before the relevant part of the budget was discussed during the meeting. The poor staff were running continuously between the meeting room and the copier and back to keep up.
  4. At one point, for the final Section considered, the Appropriations’ section, which was also the longest (over a hundred pages), the staff couldn’t handle the volume and Chairman Melo had to pause the proceedings for some time until the Committee members got their copies.
  5. The fiscal staff spent about 5 minutes, plus-or-minus, of the two-hour-long meeting describing the Appropriations’ section and its changes.
  6. The main negative point brought up by committee members, especially Reps. Newberry and Ferri, was the presence of the 38 Studios bonds repayment in the budget.
  7. After all that, the clout of the House leadership truly became apparent. The vote was to pass the budget 12-0-2: all Democrats in favor, no committee member opposed, and two abstentions, both from Republicans (even they couldn’t say an outright ‘NO’).

The Speaker wants, and so far is, controlling everything that goes on in the House. But he cannot be trusted. See yesterday’s Nesi’s Notes for evidence of Speaker Fox’s lying about 38 Studios and what the House knew, or rather didn’t know, before voting for the relevant approval bill in 2010.

It’s time for Rhode Islanders to say “Enough is enough! Vote ‘NO’ on the budget!” Put yourselves back in charge. I’m making a Call for Action to anyone and everyone who has some time today. Come to the State House at about 1 PM and talk to your Representative before the debate and vote on the budget that starts at 2 PM. For those who’ve never been there, you first go through security on the side of the statehouse farthest from Providence Place, then go up the rotunda stairs (or the elevator) to the second floor. The House entrance is there. There are also visitor galleys on the third floor. Lastly, all House sessions are televised and shown in both real-time both on the web and on cable, and later-on on the web.

I know that’s a bad time for many of us, and perhaps that’s why it was scheduled then, two hours early, but this is a rare perhaps even once-in-a-lifetime moment when your voice can truly be heard and recognized.

If you can’t come in person, see if you can find time to call your Representative in the morning/afternoon/evening (they’ll probably be there for a while). See here to determine who your Representative is, and here to look up her/his phone number. Don’t know what they look like? Go here and click his/her name. Still need help? I’ll be around and do my best. I’ll be the guy with a sign on his back.

I hope to see you at the Capitol.

Keep the faith.

—-Gus Uht


[1] You can see the (long) session for yourself on Capitol Television; look for 6-18-2013, Parts 1 and 2. A shorter version of the highlights was given by Rep. Newberry on Newsmakers June 21.

Progressives should vote against the budget


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George Nee and Gordon FoxProgressives have always had a complicated relationship with House Speaker Gordon Fox.  Though deeply concerned that Fox’s very conservative economic policies are destroying our state, we have always supported the House leadership team because Fox’s likely successors, Helio Melo and Nick Mattiello, are even more conservative than he is.

When Speaker Fox faced the progressive voters of the East Side in November, they were angry—angry at the bevy of red-state legislation Fox had actively pushed for.  Fox promised to change.  He promised to sunset the ALEC-backed voter ID law he supported, a law he passed even though the chairwoman of the national Democratic Party called him to beg him to reconsider.  He promised to consider not bailing out Wall Street on the 38 Studios deal he helped orchestrate.  He promised to work with progressives on scaling back the tax cuts for the rich, tax cuts he had once promised would create jobs.  He promised, in essence, to govern like the Democrat he once was.  It has now become clear that he does not intend to honor those pledges.  Jolting sharply to the right, Fox has launched a campaign against Democratic values.  Here is a sample of his recent right-wing moves:

  • He is handing Newport Grand a million-dollar bailout.
  • He is forcing through a much, much larger bailout of the 38 Studios bondholders.
  • He is throwing 6,500 Rhode Islanders off Medicaid.
  • He is skipping a pension fund payment, in a gratuitous middle finger to labor.
  • He is refusing to roll back some of the tax cuts for the rich and instead raising taxes on the middle class through steep tolls on the Sakonnet River Bridge.
  • He is paring back Chafee’s already minuscule municipal aid package, forcing the City of Woonsocket into receivership.
  • He is blocking the family planning expansion under ObamaCare.
  • Like the US Senate’s filibustering Republicans, he is refusing to let an assault weapons ban or background checks reporting get a vote.
  • Finally, not only did he break his promise to sunset the voter ID law, he snuck in a provision to tighten voting restrictions even further.  Telling the members of the Judiciary Committee that they were voting to freeze the current law to prevent the harsher 2014 restrictions from coming into effect, they refused to release the actual bill in time for everyone to read it.  A violation of the trust the statehouse runs on, this move tricked many pro-voting committee members to vote for this red-state-style assault on our democracy.

When she was the Executive Director of the Rhode Island GOP, Ann Clanton famously admitted, “We have a lot of Democrats who we know are Republican but run as a Democrat — basically so they can win.”  Progressives cannot help but look at Gordon Fox’s recent record and conclude that he is indeed one of those Republicans hiding in the Democratic Party.  We urge the General Assembly to stand up for Rhode Island values and stop this conservative onslaught.

We are not the only ones who are angry.  We have heard from a large and growing body of furious Representatives that there will be a serious effort to vote down the budget to stop the 38 Studios bailout.  If the progressive bloc in the House breaks away from leadership on this issue, we can block this right-wing budget and force something a little more reasonable.

So we call on progressives to vote this budget down.  We understand the power of leadership and all the practicalities that entails, but if any progressives are forced to vote against their conscience, we sincerely hope that it is in exchange for a more moderate budget.  And we call on Gordon Fox to return to the principles he ran on.

Harrington Hall bathrooms not ADA compliant


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As the legislature considers investing $600,000 in Harrington Hall, the overnight shelter in Cranston, it’s worth pointing out that the conditions there are not only deplorable, they are also illegal.

In November, when I spent the night at the homeless shelter, I learned that the showers are not handicap accessible. According to the Americans with Disabilities Act, all “places of public accommodation” (even privately operated hotels) must have handicap-accessible bathing facilities “whenever typical inaccessible units are provided.”

As you can see by this picture of the shower facility at Harrington Hall, it’s not only pretty nasty, there also isn’t a safety bar:

The shower at Harrington Hall.
The shower at Harrington Hall.

The problem was explained to me by a homeless man, confined to a wheelchair, who has been staying at Harrington Hall for five years.

I slept at Harrington Hall as part of my Homeless Like Me project. It’s really worth reading my post about it.

Here are some more pictures of Harrington Hall:

Joe Borrasi reads by the light of a soda machine at Harrington Hall.
Joe Borrasi reads by the light of a soda machine at Harrington Hall.
Harrington Hall at 7am Saturday morning.
Harrington Hall at 7am Saturday morning.
Harrington Hall at 3am Saturday morning. (Photo by Bob Plain)
Harrington Hall at 3am Saturday morning. (Photo by Bob Plain)
Harrington Hall
Harrington Hall

RI’s class system of extra-budgetary pay priorities


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state house francis streetNot only do Rhode Island lawmakers often embed policy proposals into the state budget, they also sometimes embed budget proposals into other areas of state law. The Ocean State is infamous for having the only law that in the nation that guarantees Wall Street gets paid before retirees, but we also have a law that places payments to retirees’ above other communal concerns.

Here’s what the Providence Journal reported Wednesday about a little-discussed law:

Union officials lobbied from the sidelines for the state to make good on a promise made after the state’s 2011 dramatic pension overhaul froze cost-of-living increases to Rhode Island’s retired public workers until the fund is in better financial shape.

The law required that any state money that comes in — over and above the state’s official revenue estimate — go into the state pension fund. This year that would have totaled $12.9 million. But Chafee sought to eliminate this provision, and carry the money forward into next year’s budget.

To the dismay of the unions, the lawmakers agreed, prompting this response from J. Michael Downey, president of Council 94, American Federation of State County and Municipal Employees: “Shortchanging employees’ pensions, while taking care of Wall Street bondholders and restoring tax credits, is immoral.”

I would agree with Downey’s moral compass on this one. It is immoral to shortchange middle class retirees and not companies. Similarly, I feel it is immoral to shortchange the homeless and struggling cities and towns while taking care of middle class retirees.

Whether either scenario is financially advantageous to the citizenry is another matter altogether. I would argue deciding whom to take care of and whom to shortchange based on such rationale is what makes it immoral. Not that we don’t have to make immoral decisions sometimes, we should just recognize it isn’t necessarily benevolent. In other words, we have no moral obligation to be prosperous, but we do have a moral obligation to do the greatest good for the greatest amount of people. Intentionally obfuscating these two often competing values is very immoral, by the way.

To my way of thinking, Rhode Island’s economy would be better served if we ended homelessness than if we fully funded our pension system. I also think we have a higher moral obligation to end homelessness than to fully fund pensions. Similarly, it may be true that our economy would be better served if we fully funded our pension system than if we fully funded our debt obligations. But I’m certain we have a higher moral obligation to fully fund commitments to people than to credit markets.

Now some may agree with my economic and moral theories, and they may be right to do so. And what makes the most moral and/or economic sense at one time might not be the best decision at another time. That’s why it’s bad policy for state lawmakers to codify outside of the annual budget process a class system of financial obligations.

House Finance okays bond payments, but maybe not


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occupy prov 38Part of the revised FY2014 budget passed by the House Finance committee last night includes the first payment ($2.5M) to cover the 38 Studios’ default. This payment will not actually be made until May, 2014.

However, future payments are not guaranteed, so quite possibly this might be the last payment made by Rhode Island. Perhaps the Assembly could even de-appropriate the May, 2014 payment earlier in next year’s session.

The proposed budget also includes $50K for a study of the consequences of non-repayment. This is both wise and affordable.

While many will lament Rhode Island paying anything, on the bright side  making the payment and conducting an in-depth study gives everyone a chance to think long and hard about what is best to do, and not to make a hasty decision. The committee’s actions should also help to assuage Moodys a bit; we’ll find out soon.

Experts weigh in: Does RI repay 38 Studios’ bond


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occupy prov 38Last week, on June 6th, both a debate and a separate hearing were held whose sole focus was the 38 Studios’ bonds’ situation. (Related posts: first, second.)

In a nutshell, my opinion is unchanged: Rhode Island should not repay the bonds. We should also outlaw such bonds. They have a shady origin (complete with a Watergate character!) and have gone downhill since then. We should use the 38 Studios debacle to clean up state finances.

Background:
There are two basic types of bonds. General Obligation bonds are fully backed by the state, including the use of its taxing authority to cover the bonds, hence the risk of non-repayment is low. In Rhode Island’s case the voters have to approve the bonds via a referendum.

The second type are Revenue bonds, issued by non-state authorities. These bonds are not guaranteed by the state. Voter approval is not needed. They are higher risk.

The 38 Studios bonds are a hybrid of General Obligation and Revenue bonds: so-called “Moral Obligation” bonds. This category of bond was devised by John Mitchell (of Watergate infamy) specifically to avoid the need for voter approval. These bonds are Revenue bonds with an ill-defined unwritten assurance by the state that it will repay the bonds in the case of the borrowers default. The state is not legally required to cover the bonds, but is expected to. Voter approval is not needed, so they are easy to issue. The risk is low, but at the same time the interest rates and hence profits for the bondholders are high. This is a win-win situation for the bondholders and the bond insurer but a burden on the issuer.

Review and comments….
The following are paraphrased versions of some of what was said at both the hearing and the debate, not necessarily in time-order. There were no common participants. Text within brackets ([  ]) are my own comments.

 ….on the hearing….
The House Finance committee heard testimony on the 38 Studios’ bonds repayment issue from (only) Matt Fabian and Lisa Washburn, both of Municipal Market Advisors. Only the committee and experts were allowed to participate. Overall the expert testimony was detailed but inconclusive.  Rhode Island’s situation is unique.  Fabian himself advised repayment, but concurred with a committee member that 20 experts would provide 20 different opinions. Actually Fabian had already talked to many experts; their opinions of the consequences of non-repayment went from: “little impact” to “catastrophic.”

Rhode Island’s market reputation and ability to sell bonds at competitive interest rates are currently good and have been getting better. Fabian’s main concern was that non-repayment would reverse these characteristics and the cost of future credit to the state would be substantially higher; these effects might last for many years. Fabian emphasized that the market and ratings agencies would consider anything other than full repayment a default. Another possible outcome of non-repayment, though unlikely, is that the market would make an example of Rhode Island, punish it, and severely reduce its ability to borrow.

The effect of non-repayment on future Rhode Island borrowing varies on the type of the bond to be issued. The interest rates of new moral obligation bonds are likely to be extremely high, possibly even making them unsellable. [To me, the latter is a plus.] However, the effect on the state’s general obligation bonds would be much less, perhaps an increase of 0.5% to 1% in interest for many years. [It also might be possible to refinance the bonds at a lower interest rate after their issue, reducing the negative fiscal impact of non-repayment.]

Fabian recommended that Rhode Island make its repayment decision carefully and slowly. This would reduce any negative results if it decides against full repayment. Also, an in-depth market study might help Rhode Island make its decision to repay or not. However, just conducting a study might make the market nervous; thus, negative repercussions could occur even before a study is completed and a repayment decision made.

When the 38 Studios’ bonds were issued an insurance policy was purchased providing for full payment of both the principal and interest by the insurer to the bondholders in the case of default. Many Rhode Islanders say that the insurance pay-out will keep Rhode Island from having to repay anything and the bondholders will lose nothing. However, the insurer will likely use all available means to keep from paying, including legal, political and media attacks. It might be messy, last a long time and result in a significant decline in Rhode Island’s reputation in the bond market. One way to avoid this mess would be to make a compromise with the insurer and only make a partial repayment. The insurer would likely be willing to work with the state to do so, and Rhode Island would suffer less.

….and on the debate.
The debate was moderated. The panel included academics, bond market experts, an independent policy advisor, and a citizen advocate who might be directly affected by the outcome. The audience was allowed to participate. On the whole, predictions of what would happen upon a non-repayment were less dire than at the hearing.

The debate covered a lot of the same ground as the hearing, but not all. An expert at the debate said that it is a strong possibility that future Rhode Island general obligation bonds’ costs (higher interest rates) would be much less than feared [including much less than those suggested at the hearing].  One additional point made was that although a partial repayment would be viewed as a default by the bond market, it would be viewed more favorably by the market than a full non-repayment, so could be viewed as a reasonable option for Rhode Island.

There was a consensus by the panel that what needs to be done is an in-depth study, including a solid cost/benefit, pros/cons analysis of the alternatives in order to make an informed decision. It was suggested that as part of the study the major bond market players should be asked what they would do if the bonds are repaid by the state or not. [This may be difficult. Moody’s and Standard & Poor’s, the bond raters, have so far declined to do so.][Note that such a study may be inconclusive, too, since there are so many factors involved, even some not yet even contemplated.]

Analysis:
After the hearing I knew more but was less certain what the result of any particular course of action would be. The debate helped, but not much more.

There is no history to guide us. The bond market is irrational, volatile and unpredictable, though traditionally less so than the stock market. Even the experts don’t know the likely consequences. All crystal balls are out of order.

“Moral Obligation” bonds are a fabrication of Wall Street, created to satisfy its greed. The Economic Development Corporation, not the state, issued such bonds for 38 Studios.  There was the usual kind-of-sort-of implication by EDC, the Assembly, and the governor (at that time), that the state would pay if 38 Studios defaulted, but with no actual obligation.  The only clearly stated legal obligation of the state is that the Governor must put a request for repayment into the proposed budget each year.  That’s it.  The state legislature is under absolutely no obligation to actually include it in the final budget.  Here is the key:  38 Studios was not described as a sound investment to either the prospective investors or the insurer, yet they signed on anyway. They gambled and lost. This is not Rhode Island’s responsibility, but in the vague, smoky-back-room fashion of “moral obligation” bonds, it might hurt our reputation for being a good bond issuer if we don’t obligingly, voluntarily make it our responsibility.

An issue that did not receive enough attention at either the hearing or the debate concerns the effects on low- or no- income Rhode Islanders of non-repayment. Both Rep. Ferri, a committee member at the hearing, and Ms. Heebner, citizen advocate at the debate, said that the General Assembly might not raise taxes to cover the shortfall, but instead would reduce human services. Those lowest on the economic ladder would suffer the consequences of the higher-ups’ bad decisions. While dumping on those least able to afford it is dishonorable, it is likely to happen, judging from the recent past.

Conclusions:
By all means, conduct an in-depth study, it might help. But don’t spend a lot on it.

No one can tell what the consequences of non-repayment would be. Even if we know the monetary consequences for certain, our decision could still go either way since it will (should) be based on more than what can be quantified by such a study. Let’s not base a decision solely on Wall Street or $$$, for a change. There is more to life. So let’s do the right things:

  • Don’t repay the 38-Studio bonds.  We aren’t obligated to and we have other, real, obligations like human services, education and infrastructure that need the funds. The “sky-is-falling” predictions are overblown.
  • Make moral obligation bonds illegal. Only allow pure general obligation and revenue bonds having clear language and unambiguous responsibilities of the parties involved. This change in state debt funding would be a silver lining to the ugly situation of the 38 Studios debacle.

We might even start a positive national trend: Fabian said that nationally moral-obligation bonds would cease to be issued if Rhode Island doesn’t repay.

PostScript: I have heard that the political reality is that the first payment ($2.5 million) will absolutely stay in the FY2014 budget. However, from my perspective, nothing is final until the Assembly session is actually adjourned for the year. Further, a final decision on one or more of the much larger remaining payments ($12.5 million) might be postponed until the 2014 Assembly session; there isn’t enough time to either conduct a deeper study and/or make a reasoned decision before the end of this session. This would also leave enough time in the off-session for such a study.

 

David Cicilline Signs Grayson-Takano Letter


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Thank you Congressman Cicilline for standing up against cuts to Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security!

When Barack Obama proposed cuts to Social Security in his current budget, progressives were horrified.  Fortunately, in the First District of Rhode Island, we have a congressman who opposes this dangerous unraveling of the New Deal.  David Cicilline has signed the Grayson-Takano letter, formally committing to never voting for cuts to Medicare, Medicaid, or Social Security (http://act.boldprogressives.org/survey/survey_ss_grayson/#fullletter).

This is a critical move.  As American family budgets continue to be squeezed, and retirement savings continue to dwindle, Social Security is more important than ever.  We cannot afford to lose this fight.

As a member of the Budget Committee, Congressman Cicilline is in a strong position to help defend these core Democratic achievements.  But he needs allies.  Let’s hope more congressmen follow Cicilline’s lead.

In Budget Vote, Cicilline Betrays Progressives


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As I predicted on Tuesday, Congressman Cicilline voted against the Progressive Caucus’s budget on Wednesday. For a vice chair of the Progressive Caucus, this is a major break—especially after Rhode Island progressives have made it very clear they do not want Cicilline to abandon House progressives.

This is a tough vote for Rhode Island progressives to swallow.  The progressive community threw our all into getting Cicilline reelected.  We are his base.  We chose not to attack him on previous votes where he has betrayed the progressive agenda because we thought it might damage him.  David Segal, a progressive who ran against Cicilline in 2010, opted not to run in 2012.  But he refuses to stand up for progressive values.

In a statement posted to RI Future in response to my post on Tuesday, Cicilline spokesman Rich Luchette argued that “it is absurd to suggest that David is anything other than %100 committed to protecting Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security benefits.” Cicilline did sign a letter specifically opposing such cuts in a sequestration deal, but only in a sequestration deal.  However, the concern I raised was not that he would support such cuts in a sequestration deal but that he would support them in a grand bargain deal.  The letter Cicilline signed would not bar him from supporting those cuts in a grand bargain deal.  The letter he refused to sign would.

This is not a difficult issue.  If Cicilline believes his position has been misrepresented by his actions, all he has to do is sign the Grayson-Takano letter pledging never cut Social Security, Medicaid, or Medicare.  If he continues to refuse to sign it, his position will be clear.

Similarly, if Cicilline opposes sequestration, all he has to do is cosponsor the Cancel the Sequester Act.  The mainstream Democratic plan, which Cicilline supports, replaces sequestration with more acceptable austerity that has no chance of passage.  It cedes the ideological ground that we must be doing austerity in a jobs crisis, a battle Democrats will never win.  Had Democrats supported repealing the sequester, the debate would have been between Republicans who support the sequester and Democrats who oppose it.  Instead, it is between Democrats who want a Democratic version of the sequester and Republicans who want a Republican version of the sequester.

One doesn’t have to be a very active observer of politics to know that Democrats and Republicans would not come together on a sequester plan even vaguely acceptable to liberals.  When Democrats refused to call for a repeal of the sequester, it ensured the sequester would happen.  If Cicilline persists in opposing repealing the sequester, his position will be clear:  He prioritizes deficit reduction over jobs.

On Tuesday, I predicted Cicilline would abandon the Progressive Caucus and oppose the Caucus’s budget.  Yesterday, he proved me right.  This is about as clear a sign as you could imagine that Cicilline does not stand with progressives on economic issues.  If he had felt at all conflicted, he could have, like Jim Langevin, at least chosen not to vote one way or the other.  This vote indicates that he may soon be contemplating an exit from the Caucus.  Again, if he sees this concern as unwarranted, all he has to do is pledge he will never leave the Progressive Caucus.

Let us be clear, progressives are not going to vote against Cicilline in the general election.  We are not going to vote for a conservative primary challenger.  The question is whether we will continue to pour our limited resources into a candidate who does not stand up for our values—instead of state and local candidates who do.

This is not an idle concern.  During the 2012 election, for instance, members of the Progressive Democrats knocked on more than 3,000 doors for Cicilline in East Providence.  Had we instead been canvassing for Bob DaSilva (who lost by less than 2%), Bob DaSilva almost certainly would have won.

If Cicilline would like to see his base work for him instead of on General Assembly races, he has some explaining to do.  I encourage him to begin that process by defending his vote on RI Future.

Will Cicilline Abandon Progressives On Budget?


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Many progressives worked hard to reelect David Cicilline. I spent a lot of my summer and fall knocking on doors for him instead of helping out progressives in tight General Assembly races. When everyone was piling on Cicilline a year ago, we were defending him. We took a lot of flack, but we knew that we could not let progressives lose such a heavily Democratic seat. The sad thing is, that may be happening anyway—because Cicilline is making worrying signs of an exit from the Progressive Caucus.

The first warning signs came when Cicilline refused to sign the Grayson-Takano letter pledging not to cut Social Security, Medicare, or Medicaid.  That sent a shiver of fear down the neck of Rhode Island progressives who worry this is setting up for a vote in favor of a grand bargain that sells out the middle class by cutting these essential programs in the middle of a jobs crisis.

Then he refused to cosponsor the Cancel the Sequester Act. This common-sense initiative of the Congressional Progressive Caucus cancels the sequester. Does not replace it with a slightly less devastating austerity package. Just cancels it. Ends this messy debate with no damage to the economy. It is about the most common-sense progressive initiative you can think of. But Cicilline still has not signed on.

But when I called Cicilline’s office (202-225-4911) last Thursday to ask why he is not standing with the rest of the Progressive Caucus on these basic economic issues, a staffer told me something even more disturbing: Cicilline’s budget plan is not the Progressive Caucus’s budget, the Back to Work Budget. It is the standard House Democratic budget.

Budget votes are a statement of core principles. They are usually the most important vote a legislator will make on economic issues. Not supporting the Progressive Caucus budget would be about as clear a sign as you could make that Cicilline is planning on leaving the Progressive Caucus.

The Back to Work Budget is not particularly progressive. It completely capitulates on the terms of the debate with a fiscally irresponsible focus on deficit reduction instead of jobs or debt in the real economy. Unlike the Ryan budget, which is a conservative wish list, the Back to Work Budget is a compromise package that leaves out most progressive goals. It contains only very limited stimulus, no housing plan, no plan to stop climate change, no Medicare for All, and no private sector debt relief. Instead, it is a compromise designed to attract conservative Democrats. But it is still the only budget actually focused on economic growth. It should be an easy, non-controversial vote.

The Back to Work Budget is coming up for a vote tomorrow. I sincerely hope that staffer was mistaken. Rhode Island will be watching.

Whitehouse’s Week That Was In Washington DC


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Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse at Forward on Climate rally
Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse at Forward on Climate rally
Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse at Forward on Climate rally. (Photo by Jack McDaid.)

It was a busy political week here in the Ocean State, and it was for those who represent us inside the beltway, as well … off-shore drilling, climate change, carbon pollution, the debate on how to control gun violence, the budget process and much more…

Senator Sheldon Whitehouse managed to stay involved in all of it. His communications director, Seth Larson sums up the week that was for in Washington for Sheldon Whitehouse:

On Monday he and Congressman Cicilline announced their plans to re-introduce the Offshoring Prevention Act in the Senate and House, respectively.  The bill would level the playing field for American manufacturers by eliminating a special tax break for companies that ship jobs overseas.  In doing so, it would also raise nearly $20 billion in new revenue.  Here’s coverage from the Pawtucket Times.

On Tuesday, Senator Whitehouse joined Rep. Waxman and others in unveiling a new legislative framework for a carbon fee.  The idea behind such a fee would be to make the big polluting industries responsible for the financial damage caused by carbon pollution.  In doing so, it would create an incentive to reduce pollution, and raise billions of dollars in new revenue, all of which would be returned to the American people in some form.  The Members are soliciting comments on several sections of the legislation.  You can read the Washington Post’s Wonkblog analysis of it here.

On Wednesday, the Senate Budget Committee began debate on its proposed budget resolution for Fiscal Year 2014.  Here is Senator Whitehouse’s opening statement.

On Thursday, the Senate Judiciary Committee finished its consideration of four gun-violence prevention measures.  All four were approved by the Committee, including a bill to ban military-style assault weapons and limit the size of ammunition magazines.  The Providence Journal has the scoop on Senator Whitehouse’s push to secure a vote on a narrower proposal to eliminate high-capacity magazines, in the event that the broader assault weapons ban legislation fails to pass the full Senate.

And last night, the Budget Committee finished debating the budget resolution and voted to approve it.  Senator Whitehouse voted with his Democratic colleagues in favor of the resolution, and released this statement afterward.

Cicilline To Paul Ryan: ‘My Question Is A *Factual* One’

Congressman David Cicilline challenges Paul Ryan’s facts.

This is exactly why Rhode Island reelected Congressman David Cicilline: so we would have someone who would stand up to Paul Ryan.

From The Hill today about his bizarrely inappropriate budget proposal:  “Ryan this year made a concession to conservatives and moved up the date when his budget balances.” Paul Ryan making a concession to conservatives is like saying the Sex Pistols made a concession to punk music – it’s hard to tell what’s the dog and what’s the tail and which is wagging which!

“With all due respect Mr. Chairman, that question was asked by Mr. Van Hollen and there actually is no substitute in this document,” Cicilline retorted to a Ryan non-answer. (Ed. note: The phrase “with all due respect” is not a way to convey respect for someone!)

Cicilline should get a couple pats on the back in the House Lounge for this one: “My question is a factual one,” he said. No one on Ryan’s leadership team seemed to know how to field such a question.

Enjoy…

This misidentified footer was only up for a moment, but it’s a scary thought:

EPI on Gov’s Budget: Right Problems, Wrong Solutions


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The Economic Progress Institute, Rhode Island’s lone progressive economic think tank, has released a report that is largely critical of Gov. Chafee’s budget proposal.

Like our analyses of Chafee’s speech and proposal, it acknowledges that the governor has identified the right problems, but not the right solutions.

According to the Institute’s report released this morning:

Unfortunately, the proposal fails to make meaningful improvements and investments in programs that address the needs of lower-income Rhode Islanders including housing, child care, and cash assistance for families that fall on hard times.  Furthermore, the budget proposes to reduce the corporate income tax rate which will cause our state to lose millions of dollars in the coming fiscal year and future years.

While many important investments are proposed, there is little in the budget to address the needs of families who are struggling in our state.  With our community partners we will advocate for funding for affordable housing, improving the child care assistance program so that working parents can earn a little more and retain their subsidy and addressing the immediate needs of homeless Rhode Islanders.

You can read the entire report here.

This wasn’t exactly a ringing endorsement of the Governor’s tax policy changes.

The Governor’s proposal to reduce the corporate tax rate, designed to improve the state’s business climate, may be well intentioned, but the state cannot t afford to lose so much revenue when there are so many pressing needs.

We will work with the General Assembly to ensure that any changes to the corporate tax rate are revenue neutral by revising the proposed rate reduction and/or reforming or eliminating other tax expenditures.

A tax expenditure is money the state gives away in revenue in hopes of a greater economic gain.

Arguing With The Tax Policy Switcheroo


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I was or will be on Channel 10’s News Conference Sunday show this week, depending on when you’re reading this.  John Simmons, of the Rhode Island Public Expenditure Council, was a guest with me.  An exchange we had reminds me of many I’ve had recently, including this comment from Dan DaPonte, the Senate Finance Committee chair.

It is an unmistakable fact of legislation that Rhode Island repeatedly cut the income tax in the years 1997-2009.  We cut the tax 10% between 1997 and 2002, we cut the capital gains rate in 2005, and we implemented the “flat” tax option in 2006.  All of these constituted cuts that were either exclusively for the richest of tax payers or predominantly for that top end.  The graph here, an old favorite of mine, shows the effect of the various cuts on the top 1%, and the median taxpayer, along with the unemployment rate during the period, just for fun.

In 2010, the legislature adopted a tax change (for tax year 2011) that froze the flat tax option in place and incorporated it into the tax code, preventing it from being easily repealed.  There were a large number of changes made that year, and the jury is still out on whether that was an advantage for rich people or not.  It was not designed to be, and possibly it was not, though only time will tell for sure.

However, the fact that the 2010 change may have been essentially neutral does not change the fact that the previous 13 years were characterized by repeated tax cuts for rich people.  The Almond cuts alone were worth about $100 million per year by 2002.  Nonetheless, when you complain about tax cuts for rich people, people like Simmons and DaPonte reply that the 2010 changes were not a tax cut for rich people and therefore “progressives are wrong.”  Then they go off into the weeds trying to demonstrate conclusively that the 2010 changes were not tax cuts for the rich.  If you watch the Sunday show, you’ll see John doing exactly that, and then getting miffed when I interrupt to say that the answer he’s giving is irrelevant to the complaint I’m making.

Here’s DaPonte:

I’m still quite honestly confused at the liberal opinion that the 2010 personal income tax reform was a big giveaway to high-income earners. From everyone that I’ve heard from, particularly tax professionals who do this stuff for a living – they have a completely opposing opinion, that that is not, in fact, what we did do.

But what did you do during the previous decade?

Whether you think that tax cuts for rich people constitute enlightened public policy or whether you think that they were a source a source of great inequity in the tax code and a source of real pain for our cities and towns (and the people who pay property taxes), it is tiring to hear people try to deny what actually happened in the last decade and a half or to obfuscate the issue, which is precisely what’s going on here.

The state of Rhode Island gave up a tremendous amount of revenue to these tax cuts.  The cuts produced a tremendous amount of fiscal pain in the cities and towns, and contribute to the fact that so few school systems have anything like a real music program left or new books on their library shelves.  Whether they added something to our economy is debatable (and I’m happy to debate it) but 100% irrelevant to the claim that they happened.

The 2010/11 tax changes are a part of this story only to the extent that they make restoring the status quo ante far more difficult.  Other than that, they have nothing at all to do with the larger offenses against tax equity committed over the last 15 years.  When you talk to people about tax equity, don’t let the subject change.

Want an Efficient Historic Tax Credit? Raise Taxes


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State House Dome from North Main Street
State House Dome from North Main Street
The State House dome from North Main Street. (Photo by Bob Plain)

As the maneuvering in advance of the next legislative session gets into gear, we keep hearing that the state’s historic structures tax credit is to be revived.

To recap: for several years, Rhode Island had a tax credit available for developers who restored historic buildings.  It was essentially a subsidy for 30% of the cost of the project.  In a variety of ways it was a decent program, with low overhead to administer, and the subsidies went to a variety of worthwhile projects, mostly in the cities that need it.  Some of the projects were a bit too gentrifying, and I regret that the credits didn’t come with strings to insure better wages for the people who work on them, but it was, for several years, the most effective affordable housing program in the state.

The downside, though, was big.  Because the program was available to any qualifying project, it was impossible for the state to budget for it.  The credit was much more popular than budget-writers anticipated, and this made not only a big hole in the budget, but an unpredictable one.  When the program was closed in 2008, there were around $300 million of credits outstanding, waiting to be cashed in for lower tax bills.

It made sense at the time to float a bond to make the redemption of the credits a bit more predictable, so the state borrowed to create a trust fund to make payments to the people who held the credits.

However, there is another down side to our tax credits.  When the state gives a $5 million tax credit to some project, the project only receives around $4 million or less.  The rest is shared between some tax credit broker (Michael Corso has become a famous one for his involvement with 38 Studios) and a business or rich person who wants to lower their tax bill.  That is, less than 80% of the face value of the tax credit goes to the public purpose to which the credits are supposed to be devoted, and the other 20% is for a benefit that goes directly to the richest citizens of our state.  Being a perfect example of government overpaying (by a lot) for a service, one might think this the very definition of “government waste,” but somehow the label never seems to be applied there by the fiscal watchdogs.

Contrast this to federal tax credits, where it is usually more than 95% of the credit that goes to the stated purpose.  Federal taxes are higher than Rhode Island taxes, so credits against those tax bills are worth more than credits against a state tax bill.  So one way to increase the efficiency of state tax credits would just be to raise the state business and personal income taxes on the top end by a lot.  Yes, I know, that’s just my little joke, but with the recent “reforms” of the tax rates, prices for state tax credits are going to be even lower than they were in 2008, when they were 80 cents on the dollar or less.

Here’s the bottom line: credits against state taxes are a great way to waste a ton of money and create unpredictable budget costs.  The projects that the tax credit funds are worthwhile, but if they are to be subsidized they should be funded by grants, with a set annual budget and rules to demand that projects pay at least a living wage to their contractors.  As they were constituted, they did useful work, but also served as a giveaway to wealthy insiders who don’t need your tax dollars to live a life of ease.

RI’s Gambling Addiction: Vote No on Questions 1, 2


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Every couple of years someone in RI has the same brainstorm: “Let’s balance the budget by increasing state gambling revenue!” There is often some time-critical imperative requiring that we do it immediately if not sooner. This election cycle it’s the threat/certainty of gambling casinos going up across the border in Massachusetts: our addicted gamblers will be drawn away from RI’s gambling dens to wager away their family’s resources, thereby causing RI state to lose revenue. RI’s solution, being voted on in ballot referenda 1 and 2, is to add table games to both Newport Grand and Twin River.

Rhode Island’s greater and greater dependence on gambling income has arisen because of the myth that gambling has no victims, because supposedly increasing revenue via gambling will not raise taxes, and because raising taxes in the open is anathema to the General Assembly. And forget about lowering spending. Supporting gambling seems the easy way out of the annual budget-setting crisis, but it is not only immoral (it amounts to a regressive tax on the poor, uneducated and minorities), it’s also really dumb.

In-depth studies have estimated that the economic costs of gambling exceed the benefits by three-to-one; also see: Gambling Economics: Summary Facts. That is, for every new dollar of revenue three new dollars of costs arise. This does not include the immeasurable emotional tragedies of broken families, bankruptcy, suicide, etc. that can result from problem or pathological gambling.

Investing in Fool’s Gold

Proponents point out that gambling is the third largest source of income to the state, so we can’t possibly get rid of it or have it threatened by competition from Massachusetts. However, it (so far) “only” composes 10% of state revenue.

There has been the implication that the new RI gambling facilities will make up for a possible loss in business due to the new MA casinos. In order to examine this, the state arranged for a gambling impact study (January, 2012) of the forthcoming presence of gambling facilities in Massachusetts on gambling revenue to RI. However, the report shows that adding table games in RI will NOT make up completely for the lost revenue, in fact far from it. WITHOUT table games (the current situation) Gross Gambling Revenue to the state will decrease by $75M after the new Massachusetts casinos are established. WITH table games (if the referenda pass) the GGR will STILL decrease and by about the same amount: $59M. That is, adding table games will likely only save the state $16M annually on a roughly $8B budget (0.2%). Is this really worth the costs? NO.

The gambling income to the state discussed in the gambling impact study consists of only the raw revenue increase to the state, that is, there are only economic positives.  It makes NO mention of either economic or moral negatives, let alone does it try to measure them.  Of course, the human costs are incalculable.

However, a whopping percentage (perhaps 300%, as noted above) of any state’s revenue from gambling goes right out the door again in the economic costs of crime, broken marriages, abused children, etc. Thus the supposed increased revenue from gambling is just fool’s gold. In fact, what we should really do is eliminate all gambling in the state. We would save a bundle.

By supporting gambling and using it as a major source of revenue the state effectively imposes a (another) regressive tax on poor and lower-income residents. These people are the ones most likely to gamble and least able to afford it. They provide the supposed extra state revenue needed to balance the budget every year, not the well-off. Therefore the better-off residents are not paying their fair share of state taxes.

Let’s take a look at another supposed benefit of the added table games, in particular focusing on Twin River. The claim is that the expansion adds many jobs. This is a mirage. The new casino income arises both from the ‘entertainment’ of gambling and from increased patronage of on-premises restaurants and other onsite businesses. But all of this decreases the business to existing restaurants, theaters, and other independent businesses outside of the casino, and possibly far from it, which eliminates existing jobs. (Example:  In Atlantic City in 1978, just before casinos opened, there were 311 local taverns and restaurants.  19 years later there were 66.) Further, the casino jobs are low-quality, truly dead-end and low-status. Do parents brag about “our son, the croupier”?

On the Addicted Gambler

Gambling addiction is real. Problem gamblers make up about 0.5-2% of the population, nationally. (RI’s figures are similar to those of the whole country.) The percentage increases substantially the closer a gambler lives to a casino, particularly within 50 miles of a casino. This is the entire state of Rhode Island!

Like other forms of addiction, gambling addiction affects more people than just the gambler. It is estimated that typically 5-10 other people around him/her are also negatively affected. Therefore roughly 2.5-20% of the population is adversely affected by gambling (this does not even include the increased proportion arising from the closeness of the casinos). In RI that works out to be 25,000 to 200,000 people, perhaps a fifth of the state at the high end.

An addicted gambler is often 10’s of thousands of dollars in debt; he and his family are often financially ruined. Counseling is available to treat gambling addiction, and may be partially state-supported again in the future via the referenda. But providing counseling is like a drunk driver offering an accident victim with paralysis a wheelchair to make it right; it just doesn’t, the damage has been done, and there’s no way to reverse it.

Counseling doesn’t help everyone, and not necessarily permanently, as is the case with treatment of other addictions. In a study done right here in RI Dr. Robert Breen of Rhode Island Hospital found that eight weeks after intensive treatment, while many subjects had been helped, 28% of them had returned to gambling. That’s only eight weeks! Longer-term recidivism rates are unclear, but presumably are worse. So for many gamblers and their families, again, there is no going back. Further, the counseling and other social services for affected families can be a substantial monetary cost to the state.

Summing It Up

The humanitarian cost in shattered lives and families from gambling addiction is unacceptable. The economic impact is negative. There is no gain anywhere, only loss. Only one course of action is justifiable: VOTE ‘NO’ on Referenda Questions 1 and 2.

 

____________________________________

These are my personal opinions. I have no affiliation with pro- or anti-gambling organizations and have no financial interest in Amazon.com.

Many thanks to Laurette for one heck of a lot of help with this!

 

Legislature Wanted to Force Cities to Cut Taxes


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June in Rhode Island means two things: ripe strawberries and gubernatorial vetos.

The silly way our legislature schedules things — with all important bills held until after the budget passes to ensure every legislator falls into line on that vote — means that hundreds of bills are passed in the last few days of the legislative session. This then means they all await the Governor’s signature after the session ends. And some of them get a veto instead.

My favorite veto so far this year was of a bill that would provide a tax break… at someone else’s expense. Sponsored by Representative John McCauley (D-Providence) in the House, and Senators Michael McCaffrey (D-Warwick) and Erin Lynch (D-Warwick) in the Senate, the bill would exempt from the property tax any new construction before it was issued a certificate of occupancy.

The collapse of the housing bubble has meant a real collapse in construction employment. Unemployment among construction workers is almost certainly much higher than the already way-too-high general rate lurking around 11%. It’s natural to think that the industry could use some help. But is it natural to demand that someone else provide it?

Essentially what this bill’s sponsors hoped would happen is to stimulate the construction industry by giving developers a break on property taxes collected by a city or town. One can applaud the motivation while still thinking that the concept is pretty weak.

First of all, it’s not at all clear that this would have a stimulative effect. How many developers are dissuaded from investing by the potential risk of having to pay taxes on property before it’s occupiable?  Might not the lack of buyers be a bigger disincentive?

Second, how dare these legislators pile on to the cities and towns? This is a bill that would actually take tax revenue away from many municipalities. Do they not read the news?  Are they not aware that we now have three cities in financial trouble, with more on the precipice?  In what way exactly would this help those cities?

To be honest, this is hardly that unusual. After all, it’s almost traditional in the General Assembly to ignore or hide the cost of tax cuts. I can’t think of a single substantial tax cut over the past 20 years that passed the Assembly with offsetting cuts to services. In fact, the tradition is not only to avoid paying for tax cuts, but to vote to phase them in over several years so the real costs are hidden during the budget year they are debated. This was true of the 1997 income tax cut, the 1997 car-tax cut, the 2006 flat-tax cut, and the 2001 capital gains cut, which didn’t even take effect until five years after it passed.

So does this mean unemployed construction workers are out of luck? Probably it does, but not because there is nothing to be done. They are out of luck because the people who can do something choose not to. The General Assembly leadership feels that keeping state revenue down is more important than helping cities and towns. Three years ago municipal budgets across the state were vandalized when the state withheld part of that fiscal year’s state aid payment. Then they did it again the next year, and the next. Between fiscal year 2008 and 2010, the state withheld what amounted to about 10% of Providence’s non-school budget, and millions more for each other municipality.

Admittedly, the state saw its own revenues plunge in 2008, as the income and sales taxes both skidded down in the recession, accelerated by big tax cuts for rich people during each of the years 2007-2011. But the recession and the cuts are over, and revenue in the current fiscal year looks like it will end well ahead of last year’s projections. You might think that would allow us to restore the tax cuts and thereby restore the municipal aid cuts of the previous years, but apparently not. Or you might think we could engage in some small local stimulus, perhaps by accelerating the scheduled repairs of our bridges, maintenance of state buildings, or maybe even re-hiring a few hundred teachers. Nope. Tax cuts are still the only thing on the menu at the state house.

So bravo for Governor Chafee. Bills like this deserve a veto and the legislators behind them deserve to be shamed.

Legislature Ignores Public Transit in Budget


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Who cares about buses? Apparently no one on Smith Hill.

The House Budget, to be voted on Thursday, contains not a penny in new revenue for RIPTA. It also contains no ideas, proposals, or signs that anyone in the House Fiscal staff spent more than a dozen minutes thinking about the agency. This is hardly surprising, since the Governor’s budget didn’t have anything to say about it, either. Despite several years of a funding crisis, RIPTA still struggles to get anyone’s attention.

This, of course, is also hardly surprising. No one in a position of authority actually rides the bus. The Governor doesn’t, the Speaker doesn’t, the Senate President doesn’t, even though the service from Newport to Providence is excellent, with over 60 buses traveling back and forth every day. There aren’t even any members of the RIPTA board who are regular bus riders, besides Anna Liebenow, who has MS and uses a wheelchair. Two current board members have told me they made a point to get on the bus once or twice after their appointment, but that’s not quite the same thing, is it?

This isn’t to say that no one rides the bus. RIPTA provided 26 million rides last year, which works out to serving between twenty and fifty thousand people every day. Over half of them are riding to and from work (like me). Lots of them own cars, which they leave at home to leave more room on the highway and more parking spaces for you.

And, of course, lots of them don’t own cars, or can’t drive, and the bus is their lifeline, the way they get around this state. But who cares about them?  In the halls of the state house, RIPTA is widely viewed as a program for poor people. Consequently it is a poor system, and it’s therefore socially acceptable in that world to ignore it. There are a couple of seats on its board designated for people who represent either poor people or disabled ones, and that’s pretty much that.

The House budget does provide for some capital investment to buy new buses, but that’s not RIPTA’s problem. Their problem is that a big part of their budget comes from the gas tax, and when gas prices rise, more people ride the bus and less gas is sold. Since the gas tax is a set number of pennies per gallon of gas (9.25 cents out of the 32 cent per gallon gas tax), when gas prices rise they get more riders at the same time they get less money. It’s a crazy way to fund the system, but that’s nothing new. Now, despite several years of three-dollar gas and full buses — standing room is not unusual on the lines I ride — there has been zero constructive action to fix the problem.

You should understand a couple more things about RIPTA. One is that compared to other similar sized systems, we get very good return for our dollar from the agency. Comparing rides provided per year to expenses, RIPTA comes out very well in head-to-head matchups with its peers around the country. The other is that to my knowledge, except for a one or maybe two subway lines in Japan, there aren’t any public transit systems anywhere in the world that don’t have a subsidy of some kind. Just as there aren’t any road systems who don’t require a subsidy. Public transit is a matter of public infrastructure and should be supported as such. We’re not talking about a mint.  RIPTA’s deficit is estimated at about $9 million at this point, a little more than one thousandth of the overall budget.

At the current deficit, and with no change at all, RIPTA has approximately half a year left before they can’t make payroll. This won’t happen, of course. What will happen is service cuts that will be devastating for everyone who relies on the bus. Without buses there will be around 10,000 more cars on Rhode Island roads every day, along with many more people than that cut off from jobs they travel to, or just unable to get around because they can’t afford a car — or because they can’t drive.

So come on, tell your Representative or Senator that we need public transit. (And do it today!)  We don’t need more buses without the money to run them. Call Helio Melo, the House Finance chair and tell him that just because he doesn’t ride the bus doesn’t mean that nobody does. Tell Gordon Fox that not everyone can afford a car. Tell Teresa Paiva-Weed that our state will be a cleaner, more pleasant place to live — and drive — with a healthy and well-funded bus system. We need more people on the bus, not fewer, and letting RIPTA choke on gas tax fumes is exactly the wrong direction for our state to be going.

As Legislature Spends Money, Cities Feel Pinch


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Woonsocket High School (photo courtesy of Woonsocket School District)
Woonsocket High School (photo courtesy of Woonsocket School District)
Woonsocket High School (photo courtesy of Woonsocket School District)

I see from the Providence Journal that the new state-appointed budget commission has decided that the city council and Mayor Fontaine were exactly right to request permission from the state to impose a supplemental tax increase on their citizens.

Last week, after an impassioned speech by Rep. Lisa Baldelli-Hunt, the House rejected Woonsocket’s request.  This week, the state-appointed budget commission asked that the request be reconsidered.

For some reason state legislators seem to get this idea in their heads that though they were elected on promises of fiscal responsibility, and intend to carry through on them, city council members and mayors get elected by promising to spend like drunken sailors.

This is not only bizarre, but entirely backwards.

By almost any measurement you care to make, it’s the state that has been the fiscal problem child over the past couple of decades, not the cities and towns. The difference is that the state has power over the cities and towns: they have more money, and stand uphill in a legal and constitutional sense, too.  But the General Assembly continues to resist the appeals of the duly elected leaders of our cities and towns, feeling that they know better.

This year, Governor Chafee infuriated organized labor by offering several “tools” to municipal officials to help them control pension costs.  I tend to agree with the labor folks here, that the state should stay out of these issues, and that passing state laws to trump local bargaining agreements is only a good idea in a very limited short-term sense.  But the Assembly has shown no interest in believing Mayors when they complain about financial stress, so if you don’t want more bankrupt cities, what should you do?  It seems to me that Chafee wasn’t so much sticking his thumb in Labor’s eye as making a realistic assessment of the Assembly and acting accordingly.

Or maybe not.  It appears that the Assembly leadership isn’t interested in Chafee’s suggestions, and pretty much none of them were put into the House budget.  This reminds me of the time in 2005 when the Carcieri administration came up with some personnel reforms that might have saved around $32 million.  They were the usual sort of benefit cuts, limits on vacation time and sick time and an end to “statutory status” which is a kind of state employee tenure.

Whatever you think about the wisdom of those reforms, it’s hard to praise the Assembly for what happened next.  The legislature rejected the reforms — but left the $32 million in savings in the budget.  So the administration was faced with finding $32 million in savings, but without the law changes to do it.  How, exactly was that responsible?

So now the Assembly is poised to do the exact same thing, and act to increase the pressure on cities and towns — not enough money to support their commitments, but no relief from those commitments, either.  The only difference this year from previous years is that now we have some Assembly appointees joining the Mayors in the hot seat, begging that they not be put in the same position as the Mayor and City Council of Woonsocket.  Mayor Leo Fontaine and the Council have failed to keep Woonsocket solvent, but a new budget commission won’t do any better unless the conditions change.  Right now, the only way the conditions will change is through the bankruptcy court, so mark your calendars.  I simply can’t agree with the people who imagine that dragging each of our cities into bankruptcy is a sensible strategy — in either the long or short term — for our state.

The Assembly can act here.  Sensible options are available, that take into account the actual realities facing our cities.  But will it?  So far, it does not appear likely.

Netroots, Occupy Should Protest State Budget Bill


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Sometimes the stars align for good things to happen. Here’s hoping such is the case with the seemingly-destined convergence of progressive events to play out in Providence Thursday afternoon.

Netroots Nation will be in the middle of its first day inside the Convention Center. Occupy Providence will be protesting economic inequality outside on Sabin Street.

And, meanwhile, just up the hill at the State House, they will be ensconced in the biggest and most important night in local politics, debating the budget bill. This year’s spending plan – in spite of a high-profile campaign led by elected officials, organized labor and community activists – will likely not include income tax increases on Rhode Island’s richest residents.

It’s ironic to say the least. While literally thousands upon thousands of activists in and around the Convention Center will be pondering new ways to foster progressive change in America, less than a mile away local leaders will be ignoring calls for progressive change to Rhode Island’s tax code.

Imagine if Netroots and Occupy joined forces on Thursday and marched up to the State House to call upon the General Assembly to balance the state’s ailing budget by asking those who have benefited the most to pay their share?

Progressive legislators put forward bills this session that would have rolled back the tax cuts instituted under the previous governor Don Carcieri, a Tea Party supporter. But despite being supported by almost half of the House of Representatives, leadership didn’t like it and they never made it out of committee.

On Thursday, there will likely be tax-increase amendments proposed that will finally, if nothing else, force a floor debate on the issue. And given that very few politicians want to roll into election season saying they supported tax cuts to the top 2 percent of Rhode Islanders, a vote could be closer than otherwise expected.

Imagine if Netroots and Occupy could turn our State House into something like what happened in Wisconsin?

It would be a statement not just to the powers that be here in Rhode Island, but across the country. What media outlet could resist Occupy and Netroots in sleeping bags on the marble floors as the supposedly liberal legislature sided with the affluent?

The annual budget debate is famous for going all night. Reporters and legislators often see the sunrise on Smith Hill before the bill is finalized.  Tax equity will be one of the most hotly-debated topics of the night.

Imagine of Netroots and Occupy could work together to tip the scales towards a more progressive Rhode Island?


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