Grace Lee Boggs: RI-born revolutionary


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“I was born during World War I, above my father’s Chinese American restaurant in downtown Providence, Rhode Island.”

– Grace Lee Boggs

grace lee boggsGrace Lee Boggs, who recently passed away at age 100, spent much of her life in what she described as the “great humanizing movements of the past seventy years- the labor, civil rights, Black Power, women’s, Asian American, environmental justice and antiwar movements.”

Grace Lee Boggs was a research associate of radical Caribbean Marxist CLR James, organizer among Socialists, activist for black Detroit Auto Workers, a colleague of Malcolm X, facilitated and promoted a network of small scale community gardens across abandoned neighborhoods in Detroit, organized youth leadership programs called “Detroit Summer,” and came to argue for a people oriented vision of radical, deep engagement in one’s community to create connections and tangible good.  Born in Providence, educated in New York City, she lived, married, organized and passed away recently in her beloved Detroit, Michigan.

After being born in Providence, Grace Lee Boggs’ family moved to New York, and she grew up in Queens. Providence’s Chinatown was mostly eradicated by the urban renewal and highway construction programs of the 1950s and 1960s. Lee Boggs studied at Barnard College on a scholarship, and earned a PhD from Bryn Mawr College in 1940. Discrimination and prejudice limited her ability to work as an university academic, and she took a job as a research librarian. She became a collaborator with CLR James and Raya Dunayveska, Marxists who were critical of both of the Soviet Union and United States (not a popular position in Cold War politics).

In a Cold War era book she helped write with James and Dunyaveska, “State Capitalism and World Revolution,” Lee Boggs described the types of violence perpetuated against ordinary people around the world by both the “stranglehold of Stalinism” and the United States. In the 1950s, she and her peers wrote:

“Whether democratic or totalitarian, both types of society are in permanent decline and insoluble crisis. Both are at a stage when only a total reorganization can lift society a stage higher. It is noteworthy that in the United States the capitalist class is aware of this, and the most significant work that is being done in political economy is the desperate attempt to find some way of reconciling the working class to the agonies of mechanized production and transferring its implacable resistance into creative cooperation. That is of educational value and many of its findings will be used by the socialist proletariat. In Russia this resistance is labeled “remnants of capitalist ideology” and the whole power of the totalitarian state is organized to crrush it in theory as well as fact.”

In her last book, The Next American Revolution: Sustainable Activism for the 21st Century, she writes, “I came to Detroit in the early 1950s because as a Marxist I wanted to be part of a revolution in which the workers n the auto factories would take the struggles of the 1930s to a higher level by struggle for worker’ control of production in the plant. My main difference with traditional Marxists was my belief that blacks, women, and young people, and not only workers, would play pivotal roles in this revolution.”

She noted, “Living with Jimmy Boggs (her husband, Alabama born, African American autoworker and labor organizer) it was not long before I realized that my ideas had come mostly out of books and that my expectations had little or no relationship to the reality that was rapidly changing around me. When I began living in Detroit in 1953, Jimmy, a member of the United Auto Workers, was still mainly engaged with his fellow workers in struggles in the plant against automation and speed-ups (which workers in the plant called man-o-nation). ”

Jimmy came to see that high-tech automation was changing the industry, and that the role of workers in car production would be irrevocably different. He and Grace became active in Black Power circles, seeking to mobilize young people. When the riots (or rebellions) of the late 1960s broke out, both came to reflect that militant organizing in itself was not a path to broad social transformation, even if real expressions of oppression and  frustration.

As she wrote, “…our main responsibility as revolutionaries was to go beyond protest politics beyond just increasing anger and outrage of the oppressed, and concentrate instead on projecting and initiating struggles that involve people at the grassroots in assuming responsibility for creating new values, truths, infrastructures, and institutions.”

She saw many movement leaders become establishment politicians. She felt that without actually, creatively challenging and changing the rules, habit and structures of governance, the same interests would be promoted, by design, and regular people would be harmed. She saw political figures in Detroit spend huge amounts of time, money and energy working to hold onto a rapidly automating auto-industry, and little in creative thinking for building alternatives and opportunity for the actual people left behind by automation. Much of her later life was spent founding community organizations and ways for people to organize and build a future themselves, different from the one so often dictated to them.

Grace Lee Boggs, born in Providence, wrote, “…we need to recognize that the aptitudes and attitudes of people with BAs, BSs, MBAs, and PhDs bear a lot of the responsibility for our planetary and social problems… [the challenge is] creating a new American Dream whose goal is a higher Humanity instead of a higher standard of living dependent on Empire.”

Much of this remembrance gratuitously quotes from Grace Lee Boggs’ “The Next American Revolution: Sustainable Activism for the 21st Century.” Please check out her work.

Remembering Sept. 11, and the decade it ended


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I was among the many Americans who felt 9/11 indirectly – and yet, how indirect was it? My mother taught at school where a parent was killed in the attack. My high school English teacher’s friend from childhood was a firefighter who was killed. College friends had high school classmates whose parents were killed, or who could recount the smoke billowing over their homes. An innocent man was arrested in the Providence Amtrak Train station in a spasm of paranoia. I saw image after image appear on television screens, read commentary, wrote my own, and tried to make sense of what happened –where were we? Can we wake up?

I was a suburban American child of the 1990s, a decade, in certain ways, for certain Americans, of prosperity and growth. From malls to condominiums, from minivans to MTV, from the Gulf War to Kosovo, from Pat Buchanan to Britney Spears, from Macs to PCs, the 1990s brought with it an explosion of digital technology, an unmatched period of United States power, dreams, and lusts.

What country did I grow up in? Generally speaking -a wealthy one. A place where history had ended – where the great struggles involved fighting consumerism and moving beyond materialism. As a very young activist, I felt that my biggest challenge would be to try to do something for worker rights internationally – how could effects of international shopping be made equitable? How could the rights of workers in China, Mexico and the US be guaranteed?

9/11 shook me. Did we also have to now organize to stop wars? What about worker rights? What about immigration? I have not done enough for my original hope of fighting for workers rights. I’ve been active in education and local work, but 9/11 shook some of my intentions, and perhaps made education a bit more attractive, in the hopes that by promoting an education of history and diversity, less violence would happen in the future.

In many ways, the 1990s saw a continuation of the shiny promises of the “return to order” of Reaganism. Reagan promised an end to the cultural confusion of the 1960s and 1970s- he promised a strong America, a weak welfare state, and a stronger military. His order was based on undermining the social supports – Social Security, Unions, well-funded public universities and affordable higher education- that had produced the Great American Middle Class of the Post War period. Reagan and his cohort believed in the beauty and violence of disaster capitalism – the freedom to grow and collapse, rather the slow stability of well paid, well supported work and education to promote a broadly wealthy society. In exchange for that broad middle class, policies favored the pocketbooks of millionaires and billionaires (and the hopes and chance of becoming a millionaire) – and rhetoric grew of the unworthy or hopeless poor, the corrupt unions against the pure free market, the holy believers against the secular university. There was something comforting in the world of Reagan’s suburbs – but over the decades many suburban homes were paid for with unrealistic mortgages, many families had to work two jobs not out of choice but to maintain a semi-wealthy lifestyle, and many children were forgotten or left to play with toys.

9/11 was a shock to this American urban/suburban world I had grown up in. The America I had known- safe, secure, powerful , isolated– was scared. I remember my mother made me survival packs to take to school in case there was a terrorist attack. I remember an eerie feeling that people in my high school building, constructed in 1925, had experienced many disasters before – World War II, the murders of President John, Minister King, and Candidate Robert Kennedy, the saga of Vietnam, the Gulf War. All these conflicts had happened, and my high school was still there. People in the halls before me had lived and responded to disasters – and life went on. But it was still uncertain, and always changing.

In so many ways, isn’t our national story, our international story, linked to our daily lives? I’ve had classmates who are veterans of the Iraq and Afghan wars. I’ve had friends try to join the army, and worry for them has increased greatly because of the wars. I’ve attended protest rallies, lectures, and peace vigils, written letters to the editor, argued with friends and strangers, and tried to make sense of what is going on. I’ve been in an American school building closed because of physical neglect as billions of dollars are spent on war machines and drones. I was in New York City with my best friends the night the Time Square Bomber attempted his mayhem. I’ve written to friends in London following an attempted bombing in Piccadilly Circus. I’ve read poignant essays on continuing on despite the threat of terror, one of the most striking for me being on life in Bombay following a terrorist shooting rampage. My grandparents once visited Italy simultaneous to an airport bombing in Rome during the Years of Lead (when left and right wing terrorists killed dozens, if not hundreds, of everyday people in the pursuit of a cause). Even in hellish times, growth happens when people connect.

Even in pain, people can overcome when they connect. In thinking about the violence and the loss, some people use memories to build walls. Others to connect across barriers. What type of country we become, and the type of people we will be, in the next ten years and beyond, will be greatly shaped by us drawing inward or finding better ways to connect.

6,864 RI students attend decrepit school buildings


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gilbertstuart86,864 young Rhode Islanders attended public school buildings that the state declared, “need major renovations or need to be replaced,” according to a 2013 RIDE report that detailed more than $1.7 billion in repairs needed to ensure the health and safety of students, teachers, staff and families in all Rhode Island public schools. In Pawtucket alone, over $108 million in repairs were needed – two years ago.

In response to advocacy around this ongoing shame, Governor Raimondo proposed a $20 million budget line item dedicated to school repairs, the first time the state has invested any money in school construction since 2011. The cash she’s offering is embarrassing and disrespectful to thousands of families. The renovation of a single Providence public middle school in a very politically connected district- Mt. Hope – in 2009 cost $35 million. For comparison, the amount of money the state has authorized for a new parking garage in downtown Providence is $40 million.

As part of the 2013 report, the RIDE team asked district officials to self rank schools on a 1-4 scale, 1 being well-maintained, 4 being in serious need of repair. The school ratings are “a self-reported number that each district assigns based on their general condition.” 14 schools designated  themselves “Level 4.” For a sobering perspective, Gilbert Stuart Middle School, seen with the crumbling ceiling, was ranked a 2 in Providence.

An additional outrage is that five of these 14 “Level 4” schools were enrolled beyond their intended student capacity, with three schools in Providence and Central Falls being overcrowded by more than 100 students.

Which schools were in the most need according to these district reported metrics? How many students attend these schools? Here’s the infamous list.

1. East Providence High School – East Providence (1952), Enrollment: 1676, Capacity: 2000 (EP is the largest high school in Rhode Island)

2. Mt Pleasant High School – Providence (1938), Enrollment: 978, Capacity: 1315

3.  Central Falls High School- Central Falls (1927), Enrollment: 848, Capacity: 693 (You read those numbers correctly)

4. Barrington Middle School- Barrington (1967) Enrollment: 777, Capacity: 950

5. Dr Harry Halliwell Memorial School -North Smithfield (1957), Enrollment: 359, Capacity: 330

6. Reservoir Avenue School – Providence (1971), Enrollment: 306, Capacity: 149 (You read those numbers correctly)

7. Wilbur and McMahon Schools- Little Compton (1929), Enrollment: 293, Capacity: 350

8. Cowden Street School– Central Falls (Unreported), Enrollment: 282, Capacity: 180 (You read those numbers correctly)

9. Sowans Elementary- Barrington (1963) Enrollment: 275, Capacity: 350

10. Cranston-Calvert School -Newport (1876) Enrollment: 253, Capacity: 374

11. William J Underwood School – Newport (1962), Enrollment: 247, Capacity: 240

12. Dr. M. H. Sullivan – Newport (1955), Enrollment: 222, Capacity: 416

13. James R D Oldham School- East Providence (1952), Enrollment: 177, Capacity: 416

14. Coggeshall School – Newport (1897), Enrollment: 171, Capacity: 242

According to the RIDE report, Level 4 schools “need major renovations or need to be replaced. The condition of facilities given a rating of 4 is of particular concern because it may hinder the ability to deliver a 21st Century education.” Rhode Island can do so much better for the 6864 young people and families who are part of these schools.

Lessons from Sally Gabb’s South


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“The civil rights movement did not spring up whole cloth in 1960. Rosa Parks was not an isolated individual too tired to stand on the bus. She belonged to a network of political and social justice organizers who had worked for several decades laying the groundwork for the sixties and seventies. The older experienced foot soldiers for social and economic justice gave us the advantage of history.”- Sally Gabb

Sally Gabb told me she recently wrote a chapter in a book; she died earlier this summer.  After her passing, I started looking for her writings. I heard in a movie, “You can still learn from someone when they’re gone.” It’s true.

The late Sally Gabb, a human rights activist, journalist and teacher, always talked about the importance of working in community to achieve change and connection. I connected with Sally and her wife Beth at our Unitarian-Universalist congregation, Bell Street Chapel in Providence’s West End. She was fascinated by the role of the unconscious in our actions, and was leery of big talk that overlooked the day to day work that makes experiences real and connected (and hard to achieve).

As she told Options Magazine, “While it’s great that stores like Target sell shirts that proclaim “girl power,” we need to make sure such commercial hijacking of slogans doesn’t invalidate actual work – politically, socially, legally – to achieve an end to discrimination against women.”

In the book Sally contributed to, Voices from the Underground:Insider Histories of the Vietnam Era Underground Press, she recounted successes and struggles at an alternative paper, The Great Speckled Bird, she and other radicals wrote for in 1970s Atlanta. At its peak the paper had over 3,000 mail subscriptions and 20,000 circulation copies per issue. Topics ranged from music culture to foreign policy, from the Black Panther Party to desegregation, from socialist politics to feminism.

She wrote, “The Bird’s midwives were, naturally, a collection of current or former graduate students. Who else has been so groomed to take themselves so seriously? Budding historians philosophers they were, mostly men, with women in the shadows, women on the brink of bursting forth to be heard. They were men and women joined by a certain lesson: The South.”

For Sally, what made The Bird fascinating was it’s struggle to run itself like the ideals it professed- attempts at collective leadership, independent leftist politics, shared work (from the tedious task of labeling to strategy brainstorming), the Progressive stream of Southern history, rock and roll, gay liberation, anti-war.

“Atlanta police, for various reasons,” according to the New Georgia Encyclopedia, “arrested people selling the newspaper on street corners, on charges ranging from jaywalking to distributing pornographic material. City building and fire inspectors routinely visited the house on Fourteenth Street in which the staff worked, and schools banned the publication from their campuses. In 1972 the Bird’s offices were firebombed.”

The Bird was an attempt, as she put it, to “run an enterprise against capitalism.” It was collectively run, and tasks were rotated but not everyone agreed on all issues- political or design. Sally notes, “We did establish policies that would draw the line at advertising that blatantly contradicted our politics. The choices weren’t easy however. The Bird was heavily supported by advertisements from so-called “Hippie Capitalism” – the clothing stores, head shops, and music related businesses that knew they could reach consumers through our pages. Such advertisements often appealed to traditional male domination, and to the view that women exist as sex objects for men.” I’m reminded of the back pages of the defunct Providence Phoenix.

Looking back, she said there were some things very naïve about the work – but she was proud to have documented labor struggles, desegregation, the fight for a more equitable workplace (in the paper’s office and without), and to work with a group to create a community, however imperfect, committed to documenting and encouraging radical change. She was perhaps most proud to learn from and interview long-time labor and civil rights organizers who had been working for change in the South since the Depression.

After the Bird, Sally worked at a Lesbian Print Collective before “her life’s work of adult education.” I’m still learning from Sally.

Remembering Sally Gabb


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sally gabbRhode Island is a little smaller.

A good friend, Sally Gabb, passed away, after a struggle with cancer. I spoke with her a few weeks ago. She and her wife, Beth, had been together for over 20 years. They only could legally be married for the last 3 or 4 in Rhode Island.

I know Sally and Beth from Bell Street Chapel, our West End Unitarian Universalist congregation. They were known to indulge a love of diners (Seaplane for breakfast!), pot lucks, gardening, justice work, and were gratuitous with their wonder and compassion.

Sally was a proud Civil Rights-era veteran and 70s veteran activist. She was from Virginia, went to Duke, renounced her background, became involved in the sit-ins, became a journalist, did radical organizing work and LGBT advocacy in Atlanta. She moved to Rhode Island in the 1980s, and has been dedicated in adult education in Providence (at the Genesis Center) and Fall River (at Bristol Community College). Hundreds of first generation students gained new skills through her work.

She fell in love with Beth when she saw Beth on her motorcycle. In the years ahead, they helped raise a son, supported neighbors, ran an ice cream parlor, bought a home, created a garden, lived life. Food– and more important — sharing it with others -was so vital to Sally and Beth’s love as a couple.

Sally loved to read, constantly, voraciously, and to plan, think and act about injustice, faith, community change and growth. She taught me to find allies, that a person doesn’t have to do things alone in change work- in fact, they can’t.

Sally was involved in the civil rights movement, women’s movement, medical marijuana regulation, marriage equality – and constantly wanted to listen, laugh, and be positive. She was a great cartoonist, and liked crafty things- whether drawing cartoon sketches of the church at pond clean-ups to cutting out little construction paper feet for a “A Step Up” campaign.

She would show up at rallies and I remember her smiling that the big Providence Occupy march was like a reunion. She was a truly wonderful friend and mentor.

As she became more sick, especially this last year, she and Beth went to Europe on a trip with her niece, and on a hot air balloon ride in Sedona, Arizona (She loved it). She wanted to connect me with a friend who was a public defender in Oakland.

I’ll miss her. I thought you would like to know about her.

Diverse community of doers at Glide Memorial


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“Hope means struggle, and the struggle never truly leaves any of us.” – Rev. Cecil Williams, Glide Memorial Church

glide memorialGlide Memorial is a wild celebration of life in San Francisco, at the intersection between the working class Tenderloin neighborhood, and the Mid Market world of shops, street cars, and high-end hotels.

Whatever you experience about wealth inequality in Rhode Island, hardly anywhere compares with the income gaps in the San Francisco Bay area. In one of, if not the, richest cities in America, hundreds of people tonight will sleep under highway bridges. People are lying on the street in drug induced dementia.

Glide is a church – a community – that has incubated dozens of non-profits, connects thousands of individuals, and has helped many heal and grow. Glide’s role is mediator and connector in a city that is often so strangely and starkly disparate and uneven. If every church in the US functioned like Glide, we would live in a different country.

The leaders who helped create the current version of Glide, Cecil Williams and Janice Mirikitani, intentionally have created a diverse community of doers, that attracts dozens of visitors every week.

Glide has been criticized for being too radical, too showy, untraditional, too establishment, over the top, disingenuous. Yet, day after day, people keep coming, people keep connecting, people keep growing, giving, laughing, together.

A Sunday celebration at Glide is disorienting – in a positive way.

The room is packed- hundreds of people. Some are very wealthy, some are very poor. The music is 70s soul and 60s gospel.

The choir has voices that tell stories- some of which, from the depths of their voice, you can tell they’ve been to hell, or at least its brink, and turned around, and kept fighting, kept growing and found a new way.

Gay and straight, from every ethnicity, this community gathers to sing – loudly – and clap – powerfully – and praise and inspire.
Radical inclusion is the style, ethos, and practice. For some humanists, Glide is a community and place of reflection and action. For some believers, Glide is a site of worship and action. Radical inclusion in service of justice is the ethos.

At the end of the celebration, this community – Black, White, Asian, Brown – holds hands, reaches up and sings “We Shall Overcome.”

At Glide, however, you do not sing “We shall overcome some day,” but, instead, “we shall overcome today.”

Today, not tomorrow, not in the beyond, but now.

As we’re reading about the cancers of racism, it’s worth holding up a reminder that even in this painful world – especially in this painful world – there are communities of people gathering and reaching to celebrate, support, and act for something healing, connecting, and better.

Economists agree sports stadiums don’t help economy


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skeffington10Rhode Island will not attract millennials, build a new economy, end homelessness or improve public schools by helping the Pawtucket Red Sox to move to Providence. Even according to Republican economist Greg Mankiw, 85% of economists oppose public subsidies of sports stadiums. Ideological journals from left to right, from National Review to Dissent, decry the giveaways and waste spent on stadiums for well connected owners.

Here’s a few words from the critics…

1. James Hamilton, UC San Diego: “I am not aware of a recent example of a major sports facility investment that earned anything approaching a reasonable return on capital or turned out to be self-financing in terms of tax revenues.”

2.Grace Lee Boggs, Providence-born Detroit Civil Rights activist: “I am saddened by the short-sightedness,” Boggs said, referring to the recent building of more casinos and sports stadiums.”

3.Steve Lopez, LA Times:  “It would be fun to have a pro football team to cheer and to boo… But as I’ve said before, the terms have to be right for citizens, not for AEG’s $7-billion man — Philip Anschutz — or for the band of barons who make up the National Football League.”

3. Joel Kotkin, an Urban Studies Fellow at Chapman University and author of The New Class Conflict:”… a fanciful approach towards economic development instead of building really good jobs. And except for the construction, the jobs created by stadia are generally low wage occasional work.”

4.Matt Connolly, writer with Mother Jones: “While there may be legitimate reasons for franchises to relocate—bankruptcy, low ticket sales, Jay-Z buying a stake—many recent threats to move have one common factor: stadium funding. If your local government decided against spending $400 million of public money to add a few more luxury boxes to Xtreme Cola Guzzle The Flavor® Memorial Arena, get ready to hear your team’s owner talking…”

5.Doug Bandow, National Review: “The primary justification for looting taxpayers to construct sports cathedrals is always “economic development.” …But that’s not the uniform experience. In D.C. itself you will have a hard time finding the renaissance that was supposed to be sparked by RFK stadium, which hosted the Redskins for years.”

6. Joan Didion, author, commentator“What we had in the tarmac arrival with ball tossing then, was an understanding: a repeated moment witnessed by many people, all of whom believed it to be a setup and yet most of whom believed that only an outsider, someone too “naive” to know the rules of the game, would so describe it.”

Forget subsidizing sports stadiums. Funding a good old boy’s development scheme is not the answer to empower the working women and men of Rhode Island.

Colorado’s funding formula for school construction


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GilbertStuartIf you can believe it, until 1998 school building construction was a local matter in Colorado. Functionally speaking, with the current moratorium on state aid for school construction and rehabilitation, this is the case in Rhode Island right now. In Colorado in the 1990s, and in Rhode Island today, young people in low-income, politically-weak areas are less likely to attend high-quality public school buildings than those in wealthier, politically-networked areas.

Since 2008, however, Colorado has administered a competitive grant application for districts based on diverse state funding streams, including, since 2012, a small percent of taxes from marijuana sales.

“The state’s voters in 2012 legalized pot sales – and taxed them heavily – in part because the constitutional amendment promised that $40 million a year would go toward school construction across the state,” according to USA Today. “In the first full year of sales, however, the state expects to collect only about $17 million in special school taxes levied on the marijuana industry. Still, it’s better than what the state collected the year before: nothing.”

Colorado’s current state funding stream has its origins in a 1998 class action lawsuit (Giardino v Colorado State Board of Education), says Kori Donaldson s. “The lawsuit alleged that the state had not fulfilled its constitutional responsibility to establish and maintain a thorough and uniform system of public schools because of the deteriorating condition of many public schools and issues of overcrowding.”

In response, “Senate Bill 00-181 implemented the terms of a settlement, which required the General Assembly to appropriate $190 million for public school capital construction over a period of 11 years. In 2008, the General Assembly enacted the BEST act [Building Excellent Schools Today].

The BEST program distributes approximately $40 million a year. Yet, the demand for better schools in Colorado outpaces the funding supply, even with the BEST program. Colorado’s challenges include overcrowded classrooms and overstretched buildings (one principal, Melanie Moreno, noted, “Even if we hired more teachers, we wouldn’t have anywhere to put them.”)

Todd Engdahl argues, “The BEST selection process is unique in that the construction board has a certain amount of discretion in making its recommendations and because it makes its decisions request-by-request in an open meeting where applicants are allowed to make brief in-person pitches to the board, in addition to the voluminous applications they filed months ago…

The board uses a complicated process to cull the applicants. Projects require a majority roll-call vote to advance to a short list, but projects die if they don’t gain a majority, don’t get a second or fail to spark a motion at all.”

The Massachusetts model remains superior in that its application process has an emphasis on “urgency and need” in making decisions for construction, and provides a steady, consistent, and much larger funding stream. That said, Colorado shows a willingness to organize a formal, transparent grant process to make funding decisions, and the possibility of including new revenues.

Massachusetts and Colorado both have consistent funding streams to rehabilitate and construct school buildings. Rhode Island’s leaders have a great chance to be innovative and do right by students, families, and teachers.

Mass. has a better way to fund school construction than Raimondo


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“I’ve been scared and battered,
My hopes the wind done scattered.”
– Langston Hughes, ‘I’m still here’

GilbertStuart
A picture of Gilbert Stuart Middle School in Providence.

Too many Rhode Island children and teachers, particularly in low-income communities, work in schools that are decrepit.

Governor Raimondo recognizes the need to invest in our schools. In fact, she’s proposed $20 million to do so. A very important step and yet insignificant compared to other state and city infrastructure investments – the $22 million East Bay bike path renovations, the $43 million proposed Garrahy Parking Garage, and the $40 million 2012 road bond in the City of Providence.

Nevertheless, Raimondo’s plan is based – too loosely, I would say – on the Massachusetts School Building Authority.

“The bottom line is that the MSBA [Massachusetts School Building Authority] funding activity not only leaves the Commonwealth with better schools for our children, but continues to play a not insignificant role in boosting the economy of the state, providing jobs for thousands and thousands of our workers,” says the 2o14 report: The Economic Impact of MSBA Investments on the Massachusetts Economy.

Prior to the creation of the MSBA in 2004, the Bay State likewise had a complicated history with adequate supports for school buildings.

Clayton-Matthews and Bluestone note, “By the early 2000’s, the ‘temporary’ (Massachusetts school building assistance) program had become unsustainable, accumulating more than $11 billion in unfunded promises to local districts. By 2003, there were 428 projects on a waiting list to begin construction, and communities that actually broke ground, routinely waited years – sometimes decades – to receive their first reimbursement payment from the state.”

Our current predicament sounds similar. Over at WPRI, Dan McGowan reveals Rhode Island has “$600 million in [school] facility maintenance deferred since 2011.”

According to Clayton-Matthew and Bluestone, here’s the low down on the Massachusetts School Building Authority:

“Since 2004, the MSBA has made over $10.5 billion in payments to cities, towns and regional school districts, including full or partial payments to all of the eligible Waiting List Projects. In addition, the MSBA has completed 784 of the 788 backlogged audits inherited from the former program, saving the taxpayers of Massachusetts more than $1 billion in project costs and $2.9 million in local interest costs.

The MSBA’s grant program places tremendous emphasis on planning, due diligence and prioritization of scarce MSBA resources. The MSBA approves new projects through a competitive process that stresses need and urgency, and reimbursement can range from 31 to 80 percent of eligible project costs.

There are currently more than 300 construction, renovation and repair projects in the MSBA’s Capital Pipeline. The MSBA, which has a designated revenue stream of one penny of the state sales tax, collaborates with municipalities to invest approximately $500 million per year in schools across the Commonwealth.”

By contrast, Governor Raimondo’s proposed $20 million cannot simultaneously restore Mt Pleasant High School, bring modern science labs and a renovated auditorium to Gilbert Stuart Middle School, fix the pipes at Roger Williams Middle School – let alone spruce up additional schools in Pawtucket and North Kingston.

Discussion is in the air. Cumberland Senator Ryan Pearson has a bill more like Massachusetts’ successful system than Raimondo’s proposal. Providence Representative Aaron Regunburg wrote to his constituents, “while this is just a start and is not enough to solve our school infrastructure needs – I will do everything in my power to ensure that the final budget includes at least this level of additional funds.”

More delayed maintenance in Rhode Island won’t make future rehabs any cheaper or allow Rhode Islanders to benefit from the Massachusetts model of economic investment through school rebuilding and construction.

Unless Governor Raimondo’s plan is to let several thousand more children over the next few years learn in decaying structures, it’s time to start talking to leaders in Massachusetts. Rhody can learn their game plan – and then do it better!

Does Langevin represent District 2 or drone designers?


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Jim LangevinUntil this new Congress, Rhode Island’s District 2 Congressman Jim Langevin served on the House Intelligence Committee, tasked with, among other duties, overseeing the US drone program. During his tenure on House Intelligence, Langevin also accepted tens of thousands of dollars from corporations that manufacture drones.

In fact, drone manufacturers are among Langevin’s most generous supporters, according to Open Secrets. The top 5 donors to Langevin’s 2014 campaign committee were:

1. General Dynamics  ($32,050)
2. Democratic Party of RI ($19,800)
3. Northup Grumman  ($15,200)
4. Raytheon Co.  ($13,250)
5. Sheet Metal Workers Union ($12,500)

General Dynamics, Northup Grumman and Raytheon all manufacture drones. This is not the first time I’ve brought up the issue.

“It is not surprising that Congressman Langevin’s work in Congress is of relevance to the defense industry,” said Meg Geoghegan, Langevin’s spokesperson. “General Dynamics, Northrop Grumman and Raytheon are key players in our local economy, with General Dynamics Electric Boat alone planning to add 3,000 more jobs at Quonset Point by 2020. In fact, the Rhode Island defense sector supports more than 32,000 jobs overall. ”

The issue isn’t the defense industry. The issue is a Congressman taking money from the industry he was exercising oversight upon. Is that how the game is often played in Washington? Of course. Does it make it right? No. Especially when lives are involved.

In the fall 2014 election, Langevin spent $782,691 against first time GOP candidate and contractor Rhue Rheis, who spent a mere $13,548, according to Open Secrets. Did the incumbent really need the extra money from defense contractors to win against a first time Republican candidate who served in no previous elected office and didn’t even raise even $50,000?

When on the House Intelligence Committee, Langevin voted against “an amendment to require that U.S. agencies involved in drone wars produce annual reports in which they account for all deaths in U.S. drone strikes overseas and identify the civilians and alleged combatants killed. The amendment already passed the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence” in 2013.

Geoghegan, Langevin’s spokesperson, said, “Campaign donations are accepted in good faith with no strings attached, and do not influence Congressman Langevin’s policy work or voting record. He remains a strong advocate for campaign finance reform and transparency, and he is beholden only to the people of Rhode Island.”

In response to the December 2014 Senate Intelligence Committee report which revealed heinous instances of torture, Langevin stood on the side of decency, arguing, “Human rights must be preserved in times of peace and war, and I sincerely hope we can learn from this dark moment in our history.”

But in response to the use of drones, Langevin’s record is more evasive. Drones are used as deadly weapons to track and kill suspected terrorists. At times civilians have been killed. Langevin served on the committee reviewing the drone program, while also receiving money from drone manufacturers.

With the new Congress, Langevin no longer serves on the House Intelligence Committee. To show he is “beholden only to the people of Rhode Island,” Langevin should return donations from the industries he exercised oversight- or give the equivalent amount to charity. His action can serve as an example to incoming members on the House Intelligence Committee.

Torture in our name: #ReadtheReport


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senate torture reportIt has been roughly one month since Senator Dianne Feinstein (who became Mayor of San Francisco following the assassination of George Moscone) released the Senate Intelligence Committee report detailing the violence and torture used by the CIA against individuals in the years following 9/11.

At least 119 individuals were detained by the CIA in years after the attacks, and, according to the Senate report, at least 26 were wrongly detained and had no associations with terrorism.

One innocent man, Gul Rahman, spent a month in solitary confinement because he had the same name as a suspected terrorist. Two CIA informants spent “approximately 24 hours shackled in the standing sleep deprivation position” before it was confirmed they were mistakenly being detained. These examples are surely some of the more benign experiences of prisoners in CIA detention facilities.

In the foreword to the report, Senator Feinstein wrote:

“It is worth remembering the pervasive fear in late 2001 and how immediate the threat felt. Just a week after the September 11 attacks, powdered anthrax was sent to various news organizations and to two U.S. Senators. The American public was shocked by news of new terrorist plots and elevations of the color-coded threat level of the Homeland Security Advisory System. We expected further attacks against the nation.

I have attempted throughout to remember the impact on the nation and to the CIA workforce from the attacks of September 11, 2001. I can understand the CIA’s impulse to consider the use of every possible tool to gather intelligence and remove terrorists from the battlefield, and CIA was encouraged by political leaders and the public to do whatever it could to prevent another attack. The Intelligence Committee as well often pushes intelligence agencies to act quickly in response to threats and world events.

Nevertheless, such pressure, fear, and expectation of further terrorist plots do not justify, temper, or excuse improper actions taken by individuals or organizations in the name of national security.

The major lesson of this report is that regardless of the pressures and the need to act, the Intelligence Community’s actions must always reflect who we are as a nation, and adhere to our laws and standards.

It is precisely at these times of national crisis that our government must be guided by the lessons of our history and subject decisions to internal and external review. Instead, CIA personnel, aided by two outside contractors, decided to initiate a program of indefinite secret detention and the use of brutal interrogation techniques in violation of U.S. law, treaty obligations, and our values.”

After many years, and despite CIA interference, the report has been made public. We should know what is done in our name.

You can read the full report here.

New year, old wish: Fix our schools


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gilbertstuart8The decaying school buildings in Providence are a monument to the abject failure of Rhode Island’s political leadership to invest in all the people of the state.

The legislature is willing to spend more than $40 million on a parking garage for lawyers and court employees downtown but not for public school kids in the North or West ends of the city.

Mold and asbestos can be seen on the walls of Gilbert Stuart Middle School. At Roger Williams Middle School, as of a year ago, students couldn’t drink from the bubbler. Esek Hopkins Middle School in the North End is ranked as a “Level 3” building – meaning it is in “fair to poor condition,” needing “moderate to major renovations.” Two of the newer buildings- Del Sesto and Alvarez – are built on formerly toxic industrial sites subject to intense monitoring.

“I think it is immoral we are asking children to enter these buildings,” said Republican candidate Dan Harrop during his mayoral campaign.

“Ordinary people who harm children are punished by courts and despised by society, while politicians who harm children by ignoring the inequalities in public schools are not held accountable for their actions (or lack thereof),” wrote Aaron Carpenter recently on this blog.

And Aaron Apps wrote, “There is a kind of slow, horrible violence being done against the students and teachers expected to occupy these buildings.”

Other states don’t do this to their children.

For several years I taught in Fall River, MA. I worked in a modern school building barely five years old. In fact, many of the elementary and middle schools in the city, one of the poorest in the state of Massachusetts, are barely a decade old, thanks to a massive investment in school infrastructure and equipment by the state.

I live in California now, and what I’ve seen with public schools here just breaks my heart. Not for California, but for Rhode Island. (There are plenty of challenges and needs…plenty of people working for positive change.) I’ve seen “dilapidated” schools in Oakland, CA which look pretty great compared to some of what we have in Providence. There are district schools in East Oakland, one of the poorest neighborhoods in the Bay Area, which have skylights and modern computers. There is a community college in Hayward, CA with solar panels above the parking lot.

A tangible way to increase jobs, make a long term investment, and brighten the day of children and families is to renovate and re-invest in our schools. The money is there, we just need the will to do so. Maybe this year we will.

Gina Raimondo, Nick Mattiello, Teresa Paiva-Weed and Jorge Elorza have a chance to be the governor, speaker, senate president and mayor who rebuilt Rhode Island’s schools. Sounds like good politics, and actually good for the people.

My wish for the New Year is that Rhode Island muster the political class and economic sense to treat every child like their own.

Cautious celebration


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pvd2
Photo by David Uttam Lawlor

Providence’s progressive community has a gift – a seemingly honest, if very untested, administration.

Thank you to everyone who voted and worked for a different Providence.

Jorge’s donor list includes dear, dear friends in community work, art, and education, but another swath of Elorza’s supporters are the out of touch developers who help spark the resentment that feeds Cianci.

Providence, like many cities, needs competence- an easy to navigate city hall, transparency, and many day to day infrastructure improvements in schools and parks across the city. There are well placed individuals who will lobby Elorza hard for fantasy plans about street cars for magical wealthy consumers, state subsidized condos, and a million other ways to spend cash downtown, not in the neighborhoods. The challenge for progressives – no, the challenge of all people who care about the city – is how to do good in the next four years.

My late aunt would be impressed.

Maureen Lawlor was a child of Providence – in her 1970s era high school science fair project she was studying the effects pollution on neighborhoods in Providence. After working in adult education in the ACI, she served at the Massachusetts Department of Education before becoming a professor  at a community college outside Seattle. When she returned to visit in the early 2000s, around the time of Plunderdome, I remember her ruefully remarking, “It’s like I never left.”

She would be impressed and proud to see that Providence voted for a new chapter, with Jorge Elorza defeating Vincent A Cianci, Jr.

She was also wise. Excited by change, she would likely caution not to get too carried away or hopeful- plan a next step. Her late husband, my Uncle Sherman, definitely would encourage planning ahead.

Like many old mill cities, there is a great agenda awaiting of rebuilding and re-imagining neighborhoods and civic institutions. There are people with goofy plans to spend millions on one side of the highway only -don’t let them.

The campaign for One Providence continues.

A post-Cianci Providence


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jorge elorzaImagine if there had been a Providence Renaissance in education? Responsive policing since the early 1990s? How many lives would be different? How many lives would still be here?

When my father first heard Cianci was running for office again, he was silent. Shaking his head, he sighed. “Well, everything is going back to normal.”

Normal. Normal in Providence doesn’t have to be synonymous with a nod and a wink. It doesn’t have to be synonymous with job trading, cash payments, hurting children and neglecting neighborhoods. It doesn’t have to be connected individuals – some with a history of violence- calling the shots. It doesn’t have to be razzle-dazzle downtown, and “Buckles” Melise on the side streets.

Cicilline worked hard, and then worked easy, cowardly vaulting to Congress to avoid difficult budgets and real choices. Taveras worked hard to clean up the fiscal mess left by Cianci and Cicilline, before he launched a failed run for Governor. Yet even with all the goofy insider behavior of the last 12 years, there were fewer homicides, and an improving graduation rate.

During Cianci’s last four years as Mayor:

  • there were more homicides in the city than in the past four years.
  • high school graduation rates fluctuated from the low 60s to low 70s.
  • a police chief was forced out of office for running a corrupt department
  • there was more child poverty than in 1989

During his 1990 race, Cianci manipulated people’s religiosity as a tool to gain votes. As he put it in his book, “I was in a close race, and I knew there were a considerable number of pro-life zealots looking for a candidate. I ended up getting a list of pro-life voters from the diocese.” Throughout the 1990s, Cianci repeatedly said he was against adult entertainment, but from 1991-2000, the number of adult clubs in the city grew by 300 percent – from 4 to over 12. This time around, Cianci is vowing opposition to charter schools. Why trust him? Cianci lies for power.

Charismatic and abusive, Cianci has left his mark on the city. He has attracted his share of idealists, but also plenty of the abusive, violent and manipulative.

It is long past time for a new chapter.

Vote Elorza, tell your friends to vote Elorza – and then work like hell to make Elorza deliver for the people and families across Providence.

Cianci needs Fecteau, Williams Metts more than they may know


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fecteauFrom his earliest elections, Cianci builds coalitions of those alienated from the status quo and those who yearn for power, and some people float both camps. For decades, incompetence by the city’s Democratic establishment has created alienated communities – alienation Cianci used to create his own base and his own agenda.

Cianci has left a confusing, tattered, disjointed legacy – cheerleading the city, heralding public works projects, while at the same time undermining Providence’s long-term success through failures in policing and schools. Cianci’s administrations have long balanced the idealists, the power-hungry, and the marginalized. He can’t return to power if one of those groups backs out.

Among the anecdotes I came across in Mike Stanton’s book, one activist from the 1970s was particularly astute, noting Cianci’s outreach to community leaders was based on a simple calculation: “At this point, he needs us.”

And just as in the early 2000s Cianci needed a decent officer like Richard Sullivan to be police chief after the chaos of Prignano, in this decade Cianci needs community populists like Leah Williams Metts and Matt Fecteau to give legitimacy to his return campaign. Cianci needs Alan Shawn Feinstein and Yvonne Schilling to support him.

Cianci worked with many housing activists in the 1970s – and betrayed them once in power. As Michael Stanton wrote, “the director of the office’s Homestead Board…was arrested for defrauding homesteaders seeking to move into abandoned houses that had been acquired by the city. When the police did a routine background check, they discovered that the director had been on parole for kidnapping and rape, and had been when he was hired in 1975. Besides shaking down homesteaders, he had another sideline- running a string of prostitutes who worked the streets of downtown Providence, in sight of City Hall.” (p76)

Same song in the 1980s. By 84, “the Providence Chief of Police, Anthony Mancuso, had held an extraordinary meeting in his office…Council members came away shocked. Mancuso displayed two lists – one of Public Works employees with criminal records, another of Public Works employees with ties to organized crime.” (p187) Though truth be told, it’s hard to imagine how many councilors were really “shocked” by these revelations.

In the 1990s, Cianci promised he never stopped caring. In 1991, Cianci signed agreements with a supporter leasing an old, side street autobody garage shop as a registration building for schoolchildren, for at least $750,000. The lease was up for renewal in 1994. Stanton noted, “When Julia Steiny, a maverick School Board member and East Side playwright, fought the lease, hoping to steer more dollars to impoverished educational programs, she was warned by a school official not to buck City Hall. After the lease was renewed, Cianci dumped her from the school board.” (p258)

These anecdotes are a few of many. There are real splits and divisions in Providence- splits Cianci has used for his own success. Good people have had their hearts broken so many times. Cianci’s charisma hides the truth – he loves power, needs it. And his administration’s record  – inconsistent graduation rates, rising crime, uneven job opportunities, inconsistent policing, blatant corruption -shows he doesn’t deserve another go in office.

More on Cianci:

Coalition of the Terrifying: Cianci’s power players


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cianci supporters female male
Cianci supporters, labelled by gender.

The headlines proclaimed Buddy Cianci had pulled together a coalition of current and past elected officials, including Democrats. But just who are the people who have chosen to publicly align themselves with Providence’s most infamous ex-mayor?

This picture, from the campaign announcement referenced in the link, shows 12 men and one woman. Below is some additional information on some of the more public people supporting Cianci.

Elected officials

  • John Carnevale – The sitting State Representative is a Providence police officer with a history of domestic assault complaints. Just two years ago he was on trial for sexual assault- the charges were only dropped because the woman involved died. Carnevale faces no opponent in the general election, and was uncontested in his primary.
  • Frank Ciccone – Ciccone is famous for taunting a Barrington police officer following a DUI pullover: “You think you got pension problems now, wait until this (expletive) is all done. This guy voted against you last time. It ain’t going to get any better now.” This resulted in his losing his position in State Senate leadership. He defeated DorisDe LosSantos in the most recent State Senate primaries.
  • Kevin Jackson and Davian Sanchez – For some reason these two Providence City Councilors don’t file campaign finance reports. They each owe more than $10,000 in fines to the Board of Elections. Councilor Louis Aponte, who is undecided in the Mayor’s race, owes a similar amount.
  • Balbina Young – The longtime former South Side city councilor was often a critic of Cianci during her tenure. In 2002, she famously arranged for her son to receive a $100,000 city rehabbed Victorian, and told reporter Jack White, “Well, what I think is there are a lot of good deals in America for a lot of people. Why shouldn’t my son be the beneficiary of one of them?”

The Connected

  • Nick Hemond – Cianci received a $500 donation from Hemond, one of the power lobbyists at the RI state house, representing big clients like High Rock Development (who plan are lobbying for state money to renovate the Superman building), the Fraternal Order of Police, the Neighborhood Community Centers, and Cornish Associates, the downtown developers.
  • Philip Almagno – Unique is his ability to be involved in shady business under both Mayors Cianci and Cicilline. Under Cianci, Almagno was involved in a plot (which Buddy wrote about in his book!) related to Almagno dropping his city council campaign in exchange for a Bureau of Weights and Measures job. And then under Cicilline, Almagno was President of the Rosario Club, which received one of the mismanaged Cicilline PEDP loans.
  • Robert Kells  Kells has been a long time political player. A retired 30 year Providence officer, five time state senator, and former deputy State Senate Majority leader under disgraced former Senate President Williams Irons. After serving in Providence, Kells became the police chief of Lincoln. While in Lincoln, Kells had repeated struggles with the town council, and suffered a unanimous no confidence from the police union vote before retiring from that position in 2007.

The real estate interests

  • Edward Zucker Zucker is a player in the downtown housing market as owner of CEO of Chestnut Hill Realty. Zucker’s company manages the Regency Plaza apartment towers.
  • Gretchen and Kenneth R. Dulgarian of Dulgarian Properties – This East Side development team donated $2000 to Cianci’s re-election campaign. One of their recent properties is the Premier.

And then these three…??

  • Dennis Langley – The former Executive Director of the Urban League retired this past February. In recent years, Langley faced criticism from a range of activists for poor and neglectful management of homeless shelters, poor financial practices, delayed checks, and lay-offs of nearly two dozen employees.
  • Stephen Iannazzi – The “special assistant” to Senate Majority Leader Dominick J. Ruggerio donated to Cianci’s campaign. Iannazzi is the son of former Local 1033 Business Manager Donald Iannazzi, and has been making over $88,000 as a special assistant since 2011, when he was 25.
  • Barry Hinckley – Why is the wealthy former US Senate candidate from the GOP, who campaigned against corruption, discussed running for office as a good way to get your name out, spoke against NSA surveillance, and supported essentially a libertarian platform, donating to Cianci?

More on Cianci:

Buddy Cianci’s Providence: better for whom?


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cianci for whomCianci’s record from the 1990s raises many questions about for whom the city was better for when he was mayor.

“Every few years,” Ian Donnis wrote in the Providence Phoenix at the time, “an incident involving Providence police has provoked outrage and prompted calls for a greater degree of public accountability. In 1992, it was the police beating of a student at Mount Pleasant High School. In 1995, a controversy erupted after an officer was videotaped kicking a man [Corey West] on the ground outside the former Strand club on Washington Street.”

Cianci criticized the violence in both instances. However, the follow-up raises eyebrows.

In the 1995 case, the rookie officer involved kept his position following protests from the union. The chief involved, who faced heavy criticism from the union for moving too quickly to suspend the officer, resigned shortly after. Despite positive words, little was done to change the culture or procedures of the force.

A 1998 Human Rights Watch report reviewed complaints of police abuse in Providence, noting, “During a ride-along with a Providence police sergeant, he … repeatedly mentioned that officers only fear a federal inquiry, not investigations by IAB [Internal Affairs].”

In 2000, community protests and organizing followed the shooting death of Sgt Cornel Young,Jr, a black Providence police officer who was shot dead by two white colleagues who thought he was a suspect and a threat, not a fellow officer off duty trying to help at the scene of a crime.

Ten years ago, Marion Davis wrote a piece in the Phoenix, “Did Cornel Young die in vain?” examining the Providence police early in Cicilline’s first term. Many neighborhood leaders saw halting changes, some saw no difference (as was sadly echoed in this police- run drug ring found during Cicilline’s last term), but some experienced a culture shift.  As Jose Brito, a Southside business owner, saw it:

“We’re not afraid to talk to the police now…we don’t feel they’re the kind of people we have to hate anymore — and believe me, we used to hate them…Now they talk to us as humans, even they have coffee with us, and they’re willing to sit down and spend time talking, and we can tell them complaints that we have. That’s important. Things change when you listen to somebody.”

Times change. Under Taveras, Providence won a regional award for its Community Policing practices, and just graduated its most diverse new officer class ever (even as two new rookies will potentially be  dismissed for larceny). That in itself is a change- now, a rookie involved with theft is dismissed. Under Cianci, a rookie involved with beating a member of the public stayed on the force.

The methods and leadership of the police department now, under Taveras, are better than Cianci’s last term in office, when their were more officers, a better job market, and more homicides.

Cianci tells a great story- but who was his Providence really better for?

Should Buddy Cianci pick Providence’s next police chief?


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cianci_policechief2Cianci was elected three times in the 1990s – why did he wait until 2001, while under federal investigation, to appoint a chief committed to the idea of community policing?

Richard Sullivan, who served as interim chief from 2001-2002, was introduced to the public by Cianci as “Mr. Accountable.” Urbano Prignano, full chief from 1995-2001, was introduced as “a cop’s cop.” Should there be any difference?

Sullivan made the rounds at neighborhood meetings, and two months into the job the interim chief called a summit with community activists. In the short run, the interim chief closed the community policing unit, but did so to revamp community-focused procedures department wide, echoing successful approaches from Boston. Why didn’t Cianci ever ask his previous chiefs to do so?

Under Sullivan, and, indirectly via the pressure from community groups and federal investigation, no longer were Providence cops required to hold onto their weapons at all hours, which some argued contributed to Sgt.Cornel Young Jr’s death. No longer were people paying for promotions or was the chief passing along answers for the police exam. If Cianci was so effective and forward thinking, couldn’t he have put pressure on the department to clean up in 1995? 1996?  1998? 1999? 2000?

Yet, even with true and healthy progress, Sullivan was opposed to efforts to establish the Providence External Review Authority, a civilian panel to look at police abuse complaints. Under his short tenure, the department faced a lawsuit from the ACLU and Attorney General (now US Senator) Sheldon Whitehouse for “failing to comply with a state-mandated racial profiling study.” In a separate incident, Sher Singh, a software engineer who is also a Sikh, was arrested by Providence police shortly after the horrific 9/11 attacks when his Amtrak train arrived in Providence, based on a tip that four suspicious individuals were on the train. Reportedly, one officer taunted, “How’s Osama bin Laden?” After protests from the community and Attorney General Sheldon Whitehouse’s office, Mayor Cianci agreed to have the Providence police drop charges for carrying “a concealed weapon”, a ceremonial dagger worn by Sikhs.

Before his last minute conversion to accountability, Cianci presided over years of policing policies that alienated city residents. Police Chief Bernard Gannon (1991-1995), who spoke out against a videotaped incident of police abuse in 1995 before leaving the city, was sued to release records of the department’s police complaint records. Police Chief Prignano (1995-2001) was sued for policy entrapping and arresting gay men on Empire St, including LGBT rights activist Rodney Davis – in the late 1990s!

Cianci offers happy words (opposing abuse, celebrating equality), but, especially around community policing, he delivered when it was convenient for him, not for the people in the city.

More murders in PVD when Buddy Cianci was mayor


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cianci_murder rateForget the razzle-dazzle of Buddy Cianci incanting the good old days and the paranoia around Achievement First. Consider the character of the man – read Emma Sloan’s harrowing piece – and look at Cianci’s most recent term in office (1999-2002). His record simply doesn’t justify another term.

Despite a larger police force, the capital city had more murders during Buddy Cianci’s last four years in office than the most recent four under Taveras.

From 1999 to 2002, the statistics are stark: 26 murders in 1999, 30 in 2000, 23 in 2001, 23 in 2002. During his 1995-1998 term the numbers of annual murders ranged from 25 to 12. There were 22 murders in 1993 and 21 in 1994.

From 2011 to now, under Mayor Taveras, the homicide rate has varied from 12 in 2011, 17 in 2012, to 14 in 2013. There have been 13 murders this year.

Think about this -even though jobless rates are worse in the city now, even with a smaller force, more transparent, honest police leadership and partnerships have kept murders down. 

According to the San Diego Reporter, just prior to his last term, upon arriving on the scene after a 1998 double-homicide, potentially tied to drug trafficking, Cianci remarked, “Seen one you’ve seen them all.”

Can you imagine Angel Taveras saying that upon arriving at a homicide scene?

Why PVD Teachers Union is wrong to support Cianci


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CianciMaribeth Reynolds-Calabro, the president of the Providence Teachers Union, says her group is [sic]”progressive and solutions-driven and steadfastly committed to teacher’s rights.” You could have fooled me.

Based on its recent endorsement of Vincent A Cianci, Jr for mayor of Providence, the labor union’s executive board seems blind to the past, and ignores the present. Some connected teachers may well get better perks from Buddy (while many others grow jaded, leave the profession or fight like hell for their kids) but Providence has every reason to assume that Cianci will be bad for children, families, and dedicated teachers, as he was before.

Between 1989 and 1999, child poverty in Providence increased from 35% to 40%. During the same time, if you look at South Providence and the West End in particular, child poverty increased from 42% to 49%, and the city’s median household income declined by 7%.

Not enough numbers? Records from the RI Department of Education are hardly uplifting. In the 1997-1998 school year, the Providence high school graduation rate was 68.46%. In the 1998-1999 school year, the graduation rate was 71.4%.  In 1999- 2000, the graduation rate was 63.04%. In 2000-2001, the rate was  63.74%. In 2001-2002, the rate was 72%. At best, Cianci’s record is dramatically inconsistent, as graduation rates were marked by rapid fluctuations between the low 60s and low 70s.

According to RI Kids Count, “the high school graduation rate among Hispanic youth in the class of 2010 was 66%, lower than the overall Rhode Island high school graduation rate of 76%.” Children and families need this to move forward. What in Cianci’s record shows he has the skills to do so consistently?

For a dedicated teacher’s point of view of the Cianci era, check out Carole Marshall’s memoir- Stubborn Hope, about her time teaching English at Hope High School.

What about facilities? Can we trust Cianci to champion and oversee a true overhaul of city facilities? As Mike Stanton once wrote in the Providence Journal, “Since 1991, the Providence School Department had leased ..[a] former body shop at 400 West Fountain St. as a registration center for new students. The lease had generated controversy. The city’s impoverished school system paid more than $1 million for a building that was drafty and dreary, with concrete floors and inaccessible bathrooms. Critics pointed out that the city could have bought a better building for a fraction of the inflated rent it was paying. A reform-minded School Committee member tried to get out of the lease when it came up for renewal in 1994. But she was told not to buck City Hall.”

Do I need to mention the police testing scandal and repeated complaints of abuse?

For any group of professionals, with a straight face, to claim that Cianci “clearly understands the needs of our district” willfully ignores the real damage and hurts caused by his actions and inactions in neighborhoods where thousands of public school children live.

Remember, this “teacher” endorsement doesn’t come from a vote of union members, but a vote of the 13 person executive board. Not a single member of the executive board has a Latino or Asian American surname despite the fact that 68% of the current student body and families are Latino and Asian American. This PTU executive board is not reflective of, or reflecting on, the reality of Providence today.

Providence teachers deserve a union responsive to their needs and the needs of students and families. Providence residents need a responsive teachers’ union interested in actual solutions. Hitching on to the Cianci train is a ticket to nowhere good, and fast.


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