Canvassers’ call on Carnevale may define Elorza’s mayorship


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2015-10-13 Elorza Homes 007
Jorge Elorza

When Jorge Elorza ran against Buddy Cianci for Mayor of Providence he highlighted the message that we cannot return to a culture of corruption. In the swirl of issues that surrounded Cianci’s campaign  were allegations of rape as well as convictions for crimes committed while in office.

Today, the Providence Board of Canvassers, a body whose members are appointed by Elorza, will decide the fate of Representative John Carnevale, a man who has a similar history of alleged sexual violence against women, and a man who could be said to represent the very culture of corruption that Cianci represented.

Carnevale was one of Buddy Cianci’s principle boosters in 2014. He has faced multiple accusations of physically abusing his ex-wife,  and in 2011 he was indicted for sexually assaulting a Johnston woman. Carnevale pleaded innocent. The charges were dropped after the woman died suddenly.

In June, a WPRI investigation discovered evidence that Carnevale has been lying about living in his district.  The investigation seems to have revealed that Carnevale lives in Johnston, and that told the tenants of the Providence house he is registered at to lie when asked if he resided there.

These allegations should make Carnevale ineligible to run for representative again, but Mayor Elorza has struggled to build support in the General Assembly and, according to sources, has developed an alliance with House Majority Leader John DeSimone, a close friend of Carnevale.

The question is, will Elorza play cynical politics and pressure his Board of Canvassers to give Carnevale a pass? Elorza has had a rocky first two years in office, but from all accounts he is so far un-blighted by the overt corruption of Rhode Island politics. Appeasing John DeSimone and allowing John Carnevale to be allowed to run despite evidence he does not reside in his district would be akin to jumping into the deep end of the dirtiest pool in Rhode Island.

That kind of thing does not wash off.

Although Mayor Elorza is trying to make the case, as was reported by WPRI, that he is not responsible for this decision, the choice is clearly his to make.

Mayor Jorge Elorza has a chance to do the right thing today. After everything he said about Buddy Cianci and the political culture of corruption during his campaign, allowing John Carnevale to run would be a betrayal.

The Board of Canvassers meets at the Providence City Hall at 11am today.

Elorza’s legacy hangs in the balance.

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It’s time for Kevin Jackson to resign


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Kevin Jackson
Kevin Jackson

It’s time for Providence City Councillor Kevin Jackson to resign. Jackson represents Ward 3, on the East Side where I live. He has been plagued by scandal and bad choices for years, and barely won his last election against write-in candidate Marcus Mitchell.

I reluctantly voted for Jackson over Mitchell because of Mitchell’s past association with US Senator Rick Santorum in Pennsylvania. Mitchell claimed the mantle of progressive, but I couldn’t trust him, and there was little time to properly vet him. What little I knew about Mitchell didn’t thrill me. In 2005, Mitchell, then a registered Republican, was Senator Rick Santorum’s Director of Community & Economic Development in Pennsylvania. Santorum represents everything I find ugly in a politician.

Santorum once compared Obamacare to apartheid in a tribute speech to Nelson Mandela. Santorum is anti LGBTQ rights at best, a raving homophobe at worst. He’s not only anti-abortion, he’s against your right to use contraception. He supported the privatization of Social Security. He called climate change “junk science.”

Did I allow my completely reasonable disdain for Santorum to cloud my judgement regarding Mitchell? Perhaps. But given what I knew about Santorum and what little I knew about Mitchell, I made the best choice I could.

I voted for Jackson. I don’t regret making what I consider to be the best choice in a bad situation…

…but it’s time for Jackson to resign.

Jackson has done some good things as a city councilor in the last year, including fighting against fiscally irresponsible Tax Stabilization Agreements (TSAs).  Some of the most recent TSAs, supported by Mayor Elorza, would have functioned as little more than cash giveaways to connected realtors.

This is all for the good, but I think voters in Ward 3 could do a lot better than Jackson in an open election.

Buddy Cianci is dead, and the culture of casual corruption he represents should have died with him. Jackson backed Cianci when the former Mayor made his quixotic bid at a return to power. I found Jackson’s support of Cianci embarrassing.

Ward 3 could vote for a candidate that both looks after our interests and doesn’t play fast and loose with his campaign cash. We could vote for a candidate that has not been accused of embezzlement. We could vote for a candidate that does not embarrass us but instead represents us.

It’s time for Jackson to resign.

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St. Buddy Cianci


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the_sacred_heart_of_buddyThere’s an old story about the economist John Maynard Keynes who went to Washington, D.C. and met Franklin Roosevelt. After a few minutes of trying to explain his theories with no luck to an oblivious President, he walked away in disgust and despair, realizing that the most powerful man in American government had no idea what he was doing and instead was merely responding to massive protest movements for things like Social Security, jobs programs, and labor union rights by giving the people what they wanted, macroeconomics be damned. This of course helps us better understand why the “Roosevelt Recession” of 1937 happened, the man was just following the tides and ended up causing a near-disaster by cutting the spending in programs that defined the Keynesian New Deal.

That historical insight is vital to grasp when one begins a discussion of Mayor Vincent “Buddy” Cianci, the longest-serving Mayor of Providence who has just passed away. For the rest of the world, big deal, who cares? But in Rhode Island, this is earth-shattering. I have not seen such an outpouring since the death of Princess Diana. Everyone on Facebook and in the local blog-o-sphere has a Buddy story. Edward Achorn, the ultra-reactionary head editor of the Providence Journal was especially gleeful, but then again Achorn has this habit of showing off his insecurities in odd ways.

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The first thing to understand about Cianci is that for the better part of four decades, he was not just part of the news cycle, he was the news cycle in this half-demented, perennially-corrupt backwater imitation of a late Roman Imperial city-state that I call home. The man would go to the opening of an envelope if it got him good press. He popped off memorable one-liners with such ease I would not be surprised if someone puts out a little red book of Quotations According to Mayor Buddy (my personal favorite: “Be careful of the toe that you step on today because it may be connected to an ass that you have to kiss tomorrow.”) There are probably a few die-hard blue hairs up on Federal Hill as I write this lighting candles and praying novenas in Italian for the repose of his immortal soul.

This funeral is going to be a complete and utter shit-show, featuring a whose-who of politicians, judges, municipal employees, and everyone who ever “got a favor” from Buddy. I imagine the Cathedral of Sts. Peter and Paul is going to have everything but the angel Gabriel and his host of seraphim lifting the casket to heaven while Pavarotti belts out Ave Maria and fifteen professional Sicilian mourners drop dead in the aisle from grief.

But aside from trying to guess how a man that my dear mentor Bruce “Rudy Cheeks” McCrae called “Bud-I” is going to exit in one final bout of glory, there is something deeper at play. I would submit that Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan may have been the movers and shakers of neoliberalism but that the first politician to test-run the neoliberal ideology on a municipal level was Cianci. A fine book, The Prince of Providence by Mike Stanton, probably the best on corruption since Robert Penn Warren, can be examined for corroboration.

There are a few markers that can point in this direction. One of Buddy’s premiere moments was during the Republican National Convention that nominated Gerald Ford to run against Jimmy Carter. Cianci, then thriving on the cred generated by his days as a mob prosecutor and running as a reform-minded Republican in a historically-blue state, took the podium. Carter had just made a public gaffe and called Cianci’s brethren “Eye-talians” on television. Buddy said with much aplomb at a time when Coppola’s GODFATHER films were stirring up ethnic pride “Mistah Cottah, we ahh not Eye-talian, we are Italo-Americans!” This was a preliminary stab at what we would now call neoliberal identity politics, the assertion by the power structure of the liberationist vocabulary to justify white hegemony. Perhaps some decades earlier there had been lynching of Italians. But by the time Buddy hit the scene, Italians, Irish, and Portuguese were white conservatives who found themselves oftentimes on the other sides of the protest lines from their weirdo hippie kids that liked hanging out with moulignons (the Italian word for eggplant often used in the Ocean State as a slur against people of color), feminists, queers, and other undesirables in the newly-developing post-Woodstock Culture Wars. You cannot call it “white pride”, but when you call it “Italian pride”, it sure seems acceptable even if it is closer to Mussolini than Sacco and Vanzetti. It is worth mentioning that this ethnic pride informed his decision to make every Italian in sight a cop, laying the seeds for the fracas that occurred last fall when Providence Police had a public fit over the words #BlackLivesMatter being written on a beverage container. The force has always, since Buddy’s days, been a majority-white one.

Another point was his support of the LGBTQQI community and the arts. Buddy oversaw a Renaissance in the 1980’s and 1990’s that made the city a haven for orientation difference and the lively arts scene that exists in parallel with we fabulous folk. But there is a dark side to this also, the gentrification aspect. With a good deal of help from the wonderful souls at Brown University and Rhode Island School of Design, the historic black neighborhood on the East Side has been almost totally ethnically cleansed, a process now at work in the black neighborhoods on the West End and in the Olneyville area. Scholarship exists that shows how, if queer populations are not mindful of their impact, they can end up being foot-soldiers for gentrification. Class war can be so classy like that.

Another point was his anti-labor stances. He was infamous for his standoffs with unions, hiring scabs and making quips to the people he was screwing. Michael Riley, a sometimes-candidate with a Tea Party bent that has a knack for finance has been circulating a PowerPoint for some time now that some municipal employees think has an air of truth to it. Riley argues that Providence is effectively bankrupt and has been “borrowing” money from the municipal pension fund to cover operational costs. This is a structural problem that dates back decades and could end up leading back to a Cianci administration. Obviously part of this is to be attributed to old-fashion corruption that we have always taken as business as usual. But another element has to do with a fundamental lack of respect for municipal employees. Buddy would get you the job to get him your vote but he certainly was not going to be taking out a subscription to the Daily Worker. It bears mentioning that he helped make Providence one of the first host cities for the neoliberal City Year program.

Finally, consider the fact that there were really three parties in Providence, the Republicans, the Democrats, and Buddy. He quickly was able to shed partisan affiliation and become an independent. But I would argue he was not political, at least not in the sense one uses to describe a Tory or a Socialist. Instead, he was post-partisan, an apolitical chameleon who could operate like the biggest cog in a Democratic machine at one moment and an austerity-minded Republican in the next. This is because the political class had come to a “consensus” that accepted neoliberalism’s coordinates and defined electoral races around Culture War issues instead of class war. It is no accident that he was able to yuck it up with the Clintons when they graced us with their presence.

But between this and his multiple PR fiascoes, including his interview with the New York Times Magazine when he said of his administration “no one ever urinated on anybody”, the operative question is why are people going nuts for this guy?

The answer is quite simple. Just like FDR, he made us feel good about ourselves. After an earth-shattering financial crash in 1929, Americans were doubting that America was worth anything anymore, hence the heydays of the various Leftist movements. FDR came into office and knew how to make people feel proud to be Americans again. He did not need to know how Keynesian economics worked, just how to make people smile. Buddy made us proud to be Rhode Islanders. He made us talk about Providence as a city you go to for cultural events as opposed to a rest stop on the way from New York to Boston or Cape Cod. He brought the most extravagant spectacles to town, re-designed the entire waterfront, built up the arts scene, and made the people brag about things they went to on the weekend. Was he corrupt, venal, vain, a political showboat to make the Metropolitan Opera look like a Quaker sing-a-long? Did he get convicted on two separate occasions for felonies? Did he beat his ex-wife’s alleged paramour with a fireplace log and ash tray while the police looked on? Yes, yes, and yes (the movie version of this final event is a key insight to the Cianci phenomenon).

But in the mainstream, who cares? Is FDR remembered for ignoring the plight of European Jews, vetoing anti-lynching legislation, and interning Japanese Americans? No, in the mainstream he is the Cheshire cat grinning ear to ear as he rescues us from calamity, the messiah of liberalism who dies trying to save his country. And as such it shall be with Buddy as the messiah of neoliberalism. The fact he made one final shot at office last election when he was obviously dying of cancer further cements the Roosevelt parallel.

Before there was Obama, there was Buddy. I will not miss the seamier side of his persona. I will also probably continue to pay for his fiscal foul-ups via my taxes for years to come and see the repercussions of his labor policies negatively impact people I care about for even longer. But like Ernest Thayer understood when he wrote Casey At The Bat, there is something to be said for the self-assured superstar, even if he causes a mess in the end. If I were to write his case for sainthood in the Catholic Church, I would try to get him made the patron saint of patronage.

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Workers protest ex-boss’s home at dawn; demand $17,000 in unpaid wages


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Juan Noboa 9857 About 40 people showed up before sunrise at Juan Noboa’s 23 Julian St. residence in the Olneyville section of Providence this morning to demand the payment of over $17,000 in back wages to six employees.

According to organizers, Noboa and his partner, Jose Bren, employed around 15 workers to help open Café Atlantic, a restaurant located at 1366 Chalkstone Ave. between August and September, 2014. Some employees worked up to 70 hours a week, but, according to organizers, “by September 28th, Noboa and Bren closed the restaurant just months after opening and walked away without paying workers their full wages.”

The workers have organized through Fuerza Laboral (Power of Workers) “a community organization that builds worker leadership to fight workplace exploitation.” They have filed complaints with the Rhode Island Department of Labor and have attempted many times to contact the owners with their concerns, but have received no response.

DSC_9790Juan Noboa was a volunteer for Buddy Cianci during his unsuccessful run for mayor last election. During the election Noboa reported Representative Scott Slater to the state police for possible voter fraud after taking video showing Slater, “leaving Kilmartin Plaza, a Providence high-rise for the elderly, with what looked like a ballot.”  The police investigated and cleared Slater of any wrongdoing. Slater issued a statement saying that he recognized the man filming him “as someone who had threatened him in the past.”

According to the Providence Journal, Noboa “is a convicted felon and has been arrested 10 times dating back to March 2000.”

This morning’s action follows last month’s protest outside Gourmet Heaven on Westminster St. downtown. “We see a pattern of Providence-based food establishments intentionally cheating workers of their wages,” said Phoebe Gardener, Community Organizer with Fuerza Laboral.

“It makes me so angry that I am doing everything I can to provide for my family and do my job the best I can and Noboa doesn’t care about anything but making money for himself,” said Flor Salazar, former employee of Café Atlantic in a written statement, “Some of us are single mothers and are barely getting by.”

After chanting in Noboa’s driveway and pounding on his door for about fifteen minutes, the Providence police arrived and moved the protesters onto the sidewalk and into the street. Protesters handed out fliers to neighbors accusing Noboa of theft.

Noboa never came to the door or showed his face in the window.

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PVD mayor’s election: complicated city, not class warfare


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class-warfare-2014In the 2014 Providence mayoral election, municipal unions broke unanimously for Buddy Cianci, as did the Teamsters and others. When a huge margin from the East Side put Jorge Elorza over the top, Cianci’s union supporters immediately called it “class warfare,” saying there were two Providences—the East Side and everywhere else.

The data don’t support this assertion in general or in the particulars. It would be more accurate to say that the two Providences are the northern and western suburban precincts and everywhere else. But even this is too broad truly to capture the results. Like most things in life, it’s complicated.

Who won what by how much?

Alex Krogh-Grabbe, who was an Elorza operative and ran his website, produced this map of precinct level data drawn from the Board of Elections website. This map is different from other maps you might have seen because Mr. Krogh-Grabbe went to the extraordinary effort to hand collate precinct data, which is the only way to render these data into a manipulable format.

(This means he went precinct by precinct, hand copying the results into a spreadsheet or JSON file, then mapping that to precinct boundaries. The heavy lines are not the city’s wards but some sort of neighborhood breakdown. Great will be the day that all these data—precinct results, precinct boundaries, ward boundaries, etc.—are available from the city and state in open data standards. Until then…)

This map shows that there are many cities, or more aptly put, one complicated city. Cianci won most strongly in the most northern and western suburbs; Elorza won most strongly east of the Moshassuck River. In between, there is an interesting and complicated patchwork of support, with more of the city breaking for Elorza than for Cianci.

Look, for example, at the Valley. Two precincts that don’t just abut but seem to over-cross each other, broke more than 20% for each candidate. Likewise, the Jewelry district and Hospital district abut, but broke strongly in opposite directions.

Cianci clearly has support on the South Side, but Elorza countered in Elmwood, the West End and Reservoir. In a shock to many, Elroza took Federal Hill by a narrow margin.

Class warfare? Not so much.

Those crying “class warfare” need to step back and consider that Providence might be more complicated than they’d like it to be. Consider, for example, that Fox Point broke for Elorza by more than 20 percentage points or that Mt. Hope did the same by more than 10. Olneyville, Reservoir, deep in the West End and the brutal section of Smith Hill between Smith and Orms (my first PVD ‘hood) broke for Elorza.  Elorza also won portions of Hartford and Silver Lake. Not one of these neighborhoods fits the profile convenient to the argument that only rich, white people support Elorza.

It could be that the East Side / South Side coalition was a short-lived experiment that won’t be repeated. Or it could be that changing demographics and changing attitudes have produced a new electoral equation in the city. Or it could be that Buddy Cianci made a whole lot of people a whole lot of money during his multiple terms in office, and that money trumps pretty much everything.

Whatever happened in this election, I am certain of one thing: it wasn’t class warfare.

A post-Cianci Providence


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jorge elorzaImagine if there had been a Providence Renaissance in education? Responsive policing since the early 1990s? How many lives would be different? How many lives would still be here?

When my father first heard Cianci was running for office again, he was silent. Shaking his head, he sighed. “Well, everything is going back to normal.”

Normal. Normal in Providence doesn’t have to be synonymous with a nod and a wink. It doesn’t have to be synonymous with job trading, cash payments, hurting children and neglecting neighborhoods. It doesn’t have to be connected individuals – some with a history of violence- calling the shots. It doesn’t have to be razzle-dazzle downtown, and “Buckles” Melise on the side streets.

Cicilline worked hard, and then worked easy, cowardly vaulting to Congress to avoid difficult budgets and real choices. Taveras worked hard to clean up the fiscal mess left by Cianci and Cicilline, before he launched a failed run for Governor. Yet even with all the goofy insider behavior of the last 12 years, there were fewer homicides, and an improving graduation rate.

During Cianci’s last four years as Mayor:

  • there were more homicides in the city than in the past four years.
  • high school graduation rates fluctuated from the low 60s to low 70s.
  • a police chief was forced out of office for running a corrupt department
  • there was more child poverty than in 1989

During his 1990 race, Cianci manipulated people’s religiosity as a tool to gain votes. As he put it in his book, “I was in a close race, and I knew there were a considerable number of pro-life zealots looking for a candidate. I ended up getting a list of pro-life voters from the diocese.” Throughout the 1990s, Cianci repeatedly said he was against adult entertainment, but from 1991-2000, the number of adult clubs in the city grew by 300 percent – from 4 to over 12. This time around, Cianci is vowing opposition to charter schools. Why trust him? Cianci lies for power.

Charismatic and abusive, Cianci has left his mark on the city. He has attracted his share of idealists, but also plenty of the abusive, violent and manipulative.

It is long past time for a new chapter.

Vote Elorza, tell your friends to vote Elorza – and then work like hell to make Elorza deliver for the people and families across Providence.

Cianci needs Fecteau, Williams Metts more than they may know


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fecteauFrom his earliest elections, Cianci builds coalitions of those alienated from the status quo and those who yearn for power, and some people float both camps. For decades, incompetence by the city’s Democratic establishment has created alienated communities – alienation Cianci used to create his own base and his own agenda.

Cianci has left a confusing, tattered, disjointed legacy – cheerleading the city, heralding public works projects, while at the same time undermining Providence’s long-term success through failures in policing and schools. Cianci’s administrations have long balanced the idealists, the power-hungry, and the marginalized. He can’t return to power if one of those groups backs out.

Among the anecdotes I came across in Mike Stanton’s book, one activist from the 1970s was particularly astute, noting Cianci’s outreach to community leaders was based on a simple calculation: “At this point, he needs us.”

And just as in the early 2000s Cianci needed a decent officer like Richard Sullivan to be police chief after the chaos of Prignano, in this decade Cianci needs community populists like Leah Williams Metts and Matt Fecteau to give legitimacy to his return campaign. Cianci needs Alan Shawn Feinstein and Yvonne Schilling to support him.

Cianci worked with many housing activists in the 1970s – and betrayed them once in power. As Michael Stanton wrote, “the director of the office’s Homestead Board…was arrested for defrauding homesteaders seeking to move into abandoned houses that had been acquired by the city. When the police did a routine background check, they discovered that the director had been on parole for kidnapping and rape, and had been when he was hired in 1975. Besides shaking down homesteaders, he had another sideline- running a string of prostitutes who worked the streets of downtown Providence, in sight of City Hall.” (p76)

Same song in the 1980s. By 84, “the Providence Chief of Police, Anthony Mancuso, had held an extraordinary meeting in his office…Council members came away shocked. Mancuso displayed two lists – one of Public Works employees with criminal records, another of Public Works employees with ties to organized crime.” (p187) Though truth be told, it’s hard to imagine how many councilors were really “shocked” by these revelations.

In the 1990s, Cianci promised he never stopped caring. In 1991, Cianci signed agreements with a supporter leasing an old, side street autobody garage shop as a registration building for schoolchildren, for at least $750,000. The lease was up for renewal in 1994. Stanton noted, “When Julia Steiny, a maverick School Board member and East Side playwright, fought the lease, hoping to steer more dollars to impoverished educational programs, she was warned by a school official not to buck City Hall. After the lease was renewed, Cianci dumped her from the school board.” (p258)

These anecdotes are a few of many. There are real splits and divisions in Providence- splits Cianci has used for his own success. Good people have had their hearts broken so many times. Cianci’s charisma hides the truth – he loves power, needs it. And his administration’s record  – inconsistent graduation rates, rising crime, uneven job opportunities, inconsistent policing, blatant corruption -shows he doesn’t deserve another go in office.

More on Cianci:

Votes for the good


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jorge elorzaI’m an idealist. I think that government can be by the people and for the people. It’s why I ran a hard campaign against Gordon Fox and it’s why I am supporting a diverse group of people for public office. There needs to be both a positive change and a counterbalance to the ‘way things are run in Rhode Island’ that seems to be the default reset of our politics.

I invite you to vote for these people, not against others. That said, I’ll also give a few anti-hits because it seems necessary.

FOR Mayor: Jorge Elorza
I first saw Mr. Elorza months ago at the Institute For the Study and Practice of Nonviolence‘s Martin Luther King event. He spoke softly and eloquently. Mr. Elorza is not a blowhard candidate. He doesn’t know how to play the media circus the way a former felon turned talkshow host does. He offers himself, honestly.

AGAINST: Felons who have been convicted of betraying the public trust
The big signs are illegal. The former mayor doesn’t care. It’s a small thing, but it says so much. He’s paid off a rape victim. He’s been convicted of assault. He’s been convicted of running a criminal conspiracy in City Hall. I have a friend who’s been through the penal system, and he’s spent the past few years doing amazing work to redeem himself. This “independent” candidate’s been on a talk show and hasn’t taken responsibility. He laughed at us in his autobiography. Yes, like every other citizen of Providence who lived here during his long tenure, I have some examples of good things that he’s done. But let me ask you this: If you hired a guy as a babysitter to watch your daughter and he invited a bunch of his friends over to your house for a party, and they raided the liquor cabinets, robbed your coin collection and got arrested would you ever hire that guy to watch your daughter? Hello, Providence. It’s one thing to fantasize about good times. It’s another to put a bag over your head and hope that you’re not being led over a cliff.

Robert HealeyFOR Governor: Robert Healey
Yes, I completely disagree with some of his ideas. But the same is true for both of his opponents. What I like about Healey is his honesty and intelligence. He has run his (admittedly brief) campaign with integrity. He will be a complete counterbalance to the anointed dictatorship that exists in the General Assembly. Neither of the other two candidates impress me. Healey answers questions on his website with honesty and without the political trick of saying nothing that will lose you a vote. Is Healey a longshot? Probably. When people talk about wasting a vote, they’re really trying to “game” the system. How about casting a vote that might really game the system?

Catherine TaylorFOR Lt. Governor: Cathrine Taylor
I’ve known Ms. Taylor since her son was at school with my children. She is hardworking, honest, and nice. She will do an excellent job with the non-position that is the Lt. Governor, and if something should happen to the governor, I would gladly support her.

FOR: Attorney General: Dawson Hodgson
Everything Mr. Hodgson has said impresses me. I’m tired of the 38 Studios crowd lingering in government. And having an attorney general who is in direct opposition to the “leadership” in the legislature strikes me as a great option.

marcusFOR City Council, Ward 3: Write in Marcus Mitchell
This is another personal contact. I met Marcus Mitchell when he joined the board of the Friends of Rochambeau. Mr. Mitchell worked hard to bring the Providence Community Library system into existence. No, I don’t know enough about his policies, but I know he’s an earnest man. He’s running against Kevin Jackson, who would otherwise be unopposed. Mr. Jackson hasn’t filed his campaign finance reports, and he has signed onto the Circus Parade to elect a felon. I can’t support that.

FOR City Council, Ward 2: Sam Zurier
If they hadn’t moved the line, I’d still be voting for Sam Zurier. He works hard. If you don’t subscribe to his email newsletter about what’s going on in City Council, you should.

AGAINST Bond Issues
Yes, I want all the good things. But the sitting politicians running for reelection won’t raise taxes to pay for things. Instead, citizens are asked to vote on bonds. Nobody ever publicizes the true cost of these bonds, which adds about $5 million per $10 million to the cost of everything borrowed. There’s $243 million on the table, which will cost us at least $340 million over time. Do the math.

AGAINST Gambling in Newport (and Providence)
Just No.

CONFLICTED on the Constitutional Convention
The fear campaign by the ACLU has worked. I’m frightened of outside interests. I’d like to think that Rhode Island would be immune from their PAC dollars. I want to see stuff change now, rather than at the convenience of the legislature. If there is a convention, I’m running.

Police body cameras a priority for Providence mayoral candidates


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body_cam_top_halfThe People’s Forum, an opportunity for the community most interested in economic and social justice to interview and hold accountable the Providence mayoral candidates, explored some interesting ideas not usually brought up in other forums or debates.

The questionnaires the candidates filled out for the People’s Forum are essentially promises to the community, and as such offer interesting insights into the future of Providence in terms of community safety, violence and economic well being.

One item that frontrunners Jorge Elorza and Buddy Cianci both agreed to concerned the idea of outfitting police officers with video cameras, to be operated under the following guidelines:

The Providence Police Department shall adopt written procedures regarding the use of video and/or audio recording devices such as, but not limited to: dashboard cameras, body cameras, and digital audio recorders. These policies shall be public records and shall include, but not be limited to, the following standards:

a) All stops conducted by police officials with such equipment shall be recorded. The recording shall begin no later than when an officer first signals the vehicle or individual to stop or arrives at the scene of an ongoing stop begun by another law enforcement officer, and the recording shall continue until the stop is completed and the subject departs, or until the officer’s participation in the stop ends.
b) The subject of a stop shall be advised by the officer that the encounter is being recorded.
c) A chain-of-custody record of the recordings shall be maintained.
d) A subject of a stop that was recorded by a video/audio surveillance camera, and/or his or her legal counsel, shall have the right to view and listen to the recording at the police station and to obtain a  copy of the recording involving him or her within ten (10) business days of the request;
e) The policy shall establish a minimum period of retention for such recordings of no less than sixty (60) days, and procedures to ensure that the recording equipment is in proper working order, and shall bar the destruction of any recording related to an incident that is the subject of a pending complaint, misconduct investigation or civil or criminal proceeding. Such recordings shall be retained for a minimum of ten (10) days after the final resolution of such investigation or proceeding, including the time for any appeal;
f) The policy shall explicitly prohibit any violation of these requirements, including any attempts to disengage or tamper with the video/audio surveillance equipment or to otherwise fail to record stops as specified herein;

While on duty and in interaction with the public, police shall be prohibited from using personal audio or video recording devices. Only devices subject to the policy outlined above shall be permitted.

The guidelines above are a good start on the kind of safeguards Providence would have to adopt along with police body cameras. The ACLU has a great breakdown of the various privacy and rights concerns such cameras will inevitably raise, as well as suggestions to help mitigate negative effects.  There is a fair bit of overlap between the ideas suggested by the People’s Forum and the ACLU’s analysis, so developing a smart policy should not be a problem.

Elorza agreed with the need for police to wear cameras, as did Cianci, though Cianci wrote that he sees the cost of buying and maintaining such equipment as requiring “a long term budget that includes projections for buying this type of equipment.” However, given the potential savings in terms of lawsuits and court costs that police body cameras have shown in areas that have tested the concept, there is no question of affordability.

According to German Lopez at Vox:

In New York City, a report from the city’s public advocate found that outfitting the entire police department with body cameras would cost around $33 million. But in 2013, the city paid $152 million as a result of claims of police misconduct. If body cameras could reduce those claims by just one-fifth, the devices would pay for themselves.

Early studies of the effects of police body cameras have been encouraging. In Rialto CA, complaints against officers fell 88% and officer’s use of force dropped 60%.

So it seems that whoever wins the election to become mayor of Providence, police body cameras will become a reality in the next few years.

Welcome to the 21st Century.

Providence mayoral candidates agree on almost everything


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DSC_5399More than 200 people watched as the Providence mayoral candidates took the stage at the Southside Cultural Center on Broad St for The People’s Forum. The candidates were asked about their responses to a questionnaire prepared by various* community groups that addressed three issues of major concern to citizens interested social and economic justice.

The three parts of the questionnaire were:

1. Providence Community Safety Act, an ordinance submitted to the City Council on June 19 that makes our communities safer by protecting civil and human rights and addressing the tension between police and community.

2. Public Money for the Public Good, a policy proposal from community groups and labor unions to make sure that when corporations get tax breaks, workers and the community get concrete benefits like living wage jobs and apprenticeships, money for affordable housing, and accountability.

3. Community Agenda to Address Violence, a comprehensive set of principles and action steps by Concerned Citizens of Providence to address the root causes of violence in our communities by strengthening youth recreation, targeting workforce development initiatives, and improving police-community relations.

DSC_5491The candidates, Democrat Jorge Elorza, Republican Dan Harrop and Independent Buddy Cianci, gave remarkably similar answers to all the questions and largely supported all the suggestions the community groups proposed. Even when the candidates disagreed with the ideas presented by the community, they mostly agreed with each other.

When talking about a living wage, for instance, all three candidates initially opposed the idea, with Elorza saying that raising the minimum wage citywide is impossible under state law, but he would be willing to partner with community leaders to pressure the state to change the statute.

Cianci said that he agrees with Elorza, and thinks a $15 minimum wage is fine, at least for companies that employ more than 3 or 4 people. Harrop rejected the idea of a living wage outright, focusing instead on job creation and tax breaks. This represented the only real policy difference among the three candidates.

Despite being the most controversial figure running for any office in New England, Buddy Cianci got the biggest applause and cheers of the night, just for walking up to the microphone. From my vantage point in the balcony of the theater, it seemed that Cianci supporters were scattered throughout the crowd and ready to rise in applause at a moment’s notice. Whether they were planted there or sincere followers was impossible to tell.

Dan Harrop made the biggest impressions of the night, making the crowd furious by attacking Cianci. “If you want to decrease violence in this city, you cannot have a mayor at City Hall who has a continuous history of violence…” was all Harrop could get out before he was booed and drowned out by the crowd.

Harrop, who is a distant third in the race, has nothing to lose by speaking the truth, and he lately seems to be not so much running for mayor himself as he is working against Cianci. Harrop went so far as to practically endorse Elorza outright, offering to give up 30 seconds of his speaking time so that Elorza might discuss details of his housing plan. When told he could not give up his time, Harrop said that Elorza has a great plan for reclaiming abandoned houses in Providence, one Harrop will steal if elected mayor.

In a race in which the Republican candidate stumps for his Democratic opponent during a campaign event, we’re no longer talking about about issues and ideas. Instead, we’re talking about personalities and public perception, and that gives an advantage to Cianci.

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*Groups such as: DARE- Direct Action for Rights and Equality, Providence Youth Student Movement Prysm Fam, RI JobswithJustice, Mt. Hope Neighborhood Association (MHNA), Ona Vecinos de Olneyville/Olneyville Neighborhood Association, AFSC Sene American Friends Service Committee, Unite Here Local 217, Comité de Inmigrantes en Acción, Black PAC, and the National Lawyers Guild RI Chapter

Buddy Cianci’s Providence: better for whom?


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cianci for whomCianci’s record from the 1990s raises many questions about for whom the city was better for when he was mayor.

“Every few years,” Ian Donnis wrote in the Providence Phoenix at the time, “an incident involving Providence police has provoked outrage and prompted calls for a greater degree of public accountability. In 1992, it was the police beating of a student at Mount Pleasant High School. In 1995, a controversy erupted after an officer was videotaped kicking a man [Corey West] on the ground outside the former Strand club on Washington Street.”

Cianci criticized the violence in both instances. However, the follow-up raises eyebrows.

In the 1995 case, the rookie officer involved kept his position following protests from the union. The chief involved, who faced heavy criticism from the union for moving too quickly to suspend the officer, resigned shortly after. Despite positive words, little was done to change the culture or procedures of the force.

A 1998 Human Rights Watch report reviewed complaints of police abuse in Providence, noting, “During a ride-along with a Providence police sergeant, he … repeatedly mentioned that officers only fear a federal inquiry, not investigations by IAB [Internal Affairs].”

In 2000, community protests and organizing followed the shooting death of Sgt Cornel Young,Jr, a black Providence police officer who was shot dead by two white colleagues who thought he was a suspect and a threat, not a fellow officer off duty trying to help at the scene of a crime.

Ten years ago, Marion Davis wrote a piece in the Phoenix, “Did Cornel Young die in vain?” examining the Providence police early in Cicilline’s first term. Many neighborhood leaders saw halting changes, some saw no difference (as was sadly echoed in this police- run drug ring found during Cicilline’s last term), but some experienced a culture shift.  As Jose Brito, a Southside business owner, saw it:

“We’re not afraid to talk to the police now…we don’t feel they’re the kind of people we have to hate anymore — and believe me, we used to hate them…Now they talk to us as humans, even they have coffee with us, and they’re willing to sit down and spend time talking, and we can tell them complaints that we have. That’s important. Things change when you listen to somebody.”

Times change. Under Taveras, Providence won a regional award for its Community Policing practices, and just graduated its most diverse new officer class ever (even as two new rookies will potentially be  dismissed for larceny). That in itself is a change- now, a rookie involved with theft is dismissed. Under Cianci, a rookie involved with beating a member of the public stayed on the force.

The methods and leadership of the police department now, under Taveras, are better than Cianci’s last term in office, when their were more officers, a better job market, and more homicides.

Cianci tells a great story- but who was his Providence really better for?

Should Buddy Cianci pick Providence’s next police chief?


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cianci_policechief2Cianci was elected three times in the 1990s – why did he wait until 2001, while under federal investigation, to appoint a chief committed to the idea of community policing?

Richard Sullivan, who served as interim chief from 2001-2002, was introduced to the public by Cianci as “Mr. Accountable.” Urbano Prignano, full chief from 1995-2001, was introduced as “a cop’s cop.” Should there be any difference?

Sullivan made the rounds at neighborhood meetings, and two months into the job the interim chief called a summit with community activists. In the short run, the interim chief closed the community policing unit, but did so to revamp community-focused procedures department wide, echoing successful approaches from Boston. Why didn’t Cianci ever ask his previous chiefs to do so?

Under Sullivan, and, indirectly via the pressure from community groups and federal investigation, no longer were Providence cops required to hold onto their weapons at all hours, which some argued contributed to Sgt.Cornel Young Jr’s death. No longer were people paying for promotions or was the chief passing along answers for the police exam. If Cianci was so effective and forward thinking, couldn’t he have put pressure on the department to clean up in 1995? 1996?  1998? 1999? 2000?

Yet, even with true and healthy progress, Sullivan was opposed to efforts to establish the Providence External Review Authority, a civilian panel to look at police abuse complaints. Under his short tenure, the department faced a lawsuit from the ACLU and Attorney General (now US Senator) Sheldon Whitehouse for “failing to comply with a state-mandated racial profiling study.” In a separate incident, Sher Singh, a software engineer who is also a Sikh, was arrested by Providence police shortly after the horrific 9/11 attacks when his Amtrak train arrived in Providence, based on a tip that four suspicious individuals were on the train. Reportedly, one officer taunted, “How’s Osama bin Laden?” After protests from the community and Attorney General Sheldon Whitehouse’s office, Mayor Cianci agreed to have the Providence police drop charges for carrying “a concealed weapon”, a ceremonial dagger worn by Sikhs.

Before his last minute conversion to accountability, Cianci presided over years of policing policies that alienated city residents. Police Chief Bernard Gannon (1991-1995), who spoke out against a videotaped incident of police abuse in 1995 before leaving the city, was sued to release records of the department’s police complaint records. Police Chief Prignano (1995-2001) was sued for policy entrapping and arresting gay men on Empire St, including LGBT rights activist Rodney Davis – in the late 1990s!

Cianci offers happy words (opposing abuse, celebrating equality), but, especially around community policing, he delivered when it was convenient for him, not for the people in the city.

The People’s Forum: a mayoral debate for the people of PVD


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PeoplesForum2

More than a dozen community-based organizations, along with advocates, activists, organizers, students and community leaders are collaborating to ask the mayoral candidates tough questions about the solutions these groups have proposed to fix the most serious problems that plague our city. Too often, politicians continue to express support for the same tired policies that are responsible for expanding the equity divide in our city in the first place. We believe that the people who are facing the problems are the experts on those problems and have common sense solutions. Our politicians should embrace these solutions and you (the public) need to know whether they support these solutions or not.

Each candidate has received a week in advance a detailed questionnaire covering three proposals: the Community Agenda to Address Violence, Public Money for the Public Good, and the Community Safety Act. The candidates have been requested to provide clear “Yes” or “No” responses to each section of the proposal. If they do not provide answers before the forum, their speaking time will be dedicated to getting clear responses.

Community Agenda to Address Violence

Following a five-person shooting in the Chad Brown section of Providence, and in response to a call to action by the Providence branch of the NAACP, a number of concerned community members have been meeting to develop a strategy to effectively address these issues within the Providence and Rhode Island community.  The ultimate fruit of these efforts has been the development of a Community Agenda to Address Violence to serve as a roadmap for success.

Candidates will be asked about their support of each section of the Community Agenda to Address Violence.

Public Money for the Public Good / Public Resources, Our Vision (PROV)

Rhode Island Jobs With Justice has convened a coalition of community organizations, building trades unions, environmental groups, and service sector unions, to develop and call for a uniform set of standards companies receiving public subsidies and operating in the city of Providence have to abide by. We believe that public money should be used to further the public good. During campaign season, we hear a lot of promises of jobs, and development projects that will be good for the city. We want to know where the candidates stand on a list of benefits we see as essential in order to ensure these development projects actually do provide tangible benefits for our communities.

Candidates will be asked about their support of each community benefit proposed of all companies receiving tax subsidies in the city of Providence.

Community Safety Act

The Community Safety Act takes its name from the urgent need to make our communities safer – for our children, our extended families, and our neighbors.  The clear reasonable guidelines for police community interactions that this ordinance includes are basic first steps to reducing anger at police misconduct, increasing trust and communication, and most importantly – shifting the focus from criminalizing people of color, to addressing the root causes that perpetuate violence in our communities.  The Community Safety Act addresses critical areas, including several in which the Providence Police have no existing policies to guide them.  The Act was introduced in the City Council on June 19, 2014 after nearly two years of community-based planning including house meetings, workshops, and a youth forum.

Candidates will be asked about their support of each section of the Community Safety Act.

JOIN US!

Sponsored by: Providence Youth Student Movement (PrYSM), Direct Action for Rights and Equality (DARE), RI Jobs with Justice (JwJ), the Mount Hope Neighborhood Association (MHNA), Olneyville Neighborhood Association (ONA), American Friends Service Committee SENE, Unite Here Local 217, Comité de Inmigrantes en Acción, Black PAC, National Lawyers Guild RI Chapter, Urban League of RI, Rhode Island Young Professionals, Cambodian Society of RI, Southside Cultural Center, Sheila Wilhelm, Eugene Monteiro, Carolyn Thomas-Davis, Keith Catone, Julius Williams. & others.

PeoplesForum

More murders in PVD when Buddy Cianci was mayor


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cianci_murder rateForget the razzle-dazzle of Buddy Cianci incanting the good old days and the paranoia around Achievement First. Consider the character of the man – read Emma Sloan’s harrowing piece – and look at Cianci’s most recent term in office (1999-2002). His record simply doesn’t justify another term.

Despite a larger police force, the capital city had more murders during Buddy Cianci’s last four years in office than the most recent four under Taveras.

From 1999 to 2002, the statistics are stark: 26 murders in 1999, 30 in 2000, 23 in 2001, 23 in 2002. During his 1995-1998 term the numbers of annual murders ranged from 25 to 12. There were 22 murders in 1993 and 21 in 1994.

From 2011 to now, under Mayor Taveras, the homicide rate has varied from 12 in 2011, 17 in 2012, to 14 in 2013. There have been 13 murders this year.

Think about this -even though jobless rates are worse in the city now, even with a smaller force, more transparent, honest police leadership and partnerships have kept murders down. 

According to the San Diego Reporter, just prior to his last term, upon arriving on the scene after a 1998 double-homicide, potentially tied to drug trafficking, Cianci remarked, “Seen one you’ve seen them all.”

Can you imagine Angel Taveras saying that upon arriving at a homicide scene?

Former US Attorneys united: Say ‘no’ to Buddy


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Corrente and Whitehouse

In what one attendee called an “unprecedented” press conference, three former US Attorneys and one expert in governmental ethics held a press conference today to educate the public about the rampant criminality of Buddy Cianci’s two previous turns as Mayor of Providence, with an eye towards preventing a third. Republicans Robert Corrente and Lincoln Almond (who also served as governor of Rhode Island) alongside Democrat and current United States Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, were united in their opinion that a third Cianci administration is, in the words of Corrente, an “alarming prospect.”

Corrente started the press conference by noting that the information being presented was for the undecided voters who will determine the mayoral race in Providence, not for those who have already decided. Cianci, says Corrente, has “minimized and even joked about the crimes he committed in office,” and these crimes include a “violent beating involving a fireplace log and an ashtray.” The head of the Providence City Council during Cianci’s first term told Corrente that, “Cianci is killing the city” through threats, bribery and extortion.

During his second administration, said Corrente, Cianci ran the Providence City Hall as an organized criminal enterprise for nearly a decade before being convicted on RICO charges, yet the former mayor characterized his conviction as “some guy down the hall who took a g-note.” Corrente called Cianci’s statement an “outrageous mischaracterization.”

Lincoln Almond, who joined the press conference by telephone, added, “You don’t get five years for a technical violation.”

Certainly Cianci has served his time for his crimes, but rehabilitation means taking responsibility for and owning up to your misdeeds. Cianci has shown no remorse, said Corrente, and there is every reason to believe that a third term will be exactly like the first two.

Senator Whitehouse concurred, adding that, “one should not believe that this type of criminal activity is harmless to taxpayers.” When the cost of doing business in Providence includes bribery and extortion, business stays away, says Whitehouse, noting that there was a “surge of [business] activity” after Cianci’s tenure as mayor, when business at City Hall could be conducted honestly.

Almond added, “The fiscal problems facing Providence [today] were created during the Cianci administration.”

Phil West, who formerly headed up Common Cause, says that, “the only way [Cianci] can run a city is pay-to-play.” Voters have to ask themselves, “Has Buddy Cianci’s character changed?”

“I find that hard to believe,” said West.

When asked why, despite his criminal record, Cianci is leading in the polls, the three US Attorneys seemed at a loss. Corrente suggested that there may be many who don’t remember the extent of Cianci’s crimes or who moved into the city after the fact. Whitehouse suggested that the public is confusing Cianci’s “entertainment value” for responsible leadership. It was also suggested that many have publicly supported Cianci do so because they are afraid of political retribution should he win.

I think Corrente got closer to the truth when he admitted that many, like the firefighter, police, teacher and taxicab unions, are simply voting in their own economic interest by supporting Cianci. I would add that in my talks with likely voters, many feel that the major party candidates, the Republican Harrop and the Democrat Elorza, do not have the interests of working people and the working poor at heart. The concerns of working people are not being addressed by the major party candidates, forcing voters to consider casting their ballots for a criminal who might help them over “honest” politicians who have flatly declared themselves opposed to their interests.

More and more Rhode Islanders are falling into poverty, and our major candidates for office offer little, save for the promise of making Rhode Island more business friendly in the hope of attracting more low paying jobs at poverty wages. In this light a voter’s ballot is not cast for Cianci, but against a system that doesn’t work for them.

As sympathetic as I am to this logic, voting for Cianci is a mistake. Cianci’s life of criminality and abuse of power is a stain on Providence, and I dare anyone to read Emma Sloan’s piece, “Why one rape victim won’t support Cianci” and still publicly support the man. At a certain point, it’s not about the character of the candidate, but the character of the voter.

Why one rape victim won’t support Cianci


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I was raped when I was 18. We were kissing, and he asked me to take off my pants. I told him I didn’t want to have sex. He assured me he only wanted to touch me with his hands. But once I took them off, he forced his penis inside me, and restrained me when I tried to push him away.

A woman named Ruth Bandlow tells a similar story of a night in 1966.

cianci2She was walking home when a car pulled up. The man inside was Vincent A. “Buddy” Cianci, Jr.

According to her story, he said he knew a friend of hers. Wouldn’t she come home and have a drink with him?

Both parties agree that Bandlow accompanied Cianci home that night. In a New York Times interview, Cianci called the encounter a “togetherness, a one-night stand kind of thing.”

Bandlow’s version, as recounted in this court filing and Mike Stanton’s book “Prince of Providence”, goes a little differently:

When they arrived he offered her a drink—a rum and coke. It quickly made her feel ill. She recalls deflecting his attempts to kiss her and blacking out. When she awoke, he was on top of her. He held a gun to her head and told her not to scream or struggle.

“Look out the window—there’s a ravine there,” Cianci said to Bandlow, according to Stanton’s book. “I could throw your body down there, and no one would ever find you.” After that, she stopped struggling and he raped her.

The court document reveals that when police searched Cianci’s house, they recovered sheets with blood on them and the pistol Bandlow described. Both Bandlow and Cianci agreed to take a lie-detector test. Bandlow passed hers. Cianci failed three times.

The investigators were convinced. It was “one of the most clear cut cases of rape he had ever processed,” said Joe Wilamovsky, an expert working on the forensic investigation of the case, according to the court filing. Stanton quotes Harold Block, the primary officer on the case: “We thought we had everything….We thought we had enough to convict him.”

But Cianci was never charged. Bandlow withdrew her complaint and in quick succession money changed hands. They both admitted this in court documents– $3,000 according to Bandlow. The public never knew of the rape case until July, 1978, while he was in the midst of a campaign for reelection as mayor of Providence. The publication New Times released a detailed and damning article about the case. According to a UPI article from July 10, 1978, Cianci called it “character assassination” and filed a libel suit. He still won the election.

Since then he has been asked about his story many times and discrepancies occasionally appear. During discovery for his suit, when Cianci was asked about the three failed polygraphs described in the police report, he said he only took one and was never told the results. In later testimony for the suit, he said the technician had told him he had nothing to worry about. The story changed again in June, 2013, when he told the New York Times, “I never took three lie-detector tests. I never took any lie-detector test.” But that is not what’s reported in a short article in the Milwaukee Sentinel from March 5, 1966, which says both parties agreed to take a polygraph, according to what Stanton wrote in his book.

There are other unnerving stories in Cianci’s public history when it comes to his treatment of women.

Sheila Cianci, his ex-wife, told her friend Raymond DeLeo about incidents from her marriage. An excerpt from Stanton’s book in the Providence Journal says, she said she was afraid to file for divorce due to his frequent threats: She recalls one instance when he threatened to throw her over the second-floor banister. And she may have had reason to believe he was serious: DeLeo testified under oath that Mrs. Cianci said her husband had once tried to strangle her. If what Mrs. Cianci recounts is true, she was facing severe emotional and physical abuse. She also said she had had to secretly take money from his jacket pockets because he was restricting her access to funds, a form of control known as financial abuse.

Wendy Materna, another long-term partner of Cianci’s, told Stanton she “suffered his verbal abuse.” He was frequently unfaithful to her, she says, and notes that when she went out, she was never alone: “Buddy’s baby-sitters” were everywhere she went. When she decided to leave Cianci, she explained to her mother that he’d “been making [her] cry for nine years.” His reaction, she says, was to threaten her new boyfriend. Stanton writes that he “threatened to plant drugs on her boyfriend and tip off the police … she had heard Cianci say the same thing many times before about political rivals or anyone else who angered him.”

Cianci also tapped her phone, sent his associates to warn her to “behave,” and made repeated appeals to her mother, according to Stanton. Cianci and Materna fell out of touch for a long time, but they have now reconciled. When a Boston Magazine reporter asked her why, her words were not of love or forgiveness; she simply said, “He was the devil I knew.”

According to a Centers for Disease Control report from last month, as many as two thirds of American women have experienced sexual violence and according to the Rape and Incest National Network, only 3 out of 100 perpetrators of sexual violence spend even one night incarcerated. Part of the reason for these statistics is because many victims—perhaps as many as 60%–never bring their assaults to the authorities out of fear or shame. But the real problem is that no one believes them. Even when a rape is reported, according to RAINN, there’s a 75% chance that the rapist won’t be arrested. On our hands we have a national pandemic of the sickest form of violence a human can perpetrate.

And Providence is no exception. A representative of Day One, the only organization in Rhode Island that deals with sexual violence in the community, told me that overall in Rhode Island the climate is improving and people are becoming more aware of the problem. But that awareness is tenuous and needs to be nurtured, and it especially needs a helping hand in Providence: While the Day One representative was able to name a number of initiatives on the state level to improve awareness of and response to sexual violence, when I asked about initiatives taking place in Providence, perhaps by City Hall or in the schools, she was not able to name any. An ER nurse specially trained to do rape kits from Women and Infants Hospital told me that many victims who come in for a rape kit are not believed by the police. Providence clearly needs to take action in reducing sexual violence in our community. But can a man like Buddy Cianci, whose partners have alleged rape and abuse, be the leader we need to help solve these problems?

The CDC report emphasizes the need for prevention in solving this problem, particularly by educating children and teens about healthy relationships using thorough, ongoing programs, both in the community and in schools. Providence currently lacks these programs. Would Cianci take the necessary efforts to establish them seriously?

The CDC also suggests increasing access to the proper services for victims. Day One reports positive interactions with the Providence Police, but based on the W&I nurse’s report, they still need better training in responding to sex crimes. Day One has also been trying to expand their services, but they could use more funds. There is a large number of victims who need their services, especially in Providence, where rates of sexual violence are very high, partly due to human trafficking. Peg Langhammer, Executive Director of Day One, says in a recent video that “there hasn’t been a coordinated community response to this issue [of child sex trafficking].” It is Day One, not City Hall, who are taking the initiative in trying to fill this need. Is someone like Cianci going to take the need for greater efforts on the part of City Hall seriously? Can a man who is himself prone to violence effectively campaign to reduce violence?

My rapist walks free, as does the man Ruth Bandlow accused. When Nancy Laffey, a reporter for Milwaukee’s Channel 12, interviewed Bandlow in 1977, she showed her Cianci’s yearbook photo. She burst into tears, saying, “I can’t even look at him.”

I often think of her now as I walk or drive around the city, and I see sign after sign with his face and his name looming over the streets and sidewalks. To endorse a man is to forgive his past actions. Those who post the Cianci signs are forgiving what police considered strong evidence of a rape and stories from partners who said they were in physical and emotional pain living with him–not to mention a conviction for kidnapping and torture.

With their signs, they are saying none of that matters. The signs, and Buddy Cianci’s lead in mayoral-campaign polls, are symbols of the apathy the public feels towards rape victims. Peg Langhammer of Day One says that “it takes an entire community to effectively respond to this issue.” Cianci won’t respond. His supporters who hang his signs are declaring they won’t either.

Rape victims hide in plain sight. They are the men, women and children all around you; they are people you love living in silence. Ninety-seven percent of us walk around knowing our perpetrator is still out there. When we see those signs, we hear their voice in our heads, reminding us of what we fear most: “You don’t matter. You are nothing. I have all the power and I always will.”

Electing Cianci mayor, giving him power over our city once again, will make our fear a reality.

 

Sources:

(Note: all material attributed to “Buddy, we hardly knew ya” from the July 24, 1978 issue of New Times is taken from secondary sources, as the original article is not available for free online.)

  • Breiding, Matthew J., Smith, Sharon G., Basile, Kathleen C., Walters, Mikel L., Chen, Jieru, and Merrick, Melissa T. “Prevalence and Characteristics of Sexual Violence, Stalking, and Intimate Partner Violence Victimization – National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, United States, 2011.” Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 5 Sep, 2014. Web. 25 Sep, 2014.
  • Cianci v. New Times Publishing Company McA a Z. United States Court of Appeals, Second Circuit. 27 Oct. 1980. OpenJurist. Web. 3 Oct. 2014.
  • Day One Addressing What Matters. Perf. Peg Langhammer, Amy Battersby. DayOneSocial, 2014. YouTube.
  • “Day One Representative.” Telephone interview. 10 Oct. 2014.
  • Goldman, Andrew. “Why Would You Wish That on Me?” New York Times 23 June, 2013 Sunday Magazine: MM12. Web. 03 October 2014.
  • Milkovitz, Amanda. “A Window on Child Sex Trafficking in Rhode Island.”Providence Journal. Providence Journal, 17 May 2014. Web. 14 Oct. 2014.
  • “Reporting Rates.” RAINN. Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network, n. d. Web. 24 Sep. 2014.
  • “Sexual Assault Evidence Collection.” Day One Volunteer Training. Day One, Providence, RI. June 2012. Lecture.
  • Stanton, Mike. The Prince of Providence: The Rise and Fall of Buddy Cianci. New York: Random House. 2003. Print.
  • UPI. “R. I. Mayor Cianci Denies Alleged Rape Incident.” The Nashua Telegraph 10 Jul. 1978: 36. Web. 03 Oct. 2014
  • van Zuylen-Wood, Simon. “The Ballad of Buddy.” Boston Magazine Oct. 2014. Web. 03 Oct. 2014.

Why ProJo changed my bio on “Why Cianci’s Conviction Matters” piece


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ProjoWhen ProJo ran my opinion piece, “Why Cianci’s conviction matters,” I knew what to expect.  Someone would probably bring up my past in an effort to shoot the messenger.  I figured it would be a Cianci supporter, or even a staffer, as any political campaign will typically have a comprehensive media strategy.  Perhaps it would be someone troubled by my community involvement.  The ironic part is it came from a left-leaning civil rights attorney who is actually reinforcing my message.

Oftentimes, one’s criminal history and the job they seek have little relation. Someone who sold drugs as a teenager may be a great chef, mechanic, or accountant. As a society, we should embrace those skills rather than send someone back into exile. And nothing is gained by continually referring to them as a “drug dealer” or “ex-con.”  Someone who was responsible for a financial scandal or someone who molested children, however, will naturally give us pause when hiring them around money or kids. It’s really that simple. This is the nuance advocates must use to counter the alarmists who would prefer to keep barriers in place.

The discussion around Buddy Cianci as a “twice convicted felon” has gone without nuance, and totally conflated issues regarding people like us who may need a second or third chance. My ProJo piece was a brief attempt to provide some clarity, and to put Cianci’s job application in context of thousands in Providence who have convictions.  I actually think he will be elected anyway, so its not an election I’m trying to influence but an issue I seek to discuss more intelligently than simple bashing and name-calling.

A Letter to the Editor followed my tepid piece on Buddy’s conviction in office (and I did not even get into his other alleged and admitted abuses of power).  In response, the ProJo altered my bio to include my murder conviction, as this constitutes “brief biographical data that might color a writer’s views.”  Color it how, one may ask?  My bio had already included my work in supporting people like Cianci, and myself, having the right to work.

Naturally there will be many who feel that my conviction history and time in prison is relevant to my position.  They may wonder what makes me a “criminal justice expert” beyond my years as an advocate, organizer, and my law degree. They might ask, as someone who fights so hard for the struggles of those of us with convictions, such as Buddy and myself, why I would not simply advocate for Buddy as “one of us.”  But others might find my history as relevant because they wish to muddy the message.

Clearly those seeking to sully a writer’s name are trying to undermine the content of the writing.  If I am a poor writer, don’t read it.  If my facts are wrong, seek a correction.  If my analysis is wrong, debate it.  But any effort that basically condemns my right to write, and my right to share, is not far from saying Buddy Cianci has no right to work.  As a limited public figure, I am open to criticisms.  If I worked for an organization, obviously it should be identified so our agenda can be a factor.

Buddy has been highly paid for his opinions on the radio, and I think that has been a perfect job for him since his release from prison.  He has added to the public discourse and clearly has a point of view to enrich many political discussions.  I, on the other hand, have not been paid for my opinions at all, nor for the learning that fuels the analysis.  Not by the ProJo, RI Future, or any of the other spaces through which I have shared.

If my conviction for interpersonal violence prohibits me from sharing an opinion from within the confines of my own home, how is that a Cianci supporter can justify a conviction for malfeasance in office not disqualify a man from working in that same office?

Cianci didn’t win debate, neither did Elorza; Harrop had best lines


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elorza debateBuddy Cianci was the biggest presence on the stage, but that doesn’t mean he won the WPRI/Providence Journal mayoral debate Tuesday night. Or picked up many undecided voters, which is probably the only definition of ‘winning’ that really matters.

Cianci stuttered at times, he misspoke – or perhaps lied? – often and raised the ire, at one point or another, of nearly everyone on the stage. He’s never been one to care much for rules, and moderator Tim White had his work cut out for him in keeping him in line.

When talking about crime, Cianci suggested there were 15 shootings in 19 hours over the weekend. In fact there was 1 stabbing and 5 shootings. He claimed community policing thrived when he was mayor, but Ian Donnis of RIPR quickly tweeted a link to a 1999 Phoenix article of his that indicates it was “marginalized.” When panelist Ted Nesi asked, “Do you agree your failure to fund the pension system” is part of Providence’s fiscal problem, Cianci stammered his way through an answer.

He seemed like an old man, quite frankly, past his prime. But like Derek Jeter, Buddy Cianci has the potential to hit a walk off in his last home at bat.

Jorge Elorza, on the other hand, was more like a young Jeter: crisp and on message. He harped often on moving the city beyond Buddy. “Let’s leave behind the corruption,” he said. Mentioning incentives to help police officers live in the city and transforming school buildings into neighborhood community centers, he said, “I want Providence to be a city of opportunity.”

Elorza certainly had fewer gaffs than Cianci, but he had fewer winners, too. When Elorza mentioned increasing exports from the waterfront, Cianci retorted, “What are you going to export, used cars?”

But if one-liners determined victory, then Republican Dan Harrop was the hands down winner. When asked if he would drop out, he spun one of the biggest unknowns of the election into a Republican talking point. “I could fall, break my hip and [the Republican chair] could appoint Bob Healey to run in my place”

Harrop also may have made the most progressive statement of the night when he said, “I think it is immoral that we are asking our children to enter these” school buildings.

Elorza said he wants “be remembered as the person who turned around these schools.” But in order to do that, he’s first going to have to be remembered as the one who beat Buddy Cianci.

Why PVD Teachers Union is wrong to support Cianci


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CianciMaribeth Reynolds-Calabro, the president of the Providence Teachers Union, says her group is [sic]”progressive and solutions-driven and steadfastly committed to teacher’s rights.” You could have fooled me.

Based on its recent endorsement of Vincent A Cianci, Jr for mayor of Providence, the labor union’s executive board seems blind to the past, and ignores the present. Some connected teachers may well get better perks from Buddy (while many others grow jaded, leave the profession or fight like hell for their kids) but Providence has every reason to assume that Cianci will be bad for children, families, and dedicated teachers, as he was before.

Between 1989 and 1999, child poverty in Providence increased from 35% to 40%. During the same time, if you look at South Providence and the West End in particular, child poverty increased from 42% to 49%, and the city’s median household income declined by 7%.

Not enough numbers? Records from the RI Department of Education are hardly uplifting. In the 1997-1998 school year, the Providence high school graduation rate was 68.46%. In the 1998-1999 school year, the graduation rate was 71.4%.  In 1999- 2000, the graduation rate was 63.04%. In 2000-2001, the rate was  63.74%. In 2001-2002, the rate was 72%. At best, Cianci’s record is dramatically inconsistent, as graduation rates were marked by rapid fluctuations between the low 60s and low 70s.

According to RI Kids Count, “the high school graduation rate among Hispanic youth in the class of 2010 was 66%, lower than the overall Rhode Island high school graduation rate of 76%.” Children and families need this to move forward. What in Cianci’s record shows he has the skills to do so consistently?

For a dedicated teacher’s point of view of the Cianci era, check out Carole Marshall’s memoir- Stubborn Hope, about her time teaching English at Hope High School.

What about facilities? Can we trust Cianci to champion and oversee a true overhaul of city facilities? As Mike Stanton once wrote in the Providence Journal, “Since 1991, the Providence School Department had leased ..[a] former body shop at 400 West Fountain St. as a registration center for new students. The lease had generated controversy. The city’s impoverished school system paid more than $1 million for a building that was drafty and dreary, with concrete floors and inaccessible bathrooms. Critics pointed out that the city could have bought a better building for a fraction of the inflated rent it was paying. A reform-minded School Committee member tried to get out of the lease when it came up for renewal in 1994. But she was told not to buck City Hall.”

Do I need to mention the police testing scandal and repeated complaints of abuse?

For any group of professionals, with a straight face, to claim that Cianci “clearly understands the needs of our district” willfully ignores the real damage and hurts caused by his actions and inactions in neighborhoods where thousands of public school children live.

Remember, this “teacher” endorsement doesn’t come from a vote of union members, but a vote of the 13 person executive board. Not a single member of the executive board has a Latino or Asian American surname despite the fact that 68% of the current student body and families are Latino and Asian American. This PTU executive board is not reflective of, or reflecting on, the reality of Providence today.

Providence teachers deserve a union responsive to their needs and the needs of students and families. Providence residents need a responsive teachers’ union interested in actual solutions. Hitching on to the Cianci train is a ticket to nowhere good, and fast.

Cianci’s robocall peddles falsehoods and prejudice


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CianciHow does a person who has twice embarrassed the great city of Providence by losing their job as mayor due to felony convictions convince people to give them a third chance to screw over the city? First, such a person must hold such a low opinion of the voting public that they seriously think of themselves as a viable candidate. Second, the candidate must then do everything they can to paint their opponent as something worse than someone who has twice been caught violating the public’s trust.

Vincent Cianci has attempted to solve this unique problem by branding his opponent, Jorge Elorza, as an atheist eager to impose his disbelief in God on unsuspecting children in our public schools. In a robocall delivered to those Providence area homes that still have landlines, listeners were given the following false choice:

Buddy Cianci believes that there needs to be a separation of church and state and teaching about God’s existence, or non-existence, has no place in our public schools. Who do you agree with? Press “1” if you agree with Cianci that teaching about God’s existence or non-existence, does not belong in schools. Press “2” if you agree with Jorge Elorza that it would be acceptable to teach in schools that there is no God.

Cianci’s robocall is referencing a paper from 2010 in which Elorza speculates on the limits of secularity in public schools. In this paper, Elorza is careful to outline three different ways in which to understand God, theist, deist and memist. At the end of his paper Elorza concludes that schools could theoretically teach that the theist God does not exist, but that the deist and memist Gods would be constitutionally protected. Says Elorza,

Deism allows for individuals to search for answers to the transcendental and ultimate questions of life. And memism allows for people to live according to any particular moral code and to worship God as they see fit. The core features that give religion its special significance in people’s lives remain entirely intact.

Elorza’s paper was a philosophical and legalistic think piece, not a policy paper for the advancement of atheist ideals. Nowhere in this paper does Elorza seek to oppose the protections of the First Amendment or violate the tenet of separation of church and state. Cianci’s robocall is a crass attempt to divide people on religious grounds, playing on our prejudices and fears.

On this site, I speculated, in response to Elorza’s paper, that Elorza might be an atheist, and I chided the candidate for unfairly characterizing his paper as a defense against “angry atheists” during a debate with Michael Solomon on Channel 12. Elorza may or not be an atheist. Cianci may or may not be a Catholic. In truth, the religious beliefs of the candidates do not matter. What matters is character, and an assessment of the previous actions of the candidates as pertains to how they may perform in the future.

By this measure, Cianci is the clear loser. Twice convicted of serious crimes performed while in office, Cianci has twice demonstrated his inability to lead this city. His candidacy for a third go at the job is an insult to the voters of Providence, and his robocall demonstrates the depths of his dishonesty.

Jorge Elorza is the clear choice for mayor of Providence.


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